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The historical institution of slavery is unevenly memorialized across the US's cultural landscape. This unevenness is particularly noticeable in ‘Deep South’ states such as Mississippi and Louisiana, where cotton and sugar cane plantations once required vast numbers of slaves to economically succeed. While many antebellum plantation sites now function as tourist attractions complete with ‘Big House’ tours, they often ignore or annihilate the memory of slavery from plantation history. However, not all plantations and museums disregard slavery, and the owners and workers at these sites intentionally employ slavery counter-narratives to evoke empathy in visitors and create a more socially just cultural landscape. This paper examines three sites along and beyond River Road that employ counter-narrative techniques: the Natchez Museum of African-American History and Culture, Frogmore Cotton Plantation, and Whitney Plantation. The paper includes a discussion of each site's narrative tactics and how they stand out from other plantation sites in their representation of slavery. Engaging in growing conversations on the possibilities of empathetic responses to counter-narrative spaces, this paper argues that empathy – while important and possible for many visitors and consumers at these sites of memory – may preclude important political activism and greater solidarity between racial groups. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

The sociology of the South, as a substantive area research interest, emerged during the 1800s as a means to rationalize and preserve the cultural norms of slavery era whites who would soon experience seismic social shocks including the Civil War and emancipation of enslaved blacks. The person singularly cited as the architect of this area of study is Howard W. Odum. Although Odum is identified as the person most responsible for the development of this field, archival data indicate that W. E. B. Du Bois and the men and women of the Atlanta Sociological Laboratory were its first practitioners. In this paper evidence is offered to show that Du Bois's Atlanta University efforts predated Odum's North Carolina research program. Additionally, an explanation for Du Bois's marginalization in the existing sociology of the South literature is offered. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Scholarship on the American Slave South generally agrees that John Eliot Cairnes’s The Slave Power provided a highly biased interpretation of the functioning and long-term viability of the southern slave economy. Published shortly after the outbreak of the Civil War, its partisanship is partly attributed to its clearly stated goal to shift British support from the secession states to the states of the Union. Thus, it is generally agreed, Cairnes sifted his sources to obtain the desired outcome. A more balanced use of the sources at his possession would have provided a very different outcome. This paper will challenge this general assessment of Cairnes’s book by examining in some detail two of Cairnes’s most important sources: Frederic Law Olmsted’s travelogues on the American Slave South and James D. B. De Bow's compilation of statistical data and essays in his Industrial Resources, etc., of the Southern and Western States (1852–53). By contrasting De Bow's use of statistical evidence with Olmsted's travelogues, my final purpose is to question the weight of evidence on the American Slave South. Cairnes aimed, I will argue, much more to balance the evidence than is generally acknowledged, but it is misleading to think that balancing a wide range of evidence washes out bias if this evidence itself is politically skewed, as is the rule rather than the exception. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

