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The Republican Attorneys General Association (RAGA) is a well-funded organization that supports Republican attorneys general and promotes their agenda. RAGA's members hold conservative views on issues such as immigration, abortion, and LGBTQ rights. They use their positions to challenge laws they oppose through lawsuits and complaints. Leonard Leo, RAGA's main funder, aims to challenge the use of the Constitution by the administrative state and Congress. The article highlights the importance of state attorney general races and discusses specific races in North Carolina, Pennsylvania, Missouri, and Indiana. It emphasizes the power of attorneys general and encourages voters to pay attention to these races. [Extracted from the article]

The article explores the influence of right-wing evangelical Christians who see Donald Trump as a prophet and savior. It discusses a campaign video portraying Trump as a messianic figure and examines the New Apostolic Reformation (NAR), a revivalist movement that has gained support among MAGA followers and promotes Christian nationalist ideals. The article emphasizes the role of charismatic worship and business-driven grievance politics in the rise of the NAR and its impact on the Trump movement. It also highlights the NAR's involvement in the January 6 insurrection and its alliance with the MAGA movement, as well as its growing affinity for racist and authoritarian extremism. [Extracted from the article]

Nevada, a traditionally blue state, may pose a risk for Democrats in the upcoming November election. Despite this, the state's political culture is complex and diverse. Many shops in Las Vegas sell provocative clothing, including Trump merchandise, which sells well regardless of political affiliation. Some disillusioned voters, like 23-year-old James Cain, are considering voting for Trump in 2024 because they find him entertaining and believe he won't dramatically impact the country. However, there is also a sense of apathy among Democrats, with some planning to leave the top of the ticket blank or considering alternative candidates. The Democratic Party in Nevada has experienced internal feuding and a lack of effective change, leading to disillusionment among members. The defeat of Democratic governor Steve Sisolak in 2022 was attributed to his handling of the pandemic and subsequent economic downturn. Despite this, Nevada remains a predominantly Democratic state, with a majority of pro-choice voters and a potential ranked-choice voting initiative on the horizon. The upcoming election will depend on whether Biden can close the enthusiasm gap and engage voters with his policies and personality. Nevada, a historically blue state, is facing a potentially close and contentious presidential election. While the state has leaned Democratic in recent years, there are signs of a shift in favor of Republicans. GOP voter registrations have increased in Clark County, and far-right activists are promoting a MAGA agenda in Washoe County. However, the Democratic Party still has strong support from unions, such as the Culinary [Extracted from the article]

The article "A Moral Resistance" from the journal "Nation" calls for the Democratic Party to abandon traditional institutional responses to Trump's policies and instead engage in direct action and civil disobedience. The author argues that Democrats should not vote for Trump's initiatives and should resist his harmful policies through extrajudicial means, such as protests and sit-ins. The article emphasizes the importance of taking a moral stand against Trump's actions and not relying on ineffective institutional tactics. [Extracted from the article]

Since Ben Wikler took charge of the Democratic Party of Wisconsin, the organization has upped the ante for state elections. Wikler's taken the Democratic organization out of the back rooms and into the streets, raising the profile of the party and its chair to such an extent that the tech-industry bible Fast Company describes Wikler's Wisconsin operation as "the only state party with its own national identity." FEATURES On the morning of the highest-profile state election of 2023, the highest-profile state party chair in the country could have been making the rounds of the cable TV shows that regularly invite him to comment on national politics. "The party has more staff, more year-round outreach to voters, more fundraising, more planning than I've ever seen the state party do - than I've ever seen any state party do", says US Representative Mark Pocan, the Wisconsin Democrat who formerly cochaired the Congressional Progressive Caucus. [Extracted from the article]

In a foreword to Alasdair Maclntyre, the conservative French philosopher Pierre Manent approvingly notes MacIntyre's 50-year-long "steady core of antiliberal anger" but then wryly observes that "the alternatives to liberalism have lost all credibility. Rorty was an anti-foundationalist, while MacIntyre grimly insists that philosophy without metaphysical foundations is the merest fiction. And though it would have been interesting to learn something more about MacIntyre's life - a little 37 gossip adds relish to a biography - Perreau-Saussine does help clarify MacIntyre's arguments, which can be knotty. As a result, Rorty was pretty much a model public intellectual in the 20 years before his death, while MacIntyre may as well have been writing from inside a monastery. [Extracted from the article]

