Search

Copyright of Specula is the property of SPECULA UCV and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The debate over practices of physician-assisted suicide, euthanasia and other end-of-life questions is still ongoing in many countries around the world. At least, as of 2024, only 15 countries had varyingly legalised it under very specific, regulated conditions, while many more still view it as an extremely complex issue that, amongst other things, conflicts with their deeply held religious beliefs. Premised on their belief in the image of God as the source of human life, most monotheistic religions, but Christians in particular believe in the preservation of human life to its natural end. However, the unquestionable reality of this traditionally-held Christian belief does not preclude the rare reality where terminally ill Christians themselves, upon suffering excruciating pain, begin either to desire some form of a hastened death overtly or covertly. Under such conditions, however, pastoral therapists in particular lack the aptitude to openly initiate practical dialogues with patients, be it in the spirit of Ubuntu or to concretise the Christian position. That being said, the purpose of this article is to prepare Christian pastoral therapists in particular and the counselling profession in general to openly handle cases where agonising human suffering leads to suicidal thoughts or actions. In order to achieve this, the paper, through the use of literature reviews and desktop studies, draws on literature encompassing specific biblical instances in which not only physical suffering, but also mental suffering somehow led to suicidal events. The African concept of Ubuntu is then integrated into Christian humanism to promote pastoral therapeutic dialogue which may enrich Christian self-knowledge about the sacredness of human life, despite the urge of suicide or euthanasia. As per Christian humanism framework, Christian self-knowledge is inspired by the excruciating suffering of Jesus Christ on the cross. All things considered, pastoral therapy is endowed with the ability to present the image of God in human suffering while rejecting the urge for euthanasia or suicide. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Scripta Theologica is the property of Servicio de Publicaciones de la Universidad de Navarra, S.A. and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The creation of a Centre for Cultural Witness at Lambeth Palace, to serve the Church of England within an ecumenical partnership that already stretches across Europe, offers an opportune time to reflect upon the place—even the meaning—of "culture" in witness of the church. The analysis presented here identifies three senses in which that term might be applied to witness: as that from which the witness comes, that through which it comes, and that to which it comes. At least in theory, a strong cultural emphasis might (or might not) be placed on each of these dimensions independently. However, while this may prove to be a useful distinction, it risks perpetuating an assumption that churches, and Christians, stand outside the culture of those they address, speaking as if from beyond it. In the second half of this paper, I work, instead, from the recognition that the Christian speaks from a position of a shared creaturehood, shared humanity, and—in myriad ways—a shared culture. Approached that way, the mission of the church can fruitfully be seen as witness to a theologically specific understanding of that which is shared. I conclude with the suggestion that this can be ably resourced from the broad tradition of a Platonic "Christian humanism". [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

What unites Joseph Ratzinger / Benedict XVI to the French is ressourcement, a controversial movement that initiated a brilliant reorientation of Catholic thought and teaching in the twentieth and twenty-first centuries. In the light of the significant work that has already been done on Ratzinger's original contribution to Vatican II, the objectives of the present paper are, first, to situate him as theologian and Christian humanist at the heart of the ressourcement movement and to evaluate his work for peace and harmony in the confines between past and present. It attempts to illuminate a way forward for the Church, based on the anthropological, philosophical, and spiritual foundations of the new Christian humanism of the ressourcement project, championed by the French and their German allies. Secondly, the paper seeks to document the influence of notable, twentieth-century, French Catholic thinkers, theologians and philosophers, on Ratzinger's thought and future contribution to Church and culture on a global stage, with particular attention to Yves Congar, Henri de Lubac, Jean Daniélou (1905-74), and Jacques Maritain (1882-1973).1 Thirdly, it presents a fresh consideration of his vision of the Church, his contribution to the ecclesiology of the Second Vatican Council, and of the turbulent post-conciliar period. The key goals in this domain are, therefore, to articulate Ratzinger's spirituality and his preponderant contribution to theological anthropology, using the lens of Vatican II. This is a point of some considerable importance and fills a critical lacuna in Catholic theology. As a pertinent comment of Congar's makes clear. "For there is little awareness of the values of anthropology; we have created an ecclesiology without any anthropology".2 Like Congar, Ratzinger sought to construct a theological anthropology concerned to serve the pastoral needs of the Church but without neglecting its cultural and social elements. Spirituality and anthropology are then, unsurprisingly, as luminous, intricately interwoven threads that permeate and fortify his entire theological edifice. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of International Thematic Scientific Conference Fundamental Researches is the property of International Association of Social Science Methodologists and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