This study of novelist James Boyd and the Pilot of Southern Pines, North Carolina, during the World War II years widens the notion of what a country weekly editor can be or can do. In the shadow of Pinehurst, the renowned and tradition-bound golf resort, Boyd rescued his failing hometown weekly newspaper, editorializing in favor of an early entry into the war, civil rights for blacks, and equal rights for women. He also called for adherence to free speech and the Bill of Rights amid a national climate increasingly intolerant of dissent. Contrary to previous scholarship on the southern country weekly, this article about the Pilot shows that not all were conservative and anti-New Deal. It also shows that noteworthy journalism and commentary were not the exclusive province of the nation's major metropolitan dailies. Boyd's newspaper work during the pivotal pre-Pearl Harbor period in 1941 through his death in 1944 at age 55 is illuminating, demonstrating how an editor might negotiate the proper role between journalism and the government and readers in wartime. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Prevailing scholarly approaches to the U.S. Secession Crisis suggest that the crisis reflected either the interests of slaveowners or mounting socioeconomic pressure in the electorate. Both arguments suffer from empirical and analytical challenges, chief among these being that the southern Whig Party and its planter base actively resisted secession until the early 1850s. Why did the largest slaveowners oppose disunion only to fold by 1861? Drawing on beat-level electoral returns, newspapers, and private correspondence from antebellum Tuscaloosa County, Alabama, I argue that the answer lies in conceiving of the prelude to secession as a 'crisis sequence,' so named because it precipitates crises of hegemony, when no one political actor possesses the mass consent to rule and once salient social cleavages cease to resonate. Such sequences destabilize the relationship between parties and their constituents and allow political allegiances to swing wildly from one party to the next, giving such sequences their nonlinear character. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In the American South, postbellum economic development may have been restricted in part by white landowners' access to low-wage black labor. This paper examines the impact of the Great Mississippi Flood of 1927 on black out-migration and subsequent agricultural development. Flooded counties experienced an immediate and persistent out-migration of black population. Over time, landowners in flooded counties modernized agricultural production and increased its capital intensity relative to landowners in nearby similar non-flooded counties. Landowners resisted black out-migration, however, benefiting from the status quo system of labor-intensive agricultural production. (JEL J15, J43, N32, N52, N92, Q54, R23) [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Studia Universitatis Babes-Bolyai, Philologia is the property of Babes-Bolyai University, Cluj-Napoca, Romania and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The essay moves around all dominant gender agreements to find the efforts of seventies-era southern feminists to make a lesbian print culture. It says that lesbian-feminist books, shorter chapbooks, journals, periodicals, newspapers, posters, and broadsides were marketed across the U.S. via social networks, community organizations, and business during the 1970s and 1980s to invite public consciousness and make materials for a lesbian-feminist change.

The complex relationship between Dickens and his readers in the American South was shaped by the novelist's views of slavery and capitalism. Neglected both by Dickens scholars as well as historians of the South, Dickens' views on slavery offer important insights into the transatlantic debate over bondage and free labour. In addition, the way in which Dickens was read by both black and white Americans and his popularity among southerners in particular virtually guaranteed he would figure prominently in domestic policy debates. While African-Americans employed Dickens to attack slavery, and criticized him when he failed to meet their antislavery expectations, white southerners rejected Dickens's criticism of slavery but embraced his depiction of the ill effects of industrial capitalism. In examining politics, literature and intellectual life between the 1830s and the 1860s, this essay joins two broad historiographies that rarely intersect: the economic and political history of slavery and the intellectual and literary culture in the Early Republic. In examining the interactions, both real and imagined, between Dickens and his southern readership, we join current historiographical debates over political economy with transatlantic literary history in ways that shed light on Dickens, the South and the debates on political economy that strained sectional harmony and led to the Civil War. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article discusses the relationship between moon pies and the culture of the U.S. Southern States, offering several personal accounts of Southerners' early memories of eating moon pies. Topics, including the incorporation of the subject of moon pie addiction into literature, purchasing moon pies at country stores, the inventor of moon pies Ed Mitchell Jr.'s memory of coal miners' desire for moon pies to be a larger size and the Chattanooga Bakery employee Earl Mitchell's invention of moon pies in 1919, are discussed.

The worldwide expansion of psychiatry as a science at times followed pathways already laid by Christian medical missions to cultures seen as disadvantaged by sponsors. Interracial contacts were one outcome, and racial issues gained visibility in psychiatric inquiry and treatment. Richard S. Lyman gathered socially diverse psychiatric teams at Peking Union Medical College in the 1930s and Duke University in the 1940s, both programs funded by the Rockefeller Foundation. Bingham Dai, a Chinese-born theorist and therapist, and Leo Alexander, Holocaust refugee and later medical investigator for the Nuremberg prosecutors, worked with Lyman at both sites. These itinerant professionals repeatedly struggled to comprehend and influence localities. Lyman’s liberal aim to integrate psychiatry succeeded better in China than in segregated North Carolina. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

The article discusses the role of German-American Charles Frederick Gunther during the U.S. Civil War. It examines Gunther's service to the Confederacy during the war following his being located in Memphis, Tennessee, when the U.S. southern states seceded from the union. The article states that Gunther worked as a purchasing agent aboard the steamship "Rose Douglas" that ferried men and material to the Confederate forces along the Mississippi River. The article also discusses the contents of Gunther's extensive diaries that he kept during the war. According to the article, Gunther endowed the Chicago History Museum with most of its U.S. Civil War collection and served as an alderman and city treasurer in Chicago in the late 19th century and early 20th century.