To take the United States as a paradigmatic example, increasing stratification has sparked a severe backlash against the form of liberalism that seemed destined to rule when Fukuyama wrote "The End of History?" Liberalism may work better than communism, but it couldn't satisfy the human yearning for connection and meaning; as Fukuyama later wrote, the ideology ultimately had a "vacuum" at its center. Yet Fukuyama doesn't blame liberalism itself for this reality but instead the radical neoliberals who rejected "state intervention… as a matter of principle." Clearly, when it comes to exploring what it feels like to live at history's end, Fukuyama the analyst stands in tension with Fukuyama the liberal booster. [Extracted from the article]

FEATURES EVERY MARCH, CARDINALS ARRIVE IN KALI AKUNO'S FRONT YARD IN Jackson, Miss., to build nests in his trees. Days after the state Senate introduced a bill to take over Jackson's water system, it passed another - clearly targeting Jackson - that mandates how cities calculate their water bills. Meanwhile, federal funds flow through state coffers, leaving cities like Jackson at the mercy of state politics. A recent NAACP civil rights complaint against Mississippi for mishandling the Jackson water crisis points out that the state has granted DWSRF money to Jackson only three times since the program began 25 years ago. [Extracted from the article]

BOOKS & the ARTS IN 1948, A YOUNG HISTORIAN NAMED RICHARD HOFSTADter published The American Political Tradition, a critical look at the country's politics that marked a sharp break from the accepted wisdom among historians of the time. For Shenk, the very vision that allowed the Republicans to build an antislavery majority before the war also limited their capacity to guarantee the creation of democratic institutions after it was over. nother theme running through Realigners is the ambivalent streak in American politics toward the entire project of electoral democracy. Shenk's selection is far more eclectic and idiosyncratic than Hofstadter's was; it includes Charles Sumner, Phyllis Schlafly, Walter Lippmann, W.E.B. Du Bois, the Republican Party strategist Mark Hanna, and Hanna's daughter Ruth Hanna McCormick. Shenk's best chapter is his profile of Charles Sumner, which dramatizes the rise (and fall) of a more radical Republican Party. [Extracted from the article]

Elizabeth is not alone in this split personality: Prince Philip, Princess Margaret, and Prince Charles all have to wrestle with the lives of ceremony and futility assigned by their specific roles. BOOKS & the ARTS I WAS IN BARBADOS, VISITING RELATIVES, when Princess I met Diana an Englishwoman died. Their support is important more than ever", and see Elizabeth's husband, Prince Philip, insult the local dignitaries. In previous seasons, Queen Elizabeth agonized over her structural obligations and personal life - but Prince Charles, who dominates the final season, doesn't. [Extracted from the article]

In the past seven months, politicians representing Antigua and Barbuda, Belize, and Jamaica have announced that their countries are taking steps to remove the British monarch as their head of state and to become republics. On Friday, March 25, exactly one week after the royal couple touched down in Belize, they had their final dinner in Nassau, hosted by Belize's governor-general. Throwback: Prince William and Kate Middleton evoke an earlier colonial era during a military parade in Jamaica. FEATURES ON TUESDAY, MARCH 15, SIX MONTHS BEfore the death of Queen Elizabeth II would reignite a conversation about the British crown's colonial legacy, the chairman of Indian Creek, an Indigenous Maya village in southern Belize, received a call. [Extracted from the article]

The article discusses the rise of Sinophobia in Republican politics and its impact on the party's policy program. It argues that demonizing China allows Republicans to unite around an authoritarian agenda and promotes unfettered Pentagon profiteering. The article highlights how the vilification of China creates shared ground for the party's factions and helps conservatives gain majority backing. It also critiques the claims made by Republicans about China's role in various issues, arguing that they are conspiracy theories and lack evidence. The article concludes by suggesting that a more nuanced understanding of China and a progressive critique of the status quo are needed to address the challenges facing both the US and China. [Extracted from the article]