One of the most important terrains of the European search for new ways in politics between the two world wars was the debate on the reorganization and tasks of the state and, within it, of the economy and society. This topic dominated academic discourse in the 1920s and 1930s. The thinkers who sought answers--economists, philosophers, historians, sociologists, and ecclesiastics--could build on the work of early predecessors, reaching back as far as Thomas Aquinas's "organic view of society," later embodied in the economic and political theory of Jesuit solidarism. The common feature of the theories that emerged in the interwar period was that they approached the construction of the state not from the point of view of the individual, but from that of social groups. Vid Mihelics, a prominent exponent of these ideas in Hungary, devoted his journalistic, scientific, and political activities to the Hungarian Catholic revival. His interests focused on social issues and related teachings of the Church. His writings sought solutions through the ideas of Christian humanism, which for him was "the inalienable essence of true Europeanism." His writings can help us better understand how interconnected Hungarian intellectual life was with European trends in the interwar period. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Antikvitás & Reneszánsz is the property of MTA-SZTE Antikvitas es Reneszansz, Forrasok es Recepcio Kutatocsoport and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Till We Have Faces is profitably read at three levels: for its surface story, as a crime drama, and as an exploration of the theological mystery of grace. By transposing the myth of Psyche into the mystery genre, Lewis prepares the reader for Orual's unreliability as a narrator and lures the reader into the novel's theological depths. Part Two of the novel contains a series of visionary labors which Lewis borrows from Lucius Apuleius but recasts as feats achieved jointly by Orual and Psyche. The theological reading in this article finds textual support for rereading Part One of the novel as depicting Orual, by grace, unknowingly performing Psyche's labors. Read thusly, the novel is a working out of Lewis's belief that God can change the past—that grace can reach back into our histories and retell our story. By ascribing to the mutability of the past, Lewis sidesteps the dispute among various branches of Christianity over whether prevenient grace (the grace that pursues us prior to conversion) is both irresistible and salvific. An examination of four sources of grace in Orual's life (love of beauty, love of wisdom, religious practice, and bereavement) reveals that what would have been common grace in her life becomes salvific as it leads to her redemption. This exposition also shows the novel's indebtedness to the many classical Greek sources to which Lewis alludes within it, as well as its affinity with some of the ideas of Simone Weil. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article looks at the transfer of knowledge between Judaism and Christianity in the Renaissance, a period characterized by the encounter of different cultures and belief systems. In particular, it will focus on the Christian Kabbalah, which channels various philosophical and sapiential traditions into a universal, and at the same time, plural vision of wisdom. This convergence of ideas resulted, on the one hand, in the elaboration of translations, adaptations, and vulgarization of Jewish texts and, on the other, in the development of new interpretations. This is a characteristic of the collected writings of Pierleone of Spoleto, which involved the transformative communication of Jewish translators and the creative reception of Christian humanists. Of these manuscripts, we will examine the annotations concerning the sefirot , which are an excellent example of the reinterpretation of Jewish thought through a typically humanistic perspective. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Radovi Zavoda za znanstveni rad Varazdin is the property of Institute for Scientific Work in Varazdin, Croatian Academy of Sciences & Arts and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Co-herencia is the property of Universidad EAFIT and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Orientamenti Pedagogici is the property of Pontificio Ateneo Salesiano (Facoltà di Scienze dell'Educazione dell'Università Pontificia Salesian) and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Revista de Derecho Politico is the property of Editorial UNED and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The conduct of an individual should be based on moral values, which should not be subject to relativisation, that is, they should not depend on the situation and conditions, but should be treated as absolute values - on which the whole of social life is based. For Christian democrats, an important value is man, created by God in his image and likeness, equipped with freedom, consciousness and elementary rights, among which the right to life from conception to natural death is essential. Among the priority values (besides respect for life and the institution of the family) are work, private property, solidarity and responsibility. The principles of social solidarity and the common good should be a bulwark against class egoism. Consumerism is criticised as an attitude that leads to the pursuit of material goods and at the same time to the distortion and reduction of human dignity. The aim of this paper is a historical and critical analysis of the concept of democracy in the context of the social teaching of the Church. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Christianity-World-Politics / Chrzescijanstwo-Swiat-Polityka is the property of Uniwersytet Kardynala Stefana Wyszynskiego w Warszawie and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