This study examines the ways that news of African Americans was presented to white readers in the United States during the 1936 Berlin Olympic Games. A content analysis of articles and photographs from 83 daily newspapers from 24 states found that whereas newspapers throughout the country exhibited a number of forms of racism, those in the Deep South were particularly aggressive in their anti-African American message. This was accomplished by minimizing and censoring news of Jesse Owens and other successful African American athletes, and by depicting African Americans as Coons, Mammies, and Bucks-minstrel character roles that had been used for decades to marginalize and humiliate blacks. Balanced or conflicting coverage was never offered to readers in the Deep South. Although the story of Jesse Owens remained temporarily unavailable to most readers there, African Americans made the news when they were associated with crime. Meanwhile, readers outside of the Deep South were able to see more of Jesse Owens, the iconic figure who "defeated whites at their own game" while remaining humble and dignified. As such, he was perhaps the first African American athletic figure who defied the traditional minstrel character stereotype. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

An essay is presented concerning the ritual of public execution of African Americans in U.S. southern states in the decades following the U.S. Civil War. The author discusses the social significance of public executions to African Americans and argues that the large crowds that attended the public execution of African Americans resembled an African American camp meeting or religious revival and challenged white authority. The article also discusses the gradual abolition of public executions by state legislatures.

When assessing the Congress of Industrial Organization's (CIO) postwar Southern Organizing Campaign, evangelical Protestantism shows up only on the debit side of the historians' ledger. Focus on anti-union hate sheets like Militant Truth and Gospel Trumpet conveniently substitutes for analysis of the shifting religious terrain of the South. In contrast, we argue that the potential for a sympathetic hearing from southern religious leaders was greater than scholars have previously believed, but that the CIO staff responsible for interpreting Operation Dixie's mission misunderstood the creeds and the theology of the most vibrant southern churches. By choosing individuals who boasted of their endorsement by the liberal Federal Council of Churches, the CIO incurred the wrath of southern denominations that had supported collective bargaining and an employee's right to join unions just a few years earlier. This missed opportunity is not the entire story, however. We also argue that the CIO's religious activists often challenged the Southern Organizing Campaign to promote racial equality and desegregation even when such challenges threatened to harm organizing goals. At the same time, they repudiated the claims of Communists to be the true supporters of black advancement in the labor movement. The connection of religious faith to the struggle for justice in the postwar South is surely far more complex than what exists in previous accounts. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article discusses U.S. black nationalist philosophy during the late 1960s and 1970s, including in regard to the question of land tenure. The African American black power movement's concept of the rural agrarian society ideal in the U.S. Southern States, including the aspects of nostalgia in the agrarian ideal, is discussed.

A literary criticism is presented on essays by the 20th century African American author Ralph Ellison, including "Harlem Is Nowhere," "An Extravagance of Laughter” and “New York, 1936.” Particular focus is given to the geography within Ellison's depiction of the 20th century African American migration known as the Great Migration from the Southern States to the Northern States, including to New York City, New York. Ellison's perspective on African American laughter is discussed.

The South has a long and sordid history of resisting school desegregation. Yet after a long and vigorous legal fight, by the mid-1980s, schools in the South became among the most desegregated in the country. An important but often underappreciated tool that aided in the fight to desegregate schools in the South was the conventional and strategic use of school district boundary lines. Many school systems in the South deliberately eschewed drawing school district boundary lines around municipalities and instead drew them around counties. The resulting county-based system of school districts allowed for the introduction of school assignment plans that crossed racially and economically segregated municipal boundary lines. Some affluent and predominantly white suburban municipalities in the South are threatening to reverse this progress. They are doing so by seceding from racially diverse county-based school districts and forming their own predominately white and middle-class school districts. The secessions are grounded in the race-neutral language of localism, or the preference for decentralized governance structures. However, localism in this context is threatening to do what Brown v. Board of Education outlawed: return schools to the days of separate and unequal with the imprimatur of state law. This Article is the first to examine Southern municipal school district secessions and the localism arguments that their supporters advance to justify them. It argues that localism is being used as a race-neutral proxy to create segregated school systems that are immune from legal challenge. It concludes by introducing a normative framework to evaluate the legitimacy of the localism justification for Southern school district secessions specifically and decentralized public education governance structures more broadly. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