The article discusses the recent shooting incident that spared former President Trump but took the life of Corey Comperatore, which has had significant political implications. It highlights the different perspectives among Democrats, with some feeling despair and defeatism while others believe in countering the "Make America Great Again" call with a summons to "Make America Democratic Again." The article also praises Kamala Harris as a formidable messenger for this summons and mentions other essential topics covered in the publication, such as emerging jurisprudence, workers' education, and cultural reviews. The author reflects on their personal experiences with political assassinations and expresses fear for the country and its politics. The article concludes by mentioning President Biden's decision to stand down and endorse Vice President Harris. [Extracted from the article]

BOOKS & the ARTS BY THE TIME HIS MAGNUM OPUS, BLACK RECONSTRUCTION, was published in 1935, W.E.B. Du Bois was already a rara avis - a prominent Black activist-intellectual in the midst of Jim Crow. The defeat of Reconstruction and the twisted achievements of the "counterrevolution of 1876" directed the country away from "Abolition Democracy", Du Bois observed. That Du Bois didn't marks a missed opportunity: He could have performed an immense service if he had looked at Reconstruction through the lens of settler colonialism, as opposed to grouping the republic with the French Revolution or (perish the thought) the transformative Haitian Revolution. [Extracted from the article]

Although a number of historians questioned this statement, Holton argues that protecting slavery was in fact a significant motivation for many American patriots, especially in colonies where the slave plantation was the foundation of the economy. The only people who experienced a genuine enhancement of freedom, Holton writes, were African American slaves, who pursued their own revolution alongside the one pursued by white Americans. In Holton's account, they were land speculators, smugglers, and slave owners for whom self-interest often took precedence over principle. Holton's title, Liberty Is Sweet, is taken from a 1775 letter by Lund Washington to his cousin George. [Extracted from the article]

The press will witlessly record every unhinged Trump pronouncement as populist gospel, while DeSantis desperately tries to mimic Trump's world-building hubris in the confines of his own far more schematic political imagination. "There were lots of people who had not originally been Trump supporters but who were still hard-right opponents of Hillary Clinton, and they all moved into the Trump column pretty strongly. FOR ALL THE ELITE HAND-WRINGING WE'VE SEEN over the scourge of right-wing "populism" these past seven years, the awkward fact of the matter is that populism has never aligned very closely with the long-term goals of American conservatism. [Extracted from the article]

A NATION FORUM JOE BIDEN HAS GIVEN EVERY INDICATION THAT HE plans to seek a second term. President Biden not only recognizes the need to support families; he understands how fundamental childcare, paid leave, and aging and disability care policies are to our economy. Bill Fletcher Jr. Longtime trade unionist and former president of TransAfrica Forum Should President Biden run for reelection?. [Extracted from the article]

Obama bolstered the case by striking a combative note, Kusnet says: "The issue isn't judging the record of the last two years after a medical and economic catastrophe - Obama squared the circle there by presenting that record as the first part of the fight ahead." TOWN CALLED MALICE WHEN THE DEMOCRATS DEFIED RECENT POLITICAL history by facing down a long-predicted "red wave" in the 2022 midterms, a battery of instatakes sought to establish single-bullet theories for the surprising outcome. "It's no secret to those of us who advocate for populist campaigns and populist governance that the donors pull Democratic candidates one way and the voters pull them the other way", Kusnet says. [Extracted from the article]

The article discusses an elite cybersecurity and surveillance class in relation to America's government as of 2015, and it mentions government secrets, U.S. national security, and corporate profits. The Intelligence and National Security Alliance, which is a coalition of companies that work for the U.S. National Security Agency, is mentioned. The SDL Government computer software firm and the Chertoff Group security company are examined, as well as the history of political power in the U.S.

The article discusses Turkish democracy in the run-up to the nation's elections on June 7, 2015, and it mentions Turkish President Recep Tayyip Erdogan's authoritarian views regarding an Armenian genocide during the 20th century. According to the article, the Turkish People’s Democratic Party (HDP) has the best chance of helping the nation's liberals and leftists in blocking Erdogan's efforts to rewrite Turkey's Constitution and seize additional political power.

The article discusses how racism, segregation, and inequality still persist in Selma, Alabama in 2015, and it mentions the fiftieth anniversary of the "Bloody Sunday" event in 1965 when 600 voting-rights marchers were beaten by Alabama state troopers. The motion picture "Selma" is mentioned, along with the U.S. Voting Rights Act and racial disparities in Selma, Alabama. The U.S. Congress and the political power of black people in the country are examined.