I draw attention to a consistent but sometimes overlooked trait in John Donne's sermons (delivered between 1615 and 1631): his effort to enumerate and defend the powers of preachers. Donne regularly emphasizes the preacher's obligation to speak boldly to all members of the congregation and to set forth a message of repentance and consolation. This constant feature of Donne's preaching, moreover, offers insight into his ambiguous political ideals. Donne cites the preacher's duties in order to authorize his efforts to define England and its established church as privileged sites of honest counsel and amicable debate. He uses his visible, venerable position in the pulpit to recall and embody Christian humanist ideals of good advice and orderly dialogue, urging England to set aside factional strife at a time of increasing sectarian discord. Yet, while Donne powerfully articulates his vision, his idealism proves increasingly outmoded as the British Isles lurch toward the catastrophe of the Civil Wars. [J.W.] [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In the first half of the sixteenth century, Desiderius Erasmus had a disputation over the problem of free will with Martin Luther: Luther denied free will as a human power and admitted absolute necessity. Erasmus, on the contrary, argued that human had the power of free will. However, the dialogue Inquisitio de fide that Erasmus wrote before the disputation showed his sympathy towards Luther's fundamental doctrines of Christianity. He even regarded Luther as an ally that shared his position. This article investigates the inner logic of Erasmus' position by three parts: The first part argues that Erasmus wished to establish a community of faith that is based on a horizontal continuity by his dialogue. The second part demonstrates that Erasmus' human-divine relationship, as well as the tension between free will and grace, showed a vertical continuity. The final part illustrates that there was a foundation of continuity in Erasmus' Philosophia Christi, which was the essence of his Christian humanism. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article discusses how issues of doubt and scepticism were addressed during the history of the Reformation, citing as examples disagreements between Luther and Erasmus. It focuses on the less familiar figure Sebastian Castellio, whose disagreements with John Calvin put his life at risk. He took a stand against all the leading Reformers who understood themselves to be the chosen proclaimers of a single true Protestant teaching and considered every deviating opinion or critical question to be a betrayal of God's work and of God's renewed Church. His last, incomplete book, 'On the Art of Doubting and of Believing, of Not Knowing and of Knowing' was written in exile in Basel. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In the first half of the sixteenth century, Desiderius Erasmus had a disputation over the problem of free will with Martin Luther: Luther denied free will as a human power and admitted absolute necessity. Erasmus, on the contrary, argued that human had the power of free will. However, the dialogue Inquisitio de fide that Erasmus wrote before the disputation showed his sympathy towards Luther’s fundamental doctrines of Christianity. He even regarded Luther as an ally that shared his position. This article investigates the inner logic of Erasmus’ position by three parts: The first part argues that Erasmus wished to establish a community of faith that is based on a horizontal continuity by his dialogue. The second part demonstrates that Erasmus’ human-divine relationship, as well as the tension between free will and grace, showed a vertical continuity. The final part illustrates that there was a foundation of continuity in Erasmus’ Philosophia Christi, which was the essence of his Christian humanism. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Miscelanea Comillas is the property of Universidad Pontificia Comillas and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Many scholars have sought to understand renaissance culture in terms of self-fashioning, a concept that sees the sixteenth-century preoccupation with imitation and performance as symptoms of a desire to conform outwardly to social expectations. Historians of Tudor England and biographers of Thomas More, influenced by this concept, have despaired of discovering the "true" Thomas More behind a bewildering array of self-fashioned masks that More "wore" as both an author and public figure. Recent scholarship seeks to show the coherence of More's character, despite the fact that his life and writings do not fit neatly into contemporary scholarly categories. Understanding More as a "Christian Humanist" and focusing on More's intervention in a controversy between his friends Erasmus and Dorp, this study positions More as engaging in typological emulation, whereby in imitating the correspondence of Jerome and Augustine, he seeks to embody more perfectly the ideal of the Christian orator. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Asprenas is the property of Verbum ferens srl. and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Baltic Journal of Art History is the property of University of Tartu Press and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The article is divided into two parts. In the first part, the prophetic dimension of the pontificate of Pope Francis ad extra is discussed in the universal prophetic perspective - Christian revolution of revolution - as a hope for the world. In the context of this more general topic, the Pope's understanding of humanity on a historical turning point and a change of a historical epoch, various crisis characteristics of today's world, society, and culture, especially cultural, social, and anthropological crisis, is discussed. Among individual topics, more attention is given to economy of exclusion and inequality, i.e., to socio-economic inequalities that mark today's society. The main programmatic perspectives of the pontificate of Pope Francis are touched upon and the emphasis is put on the prophetic characteristic, such as the preferential option of the Church for the poor, culture of Christian mercy and solidary humanism. The globalisation of indifference is pointed out. This indifference strikes not only those who are excluded from society, culture, and economy, but all people devoid of the sense of empathy and ability to stand in solidarity with others. A special attention is given to Pope's call to cultural revolution, the revolution of mercy and the globalisation of hope, to his advocacy for the integral and solidary human development in which the idea of Christian mercy would triumph over the all-present decadent humanism. In the second part, in a theological-pastoral evaluation, the starting points, perspectives, and inspirations of the prophetism of Pope Francis: contemplative-practical spirituality of discernment, radical following of Jesus Christ, kerygmatic Christology and historical soteriology, and teachings and guidelines of the Second Vatican Council are brought to the fore in the work of Latin American bishop conferences of post-conciliar period, theology of the people, social-cultural theology, and pragmatism of the social teaching of the Church. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Franciscanum is the property of Universidad de San Buenaventura and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This essay seeks to propose a new way of looking at the so-called mysticism of Meister Eckhart as a 'scholastic humanism' Eckhart's thought is "humanist" in the sense that it argues that all truth is such only insofar as it is appropriated by and transforms intellectually and existentially the individually existing human being; but Eckhart's humanism is scholastic insofar as it sees the truths of scholastic philosophy and theology as being firmly rooted in this lived and inner appropriation of truth. To this end, this essay explores the ways in which Eckhart "translates" the often static and abstract categories of Aristotelian-Scholastic theology into what he argues is their lived, inner origin in the soul's journey to union with God. And what makes this appropriation of truth by the individual human being possible is that the inner "ground" of the human existence is also the inner "ground" of God, the principle of all existence, an identity revealed and actualized in the incarnation of Jesus Christ. Thus, Eckhart's "scholastic humanism" is also a thoroughly Christian humanism. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article will begin with a discussion of the distinctive ways in which the notion of Christian perfection is understood in Southern African Methodism by reflecting on how Methodists in Southern Africa have understood, perhaps even misunderstood, the emphasis on "social holiness" as a Christian response to the oppression of colonialism and apartheid on the African continent. It is contended that this understanding could be classified as a form of African Christian humanism. In order to show this, the article will highlight aspects of Christian humanism and the African worldview that correlate with Southern African appropriations of Methodist and Wesleyan theology. Reference is made to Nelson Mandela's faith, which was formed within this theological framework. He developed his own faith in response to significant Black South African Methodists (such as the founders of the African National Congress, the founder of the Pan African Congress, and the founders of the Black Methodist Consultation) and Methodist communities (such as Churches, schools and chaplaincies). The paper argues that humanism, which has its roots in Christian theological and social ethics, became distinctively African through the work and witness of Southern African Methodists. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In the last forty years, two humanistic movements in China have been noteworthy: one is the debate concerning Humanism in the 1980’s and the other is the so-called Leo Strauss fever in this century. While the former aims at the fact that every person should not only be a person who belongs simply to any kind of collective communities, the latter makes it manifest that every person should not be satisfied with himself as a qualified one in this modem age of sophisticated specialization of labor. Obviously, they both teach the lesson that man must (endeavor to) live as a humanistic man who is more than a qualified one in his times and for his times. And similarly, a promised Chinese Christian humanism in the framework of Sino-Christian theology should encourage Chinese Christians to participate in the activities of their Churches much more actively. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Scholarly discussions on what constitutes Christian humanism in the Renaissance and Reformation periods have typically concentrated on its manifestations before 1536, when Erasmus died. In this period, the old arguments for the reading of the Classics once set out by Basil and Augustine still predominated. Calvin’s teaching on the Fall and the noetic effects of sin, however, provided another basis for the incorporation of pagan thought into Christian learning. Christians who followed Calvin benefited from his precise and comprehensive theological position on the place of worldly knowledge in God’s original creation as a means for justifying their study of the Classics. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In 1551, a resident English Dominican, Richard Marshall, sparked a fierce controversy in St Andrews, Scotland, by arguing in a sermon that the Lord’s Prayer, the ‘Our Father’, should be prayed to God only and not to the saints. According to John Foxe, the dispute led to much cursing, a regional synod, and one Franciscan fleeing the city in disgrace. The St Andrews quarrel was one of many controversies about prayer in sixteenth-century Europe. Why was prayer such a contentious topic? Scottish prayer controversies revealed a fundamental struggle between traditional and reformist views over the value of ritual in relating to God. Protestants like George Wishart, Catholic reformers like Marshall and Archbishop John Hamilton, and more radical ‘devotional humanists’ like the poet, Sir David Lindsay, proclaimed new understandings of prayer that undermined the structures of traditional devotion by pitting the personal and vernacular aspect of prayer against priestly Latin ritual. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper analyzes a little-studied aspect of Bishop Alonso de Cartagena (1485-56): that of a theologian embroiled in a polemic dispute with Pero Sarmiento and Marcos García de Mora, organizers of the Toledan anti-converso riots of 1449. In this dispute, Cartagena demonstrates a formidable dialectic force, which he develops in his treatise Defensorium Unitatis Christianae. His theological discourse would become a battleground in which, Bible in hand, he revealed the belligerent, irrational and, at the same time, ideological and heretical nature of his adversaries’ arguments. Cartagena represents the critical conscience of the conversos of his time and epitomizes an ambitious and valiant Christian humanism in his attempt to save the unity of Christian society from the cultural and social rift the Toledan crisis clearly embodied. His originality lies in having understood the importance of language as a medium and, therefore, the need to neutralize the “virus” inside it: the preconceived and artificial conceptions that the Toledo rebels had of conversos. Furthermore, his assertion that the papacy should maintain full control of the punishment of heretics led him to suggest repeatedly to John II of Castile that matters of faith did not concern the civil authorities. His role as a theologian reveals itself in his decisive contribution to the expression of a new religious identity: that of the conversos, who thanks to him, began to familiarize themselves with theological concepts such as justification by faith and works such as the Beneficium Christi, which would later play a role in the Spanish and European religious crisis of the sixteenth century. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

I ask why an increasing number of business scholars today are drawn to an idea of 'positive business' that they cannot account for scientifically. I answer that it is because they are attracted to the real mystery of positive business which is its incomprehensible and unspeakable divinity. I begin by asking why the research literature has yet to speak of positive business plainly and with one voice. I find that it lacks for the right words because it comes to human being in business as a science attuned to its objects rather than as a religion attuned to its spirit. Next, I say what I can about the real mystery of business, keeping in mind that we can say about it only what we can say about God. This brings me at last to the Christian insight that human being, in business and everywhere else, is the mystery of Jesus Christ in whom we are reconciled to God. Business is positively human as it invites us to be as Christ, to be a fully human person in joyful communion with others in God. This, in sum, is how to speak plainly and with one voice of the positive business that our hearts desire but our science cannot say. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper argues that the recent trend in early modern studies occasionally referred to as the “new humoralism”, which lays heavy emphasis on the physiological and humoral significance of the emotions in seventeenth-century Renaissance literature, pays insufficient attention to the theological traditions of Christian humanism in the sixteenth century. In particular, the article traces a trajectory of the use of metaphors of clean versus muddy and calm versus turbulent water in Erasmus, John Calvin, John Donne and Edward Reynolds to illustrate the complexity of literary-theological discourse revolving around affectivity in sermons, treatises and biblical commentaries in the period, while simultaneously establishing the continuity of an exegetical tradition concerning Christ’s emotions. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