We show that contemporary differences in political attitudes across counties in the American South in part trace their origins to slavery's prevalence more than 150 years ago. Whites who currently live in Southern counties that had high shares of slaves in 1860 are more likely to identify as a Republican, oppose affirmative action, and express racial resentment and colder feelings toward blacks. We show that these results cannot be explained by existing theories, including the theory of contemporary racial threat. To explain the results, we offer evidence for a new theory involving the historical persistence of political attitudes. Following the Civil War, Southern whites faced political and economic incentives to reinforce existing racist norms and institutions to maintain control over the newly freed African American population. This amplified local differences in racially conservative political attitudes, which in turn have been passed down locally across generations. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article explores the impact of economic development and health disparities on the fertility decline of whites and African Americans in the U.S. South. Emphasis is given to topics such as the use of demographic transition theory in research, maternal health problems and risks for women during childbearing, and the influence of plantation housing, sanitation and nutrition.

The article explores the history of food systems, social welfare, gender, and the working-class in the U.S. South following passage of the Civil Rights Act of 1964. The author analyzes the efforts of civil rights attorneys and activists such as Marian Wright and Henry Aronson of the National Association for the Advancement of Colored People Legal Defense and Educational Fund (NAACP LDEF). Emphasis is given to topics such as the Food Stamp program and African Americans in rural Mississippi.

In February 1968, the Memphis city garbage workers went on strike, an event that precipitated Martin Luther King’s coming to the city and his subsequent assassination on April 4 of that year. The city’s morning newspaper, The Commercial Appeal, on its editorial pages denounced the strike and derided King. The newspaper berated union officials, insulted the workers, and emboldened the intransigent mayor. This article is a review of the editorial page copy from the newspaper during the two months of the strike along with other materials that reveal the attitudes of Editor Frank Ahlgren. It shows that the hard-line approach during the first few weeks of the strike came from a fundamental misunderstanding of the black community and an overwhelming dislike for unions. Also, it examines whether the newspaper editorial page has some culpability in King’s death. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Can protest bring about social change? Although scholarship on the consequences of social movements has grown dramatically, our understanding of protest influence is limited; several recent studies have failed to detect any positive effect. We investigate sit-in protest by black college students in the U.S. South in 1960, which targeted segregated lunch counters. An original dataset of 334 cities enables us to assess the effect of protest while considering the factors that generate protest itself—including local movement infrastructure, supportive political environments, and favorable economic conditions. We find that sit-in protest greatly increased the probability of desegregation, as did protest in nearby cities. Over time, desegregation in one city raised the probability of desegregation nearby. In addition, desegregation tended to occur where opposition was weak, political conditions were favorable, and the movement’s constituency had economic leverage. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

The article looks at species selection for gardens in the U.S. South during the 18th and early 19th centuries. The authors compare the plant species grown in six historic plantation and town gardens to three 21st-century species lists drawn up for the purposes of garden restoration. Details on the incidence of native, exotic, herbaceous, woody, medicinal, kitchen, and ornamental species in plantation and town gardens are presented. The acquisition of plants by gardeners is discussed.

