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The existing scholarship has developed six main explanations to account for the success of the Chinese Revolution, which has been anomalous for major paradigms derived from cross-national comparisons. Methodologically, we use a social geographical approach to test these existing explanations systematically by constructing and analyzing a unique dataset of Communist growth in 93 counties in the three most contested provinces during its most pivotal period of ascendence. Theoretically, we advance and test an alternative perspective, based on the groundwork of Tocqueville and Fei Xiaotong, that integrates the state-centric theory, elite theory, and cultural analysis. Our perspective emphasizes the interplay between state centralization and local elite structure, which leads to intensified state extraction and local elite fracturing, thus creating favorable conditions for revolution. The quantitative analysis strongly supports the importance of the Japanese invasion but provides limited support for many other conventional explanations. The analysis largely confirms the Tocqueville-Fei perspective on state centralization, elite fracturing, cultural change, and revolution. The findings are buttressed by a detailed case study of Lianshui County. The study unveils a common structural challenge that a modernizing state faces in an agrarian status society, to recreate its political legitimacy while disrupting local elite structure. It also sheds historical light on the evolution of state-society relationship through the Chinese Revolution. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

For the present work, we utilized Leslie White's anthropological theory of cultural evolutionism as a theoretical benchmark for econometrically assessing the macrodynamics of energy use in agrarian societies that constituted the human civilization's second energy paradigm between 12,000 BC and 1800 AC. As White's theory views a society's ability to harness and control energy from its environment as the primary function of culture, we may classify the evolution of human civilizations in three phases according to their energy paradigm, defined as the dominant pattern of energy harvesting from nature. In this context, we may distinguish three energy paradigms so far: hunting–gathering, agriculture, and fossil fuels. Agriculture, as humanity's energy paradigm for ~14,000 years, essentially comprises a secondary form of solar energy that is biochemically transformed by photosynthetic life (plants and land). Based on this property, we model agrarian societies with similar principles to natural ecosystems. Just like natural ecosystems, agrarian societies receive abundant solar energy input but also have limited land ability to transform and store them biochemically. As in natural ecosystems, this constraint is depicted by the carrying capacity emerging biophysically from the limiting factor. Hence, the historical dynamics of agrarian societies are essentially reduced to their struggle to maximize energy use by maximizing the area and productivity of fertile land –in the role of a solar energy transformation hub– mitigating their limiting factor. Such an evolutionary forcing introduced technical upgrades, like the leverage of domesticated livestock power as a multiplier of the caloric value harvested by arable and grazing land combined. According to the above, we tested the econometric performance of four selected dynamic maps used extensively in ecology to reproduce humanity's energy harvesting macrodynamics between 10,000 BC and 1800 AC: (a) the logistic map, (b) the logistic growth map, (c) a lower limiting case of the Hassel map that yields the Ricker map, and (d) a higher limiting case of the Hassel map that yields the Beverton–Holt map. Following our results, we discuss thoroughly our framework's major elaborations on social hierarchy and competition as mechanisms for allocating available energy in society, as well as the related future research and econometric modeling challenges. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This essay employs the land register of a late nineteenth-century Hindi census conducted in the princely state of Marwar (Rajasthan) to examine the durability of the tax-free (sasan) land grant regime over the course of three centuries. It evaluates the privilege sasan grants inured on their holders until the mid-twentieth century, when a series of a structural land reforms all but overnight changed the ways in which grant holders and their kin interacted with land and state authorities. The essay reads processes of land grant donation and maintenance across a wide social, economic, and ecological spectrum. In so doing, it challenges historiographical assumptions of religion as a fundamental grant donation motive in the region, as well as the idea that land relations were primarily defined by revenue extraction in early modern and colonial north India. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Formulation of the problem. The acquisition of intellectualization by the planetary world, which is complicated and extrapolated to the technological world, gives an understanding of the need to study this phenomenon. First of all, consideration of the formation of the planetary world under the pressure of intellectualization in certain time periods. There is a need to single out this process, break it into stages and track what transformations it caused at each of them. Recent research and analysis of publications. Since the process of intellectualization as an independent trend has not been studied, we must rely on our own developments and use as arguments facts from the literature that contribute to the confirmation of our concept of the self-development of the process of intellectualization in space and time, which historians formalize as the period from the 3rd millennium BC era until 1543, that is, before the beginning of industrialization. The purpose of the article is to reproduce the process of intellectualization of the planetary world in the period from the 3rd millennium BC. until 1543 with access to his subjectivized and objectified products. Research tasks: 1) to justify how the appearance of language and writing influenced the process of intellectualization in the agrarian period; 2) to find out how the subjectivity and objectivity of forms of human intellectualization manifested themselves in the past period; 3) to identify the nature of the process of intellectualization during the agrarian era and its characteristic features. The main part of the article. Meaning genesis gave impetus to the natural transformation of the internal structure of the human body, which led to a qualitative jump in social development at the beginning of the 3rd millennium. The emergence of planetary sociality took place thanks to written culture, which became the leading mechanism for the spread of the phenomenon of intellectualization. The latter gave birth to strata of people and social structures based on intellectual activity and initiated the culture of the agrarian age. Intellectualization in the agrarian age manifested itself in two forms: subjective and objectified. The first is characterized by the fact that during this period the concept of personality was formed in the public consciousness, a person actively produced intellectual energy, structures and individual substructures of society were actively developed. The second materialized in the form of the state, religious structures with the appropriate material and technical base and the level of professional training of the workforce. During this period, religious consciousness actively developed, and the human intellect acquired a morphological organ for stable functioning. Research conclusions. The article substantiates the process of intellectualization of the planetary world at the stage of agrarian civilization; the interaction of a person and the information field of the planet is presented, which is fixed by the use and accumulation of empirical knowledge; the role of religion as a parameter of managing a person's contemporary life is revealed; it is recognized that a person is the main source of intellectual energy and the carrier of the corresponding activity; the description of the agrarian society with its level of labor force and the material and technical base in which the intellectual energy of that time materialized is given. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The question of understanding and dealing with the small peasants (xiao nong) in the course of the transition from traditional agricultural society to modern industrial society is a significant theoretical and practical issue. Previous views emphasized the peasants' vulnerability and suggested that they would eventually be replaced by other business entities. Such proposals cannot explain the fact that it was traditional small peasants who created China's agrarian civilization and that the small farming household based on the household contract responsibility system is still the main force in China's agricultural modernization. Re-examining the historical position and vitality of the small peasants, we can see that despite being vulnerable, they are "fragile but unbreakable; weak but never slackening" in their interaction with the external environment under various pressures. Historically, this kind of resilience has been endogenous within the long-term autonomous responsibility mechanism of China's small peasants, expressed in their reciprocal responsibility as a community of a shared future; in their sharing of burdens as a living community; in their internalization of responsibility as a community of production; and in their joint responsibility as a political community. After 1949, rural reform created conditions for the modern transformation of the resilient small peasant. Organization, socialization and state involvement have further enhanced the modern small peasants' resilience and developmental capacity, fueling the organic integration of small peasants and modern agriculture and driving the vigor of agricultural modernization. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The purpose of this study is to find out how many people died of lightning strikes in Estonia from 1880 to 1940. Data about lighting victims were mostly searched for in digitalised old newspapers. The journalistic reports were verified with the help of death records available in church registers. In addition, the data were verified using official statistics of the period. A total of 497 potential victims were reported from various sources. Of these, 349 deaths were considered reliable. This means that during the observed 61 years, an average of 5.2 people per year died in the Estonian region. As the number of fatalities may be underestimated, the actual number of victims could have been 7–8 per million inhabitants. The annual average number of fatalities remained practically unchanged during the period, but the share of women and deaths in buildings decreased to some degree. The sex and age structure of the victims corresponds well with the respective divisions of an agrarian society. The correlation analysis showed that the relationship between the number of lightning victims and the number of people living in the parish is high, as is the relationship with the area of the parish. However, the correlation with population density and land use is virtually non-existent. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