Who, for instance, might have had the clout to pull together Congress member Mondaire Jones and City Council member Carlina Rivera to insist they back Niou, even after several polls, including one a week before the election, showed her running a strong second to Goldman? Bronx Representative Ritchie Torres, once a WFP endorsee but less progressive than he used to be, endorsed Goldman on Thursday, as if to send a message to Niou and the WFP. But since Goldman was declared the winner - though Niou hasn't conceded as of this writing, because there could be as many as 13,000 absentee ballots still uncounted - I've wondered how much progressives really could have done. [Extracted from the article]

Whether the issue is gun violence, abortion, or climate change, Democrats and mainstream progressive organizations continue to retread futile legislative paths, often while admonishing activists for adopting more confrontational approaches. If Democrats insist that the only legitimate politics is carried out through our impotent political institutions, they risk isolating and undermining the locally embedded groups that are already applying the kind of tactics that overcame our frozen political system and achieved this country's greatest social changes. Confronted by lockstep Republican and anti-majoritarian obstructionism that makes legislative roads a dead end, Democrats keep "clapping for Tinkerbell" - insisting that, like the fairy in Peter Pan, progressive policy can stay alive as long as everyone demonstrates that they still believe. [Extracted from the article]

The article discusses the concept of the political establishment in the U.S. within the context of the U.S. 2016 presidential election, referencing U.S. political history from the early 20th century through 2016. The relationship between the establishment and power, including the power of the U.S. Chamber of Commerce, is discussed. An overview of the U.S. Democratic presidential candidates Bernie Sanders' and Hillary Clinton's rhetoric on power is provided.

The author argues that presidents should never lie. Presidential dishonesty, like so many things in life, is not what it used to be. Before the 1960s, few could even imagine that a President would deliberately mislead them on matters so fundamental as war and peace. When the evidence of presidential lying grew so enormous the phenomenon could no longer be avoided, its revelation helped force both Lyndon Johnson and his successor, Richard Nixon, out of the office. From the standpoint of personal political consequences, the act of purposeful deception by an American President depends almost entirely on the context in which it occurs. With few exceptions, Presidents lie largely for reasons of political convenience. The decisions to lie were bred of a fundamental contradiction at the heart of the practice of American democracy. American Presidents have no choice but to practice the diplomacy of Great Power politics, but American citizens have rarely if ever been asked to understand the world in those terms. Walter Lippmann believed mass political consciousness does not pertain to the actual environment but to an intermediary "pseudoenvironment" which is complicated by the manner in which it is perceived. Even those Presidents with the best of intentions come to view deception as an unavoidable consequence of a system that simply cannot integrate the unpleasant realities of international diplomacy. Whether this situation is remediable depends on one of two possibilities: Either future Presidents become convinced that the long-term cost of deception outweighs its short-term benefits, or the public matures to the point of seeking to educate itself about the need for complicated arrangements in international politics that do not comport with the nation's caricatured notion of itself as an innocent and benevolent force throughout the world.

The author argues that the United States is using its status as the world's only superpower to try to control events through an unwinnable war on terror. The apocalyptic imagination has spawned a new kind of violence at the beginning of the twenty-first century. We can, in fact, speak of a worldwide epidemic of violence aimed at massive destruction in the service of various visions of purification and renewal. In particular, we are experiencing what could be called an apocalyptic face-off between Islamist forces, overtly visionary in their willingness to kill and die for their religion, and American forces claiming to be restrained and reasonable but no less visionary in their projection of a cleansing warmaking and military power. The war on Iraq--a country with longstanding aspirations toward weapons of mass destruction but with no evident stockpiles of them and no apparent connection to the assaults of September 11--was a manifestation of that American visionary projection. More than mere domination, the American superpower now seeks to control history. That entitlement stems partly from historic claims to special democratic virtue, but has much to do with an embrace of technological power translated into military terms. That is, a superpower--the world's only superpower--is entitled to dominate and control precisely because it is a superpower. The murderous events of 9/11 hardened that sense of entitlement as nothing else could have.