The influx of Latin American immigrants into the US South since the early 1990s has changed the demographic face of the region, particularly among school-aged populations where the rate of growth among Latinos has been the fastest. Despite an emerging literature addressing changing racial and ethnic relations in the New US South, relatively little research has addressed the incorporation of Latino youths within southern schools. Relying on data from a four-year ethnographic and in-depth interview study in one North Carolina town, findings suggest powerful benefits of ethnic-identity based clubs for Latino youths in new immigrant destination schools. While both Latino and African American respondents faced discrimination within their community, Latino students received more formal support at school, which helped shield them from the negative impacts of discrimination. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

The article discusses the lynching of African Americans in the South at the end of the 19th century, focusing on civil rights activist Ida B. Wells and the relationship between normative law and Lynch Law. Other topics include how racist cultural norms contribute to the rise in Lynch Law, Wells's efforts to characterize lynching as illegal, and how Lynch Law fit into the power struggle between local, state, and federal government.

The article discusses the concept of white trash people in the Southern states, focusing on how the definition of a person considered white trash changed between the 1930s and 1960s. Other topics include a discussion of racial innocence in the South since the late 19th century, the social conditions of poor whites and white trash, and the view of white trash as a remnant of the racist and violent past of the Southern states.

Radical social movements can exacerbate tensions in local settings while drawing attention to how movement goals align with political party agendas. Short-term movement influence on voting outcomes can endure when orientations toward the movement disrupt social ties, embedding individuals within new discussion networks that reinforce new partisan loyalties. To demonstrate this dynamic, we employ longitudinal data to show that increases in Republican voting, across several different time intervals, were most pronounced in southern counties where the Ku Klux Klan had been active in the 1960s. In an individual-level analysis of voting intent, we show that decades after the Klan declined, racial attitudes map onto party voting among southern voters, but only in counties where the Klan had been active. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

The article discusses the two types of a non-monetary economy on two specific cotton plantations in Louisiana after the U.S. Civil War. Specifically, it describes sharecropping and bills redeemable only at a company store. Among other topics addressed are the effect of these systems on economic development in the U.S. South, the 19th century Southern economy as pre-modern, and sharecropping as a form of re-enslavement.

I study the impacts of one of the largest regional development projects in American History, the Tennessee Valley Authority (TVA), on a variety of economic outcomes. The TVA has been noted as an example of how to develop a region's water power potential to stimulate growth. In what follows, I show using a county-level panel dataset, that the TVA had little impact on economic growth in the South. I attribute these results to the institutional history of the TVA and the contractual agreements it signed in an effort to expand its service territory. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

Introduction: Given the increased rates of nondaily smoking and the lack of validated measures to assess factors related to nondaily smoking, we aimed to develop a measure of reasons for nondaily smoking among young adults. Specifically, we developed a scale assessing reasons or triggers for nondaily smoking and examined its reliability, factor structure, and concurrent validity. Methods: We administered an online survey to 2,000 students at six colleges in the Southeastern US, and 718 (35.9%) returned a completed survey. The current analyses focused on the 95 participants who reported nondaily smoking (i.e., smoking between 1 and 29 days of the past 30 days). In addition to the items created for scale development, measures included socio-demographics, other measures of motivation and confidence/self-efficacy, past smoking/quitting history, readiness to quit, and other psychosocial factors related to smoking. Results: The 19-item Reasons for Nondaily Smoking Scale (RNS) demonstrated an average score of 45.36 (SD = 15.55) and internal consistency (Cronbach's alpha of 0.79). Factor analysis of the items extracted four factors which accounted for 57.4% of score variance: Social influences; Enhancing buzzes and positive affect; Negative affect regulation; and Lack of concern of addiction. Concurrent and discriminant validity were documented. Conclusions: Developing validated measures designed to assess factors associated with nondaily smoking will enhance our ability to address this growing public health concern. The development and validation of the RNS for young adults may be critical in informing our intervention strategies and potentially for effecting or predicting cessation among young adult nondaily smokers. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

Over the past half century, law and policy have helped cement tremendous inequities into the structure of our cities. District boundary lines separating multiple, unequal school systems within a single metropolitan (metro) area play a central role in structuring racial and economic isolation. Using data from the National Center for Education Statistics, this study explores how patterns of school segregation are linked to desegregation policy and district boundary arrangements in four southern metro areas. Findings indicate that while city-suburban mergers create far more potential for meaningful school desegregation within a school system, simply eliminating district boundaries is not enough. Corresponding and well-designed school desegregation policy is necessary to achieve widespread integration of students. In a society growing more diverse even as its schools remain very separate, lessons from this study provide new insight into strategies that will help return our society to fulfilling the goals of Brown v. Board of Education. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