For Punjabi peasants, land determines socio-cultural and economic status, providing a level of financial security. It determines the magnitude of a family legacy. Thus, land has been more than a simple asset or source of livelihood for Punjabi peasants during the Colonial Era. For the Indian peasant, the land is the underpinning of the quality of life; all social and economic concerns as well as the individual's stature in public life ultimately revolve around land tenure. Ian Talbot writes particularly about the sentiments of colonial Punjabi peasantry when he observes, 'Colonial Punjab had a rural society and an economy based on agriculture as around two thirds of the total population was dependent on agriculture for its livelihood' (p. 6). The present paper is an attempt to trace the Punjabi peasants' attachment and love for their land during the colonial period with particular reference to Sant Singh Sekhon's Blood and Soil (Lahu Mitti). [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

John 18:15–16 mentions an unknown disciple of Jesus who "was known to the high priest" giving him access to the events in Caiaphas's courtyard. A minority of scholars maintain the identity of this disciple is consistent with John, the son of Zebedee, whom they also maintain was the author of the Fourth Gospel. To support this position, the commonplace fiction of Galilean fishermen belonging to an aspiring "middle-class" is asserted. This article reviews the arguments and suggests that a more robust representation of class stratification in the ancient world demonstrates the implausibility of such a scenario. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Citing Oscar Wilde, in their call for papers the editors of this volume ask the question "Who, being loved, is poor?" On a meta-theoretical level, this article seeks to contextualize this question and its citation socially. On an empirical level, it contrasts the socially highly determined question and its implicit presuppositions with the findings of a local case study from the canton of Bern in the 18th and 19th centuries. When we examine precarious marriages through petitions for dispensation from the preacher's threefold reading of the banns from the pulpit, the collective audio-visual dimension of marriages in an agrarian society with scarce resources becomes apparent. With the petitions, the couples tried to avoid attention and thus escape the communal tribunal of a charivari and the like. In Bern, the material and media dimension of weddings were largely governed by local standards. Charivaris were audio-visual means for society to communicate shared values regarding marriage. An expression of the locally accentuated moral economy, they did not reflect romantic ideals of love. The performance of weddings as large and public rituals was a communal compulsion rather than the expression of an individualistic and therefore creative event. The performative wedding as the epitome of individualism is a very young historical development and strongly linked to a late-modern bourgeois culture of singularity. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The term globalization has often been identified with economic reforms, structural adjustment programme, new world trade order, opening up domestic market and global communication village. Present paper deals with the impact of globalization on different aspects of agrarian society of NCR India. The impact was measured on eight different areas that are employment structure, agriculture, culture, global village, economic condition, affective aspects and crime rate, education and the government efforts. The researcher prepared the "Global Impact Schedule" to measure the impact. The Purposive Random Stratified Sampling was used and the farmers were categorized into four groups i.e. marginal, small, big and landless. The findings of the study suggested that nearly 40 per cent farmers found the impact of globalization on agrarian society as positive, nearly 44 percent as negative while, nearly 11 percent found impact as neutral. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Hileya: Scientific Bulletin / Gileya is the property of GILEYA Publishing and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

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Bangladesh is a land of thousands of peasant farm families. The country is predominantly an agrarian society. A major portion of its population depends on agriculture, known as peasants. Peasant society owns a traditional power structure and some specific social organization that influence the production system and livelihood of that class of people. Faction grouping and political change also influence farm household activities. This study was undertaken to focus on the peasant faction grouping and power structure at the village Heshakhal under Nangolkot Upazila of Comilla district. The major focus of the study was to comprehend the change occurring in social organizations within the peasant society, on faction grouping and also the changing power structure of the village.The study reveals how in last forty years a major change occurred in the traditional power structure of the village. In the last century, the villages were divided into three Samaj. Linkage with formal administrative unit was flexible. Salish system was the major feature of conflict resolution, especially in managing social conflict. At present the village is separated into several Samajs. The role of Samaj is decreasing day by day. Influence and role of national level political parties are also playing a strong role in leadership in the village, which was not seen thirty years ago.A major change was also seen in the social organization of the village. In the village, peasant families that once depended on agriculture are how trying to engage their manpower in non-farm activities. Marriage system has changed, due to intermarriage system among the Swandupi and deshi community. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article presents an analysis of the transformation of agrarian societies into rural communities in Catalonia, Spain during the 20th century, with a focus on changes in economic structure. Particular focus is given to the impact of migration flows on those changes, including urban-rural migration, rural-urban migration, and emigration. Topics mentioned include urbanization, agricultural policy of Spain, and rural development.

Over the last two million years, humans have colonized almost the entire biosphere on Earth, thereby creating socio-ecological systems in which fundamental patterns and processes are co-regulated by socio-economic and ecological processes. We postulate that the evolution of coupled socio-ecological systems can be characterized by a sequence of relatively stable configurations, here denoted as 'socio-metabolic regimes', and comparatively rapid transitions between such regimes. We discern three fundamentally different socio-metabolic regimes: hunter-gatherers, agrarian societies and industrial society. Transitions between these regimes fundamentally change socio-ecological interactions, whereas changes and variations within each regime are gradual. Two-thirds of the world population are currently within a rapid transition from the agrarian to the industrial regime. Many current global sustainability problems are a direct consequence of this transition. The central hypothesis discussed in this article is that industrial society is at least as different from a future sustainable society as it is from the agrarian regime. The challenge of sustainability is, therefore, a fundamental re-orientation of society and the economy, not the implementation of some technical fixes. Based on empirical data for global resource use (material and energy flows, land use), this essay questions the notion that the promotion of eco-efficiency is sufficient for achieving sustainability, and outlines the reasons why a transition to a new socio-metabolic regime is now required. Copyright © 2009 John Wiley & Sons, Ltd and ERP Environment. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]