Humanists seeking to defend the classics in Christian-dominated Europe often reframed ancient philosophers as virtuous proto-Christians. This is particularly visible in the biographical paratexts written for printed editions of ancient philosophers such as Pythagoras, Epictetus, and Democritus, whose humanist editors’ Christianizing claims grew stronger over time. Pious humanists intended and expected the classics to strengthen and reaffirm Christian orthodoxy, but humanists’ own claims that pre-Christian sages, by the light of reason alone, had deduced the central truths of theology and surpassed Christians in the exercise of virtue inadvertently undermined the necessity of scripture and paved the way for later deism. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper considers the future of Erasmus studies and scholarship on Christian humanism. It argues that two approaches will be especially useful going forward: reception history (of Erasmus’s works in particular) and the history of emotions. Both will aid in answering enduring questions about the relationship between the Renaissance and Reformation and the nature of Christian humanism, as well as opening up new avenues of inquiry in an area of study especially conducive to interdisciplinary research. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article discusses the works of French historian Henri Irénée Marrou on Christian humanism. Topics discussed include his views on crisis of Christian civilization; his theme of a new Christianization, on role of intellectuals and on reform and freedom of school and university; and his interventions on resistance to Nazism, against war of Algeria and on the relationship between culture and society.

Copyright of Cuestiones Teológicas is the property of Cuestiones Teologicas and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Annals of Philosophy / Roczniki Filozoficzne is the property of John Paul II Catholic University of Lublin, Faculty of Philosophy and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

In 1516 Erasmus published his new Latin translation of the New Testament. After that he started to write his paraphrases of all books, except Apocalypse. This introduction gives a state of the art. It will be first discussed when and where Erasmus wrote his paraphrases, which were composed between May 1517 and January 1524 when he was also reworking his Novum Instrumentum/Novum Testamentum. The next issue treated is what kind of work they are, being a kind of commentary, but also an aid for preachers to bring the New Testament to their audience. This is related to the aim Erasmus had with his 'New Testament project': to advance the philosophia Christi and Christian piety, and his intended or implied readership, theologians. He used several sources to bring his interpretations of the biblical stories in line with the exegetical tradition. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article sketches a background of some 10 years of ‘Drum School’ history in the former black freehold township of Sophiatown, Johannesburg. By the term ‘Drum School’, I refer to a group of South African writers who worked under the aegis of the African magazineDrum, during that period of South African history which has come deservedly to be known as the Fifties. One of the arguments largely commented on in the popular discourse about this group of African writers is that their worth to South African society and institutions can be judged by the professional skills and qualifications they had as members of the educated African upper class: the writers represented a new class, a middle class – so the argument runs – which emerged to take its rightful place in the mainstream paradigm of the dominant culture of South African society, providing the strongest example for Africans’ transition to western culture and civilisation. The Drum School history is also approached as a topic of ideological history. The continuing interest in the writers comes from their importance for South African society as the chief exponents of the Christian humanistic tradition of the Church, which constituted a development of missionary ideas from the middle of the nineteenth century. Part of the problem with the ideological school of the Drum School history, it will be argued in the article, is that it ignores any explanation of human behaviour attributable to human agency. The implications that the cultural dilemma of the Drum School holds for the narratives of protest and resistance are also ignored. The argument about human agency and the cultural dilemma of the Drum School will be made based on the example of Can Themba (1924–1968). [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

This article tells the life story of Una Kroll, a retired medical doctor and Anglican priest, born in 1925. It describes her journeying through life, her higher education at Girton College, Cambridge and training as a doctor in the 1940s as well as the forces leading to her decision to become a missionary nun. The conflict she experienced between her Christian discipleship and her vocation as a doctor came to the fore when she worked in Liberia. In 1937 she married a monk, at considerable cost to his own reputation, and then worked for the National Health Service in England. She became increasingly drawn into the campaigns for the ordination of women as priests in the Church of England and in later life joined the Roman Catholic Church. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]