An essay is presented which discusses the critical reception to the American 1901 fictional book "The Marrow of Tradition," by Charles Waddell Chesnutt. The role that race relations in the U.S.'s Southern States played in the critical reception to the book, including in regard to white people's attitudes toward African Americans, is discussed. The book's audience, or readership, including in regard to the author William Dean Howells' review of the book, is also discussed.

Frederick Law Olmsted is widely admired by historians of the nineteenth-century United States and generally regarded as the single most important commentator upon slavery and the South. He toured the southern states in the early 1850s and published a series of reports in the New York Daily Times and the New York Daily Tribune. These articles were subsequently revised and compiled into three books, but it was their publication as a single, edited volume, The Cotton Kingdom (1861), which had the greatest impact. This article revisits perhaps the central insight provided by Olmsted: his criticism of the southern work ethic and the South's reluctance "to work industriously and steadily." It does so within the context of current scholarly interpretations of capitalism in the late antebellum South, where most scholars have taken issue with Olmsted's view, presenting instead a dynamic and hard-working southern workforce. Why did Olmsted take such an overly critical view of the southern work ethic? [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article discusses the role Jews played in the U.S. Civil Rights Movement, focusing on the experiences of National Association for the Advancement of Colored People leader Kivie Kaplan and his son Edward K. Kaplan in Mississippi and Alabama between 1964-1965. Other topics include Kivie's participation in the investigation into the disappearance of activists in Mississippi, Kivie's brush with death at the hands of a racist Mississippi sheriff, and the Civil Rights march from Selma to Montgomery in Alabama.

The article discusses the history of the Arbeter Ring, a Jewish cultural and charitable organization, in the Southern states during the 20th century, focusing on how the group promoted Yiddish culture and labor movements in the U.S. Other topics include information on the Yiddish journal "In Southern States" published by the Arbeter Ring Southern District, the conflict between the left and right within the Arbeter Ring during the 1920s, and a translation of the article "Left and Right in the Arbeter Ring" by Mitchell J. Merlin.

A reprint of the article "Challenge and Response in the Montgomery Bus Boycott of 1955-1956," by J. Mills Thornton III in the journal's July 1980 issue is presented. The article discusses the Montgomery Bus Boycott in Montgomery, Alabama in 1955 and 1956. Montgomery's municipal government, including the role that Gunter family political machine played in city politics, is discussed. The role that segregation of African Americans on Montgomery's buses played in the boycott is also discussed.

Introduction: Nondaily smoking is a growing public health concern, particularly among young adults. Given the lack of existing measures for assessing factors associated with this smoking pattern, the present study aims to develop a measure of motivation to quit among young adult nondaily smokers. Specifically, we developed a scale assessing motivation for nondaily smoking cessation, and examined its reliability, factor structure, and concurrent validity.Methods: We administered an online survey to 2,000 students at six colleges in the Southeastern US, and 718 (35.9%) returned a completed survey. The current analyses focused on the 95 participants who reported nondaily smoking (i.e., smoking between 1 and 29 days of the past 30 days). In addition to the items created for scale development, measures included sociodemographics, other measures of motivation and confidence/self-efficacy, past smoking/quitting history, readiness to quit, and perceived harm.Results: The 13-item Nondaily Smoking Cessation Motivation Questionnaire (NSCM) had an average score of 56.95 (SD = 24.33) and high internal consistency (Cronbach's alpha of 0.94). Factor analysis using principal components extraction with varimax rotation extracted three factors accounting for 76.8% of the variance: Controlled motivation, Autonomous motivation, and Amotivation. Concurrent and discriminant validity were documented.Conclusions: This study provided information about the development and validation of the Nondaily Smoking Cessation Motivation Questionnaire for young adult nondaily smokers. Given the lack of validated measures to assess factors associated with nondaily smoking, this assessment may be critical in informing our intervention strategies and potentially for predicting cessation among nondaily smokers in the young adult population. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

An outpouring of historical research has greatly contributed to our understanding of the political, economic, demographic, and business aspects of interregional slave migration in the antebellum period. As yet, however, relatively few studies have examined the assimilation process of slave migrants who were sent to the Lower South. Particularly their adaption to new work patterns and cultivation techniques has eluded the attention of most scholars. What kinds of work did Upper South slave migrants perform upon arrival in the cotton South? How did they adapt to new work? Drawing from a variety of source material, including slave testimonies, this study will very briefly explore cotton cultivation from the perspective of enslaved newcomers from the Upper South. It will especially delve into the abrupt transition with which interstate migrants in the antebellum period were confronted, comparing and contrasting the demands of plantation agriculture in both regions and underscoring the learning curves involved in migrants' assimilation process. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

The essay considers the methodology, quantitative analysis, and historical definition of lynchings targeting African Americans in Southern States in the Postbellum era. Statistics related to incidents of lynchings were first published in the newspaper entitled the "Chicago Tribune" in the 1880s and were further collected by the Tuskegee Institute. Other topics include the analysis of trends, racial violence and its impact on Southern society, and problems with historical source materials.

Copyright of Kiva is the property of Taylor & Francis Ltd and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The article discusses the prospects for the continuation of African American slavery in the U.S. Southern States had the American Civil War not occurred, with a particular focus on the role that slavery played in the Southern economy. An overview of the American South's regional differences, including in regard to the profitability of slaveholders throughout various regions, is provided. The relationship between cotton and slavery, including U.S. President Abraham Lincoln's estimation during the 1860s that the invention of the cotton gin would allow slavery to continue for a century, is discussed.

This article examines the homosocial world of enslaved men in the antebellum American South. It underscores that the lives of enslaved men were intertwined with one another, and that male interdependence was a fact of enslaved life. It examines how pursuits such as drinking, gambling, and wrestling brought enslaved men together in an all-male subculture through which they constructed their own independent notions of masculinity, friendship, solidarity, and resistance. The article claims that homosocial company was integral to the gendered identity and self-esteem of enslaved men. Through their homasocial relationships men forged strong ties of friendship. These relationships offered enslaved men a significant emotional landscape through which to resist the dehumanizing features of enslaved life. Furthermore, the article reveals how some friendships nurtured a culture of resistance among enslaved men. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This study addresses institutional representation in legislative delegations through the decomposition of the southern U.S. House delegation over time. Linear first-order difference equations are calculated to show the shift from the Solid South and the disintegration of Democratic dominance. These calculations also show that the qualitative behavior of partisan control varies over time given a series of critical events, including the Dixiecrat experience, the Congressional reforms of the 1970s, and the Republican Revolution of 1994. However, I also argue that the Republican Revolution was actually predictable, given the twentieth-century experience of the southern delegation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The essay discusses the influence of Hawaiian music on early American blues guitarists, focusing on the Hawaiian origins of the slide guitar style. Topics discussed include Hawaiian steel guitarist Joseph Kekuku‘upenakana‘iaupuniokamehameha Apuakehau; the popularity of Hawaiian music in the southern United States; and the music of various guitarists such as Sylvester Weaver, Pale K. Lua, and Lonnie Johnson.

This tribute to Zora Neale Hurston is meant to re-introduce Hurston's work to folkiorists and Hurston enthusiasts who already know her and some of her work, yet who may not have thought much about her more recently. I have gained new regard, respect, and passion for what Hurston brought to ethnographic research, to the art of writing about folklore and Southern black life. She modeled the creative impulse in many different and overlapping genres, while always serving as a model for staying true to one's own personal politics in the midst of tremendous racism, sexism, classism, and academic elitism and disciplinary conservatism. Our appreciation for Hurston keeps her alive in our imaginations, and the folklore we share about her and her life is a testament to our continued interest in both her personal and professional life. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]