The article presents a comparison of imperial Japan and imperial U.S. The invasion posed an intriguing analogy to the establishment of the new U.S. imperium. Imperial Japan was not that powerful when it launched its empire-building campaign in 1931. However, it did not hide its intention behind democratization, privatization and free markets. Japan did not operated behind the shield of an imperial presidency. Both the U.S. and Japanese empire are embedded in a bigger agenda of right-wing radicalism.

The article presents the author's experience as a journalist. From his childhood the author wanted to be a journalist and on his 16th birthday, the author went to work at the daily newspaper Marshall News Messenger. It took him a while to learn that what is important in journalism is not how close one is to power but how close one is to reality. Journalism took the author to famine in Africa, war in Central America, into the complex world of inner-city families in Newark and to working-class families in Milwaukee struggling to survive the good times. In his thirty years in broadcasting the author sees a shift of content from news about government to consumer-driven information and celebrity features.

The distinctly uncompassionate partner to compassionate conservative George W. Bush in 2001 will be House majority whip Tom DeLay, the Texas firebrand who is arguably the most powerful man in Congress. A gleeful hard-right partisan, nicknamed "the Hammer" for his willingness to use brute political power and for his often heavy-handed manner, DeLay is the man Democrats love to hate. Amid the bipartisan song of love currently wafting through the nation's capital, DeLay has consistently emitted off-key notes of combative rancor. DeLay is fiercely ideological and closely tied to the Republican right, including Christian conservatives, flat-taxers, the National Rifle Association, free-enterprise libertarians and rural property-rights activists out West.

This article reports that on September 28, 1973, seventeen days after the bloody coup that brought General Augusto Pinochet to power, two Chilean military officers approached the U.S. Embassy with a request, that the new regime required advisor assistance from a person qualified in establishing a detention center for detainees which they anticipate will be retained over a relatively long period of time. It was noted that detailing an American adviser to assist the protracted imprisonment of civilians, provides obvious political problems.

The article presents information about two books "Balance of Power: International Politics as the Ultimate Global Game" and Balance of Power: Geopolitics in the Nuclear Age," by Chris Crawford. The books were born of two aspects of the military industrial complex including nuclear strategy and the personal computer. Balance of Power, accompanied by a volume designed to perfect players' skill and inform them on the dynamics of the arms race, is hardly a typical game. This software comes with an endorsement from United States military strategists.

The British peace movement's moral crusades against nuclear weapons have found political form in the British Labor Party's promise to achieve a nonnuclear Britain upon gaining power. With Neil Kinnock, the Labor leader, ahead of Prime Minister Margaret Thatcher by a few points in public opinion' polls during most of 1986, but trailing her by a few points recently, the politico-military establishments in Europe and the United States are preparing to mount the most damaging possible attacks on Labor's appeal to the British electorate.

The article presents information on the New Right's war against the mass media. In their quest for political power, the energetic and ambitious leaders of the New Right regard the media as a formidable barrier. The problem, as they see it, is that the media is controlled by liberals, who are their natural enemies. The leaders animus toward the media appears to be shared by their foot soldiers, the millions of social conservatives concentrated in the Sun Belt and the Midwest, who support a pro-family agenda and respond favorably to appeals for patriotism and a strong national defense.

Discusses the efforts of Americans, Israelis, Syrians and Saudis to rejuvenate the Lebanese confessional system whereby political power is apportioned among the various religious communities. Political power of the minority Maronite community; Factors exerting political stress on the confessional system; Struggle to suppress secular trends in the Middle East.

In this article, the authors focuses on the changing views about capitalism with the changes in conditions in the world. According to the authors the surrender by Russia of any weighty adversarial role seemed, in the hopes of strategists in Washington, to announce a congenial era in the economic arrangements of the world, with leadership by the major capitalist powers disposing planetary capital, resources and trade opportunities. The economic idiom of the free-marketers is now one of prolonged sacrifice, and the presumptive rewards of free-market capitalism promise to be outstripped by its penalties as the real living standards for peoples supposedly basking in its blessings continue to fall.

The article discusses the prosecution and persecution of Ron Carey, a presidential candidate of the U.S. According to the author, the whole case has been an ugly affair. This is not to say that an innocent man has been framed. But Carey has been dealt the equivalent of a career death sentence in procedures short on due process and on the basis of under-whelming evidence that he participated in the wrongdoing. Perhaps Carey yielded to temptations of power. But a close reading of the record shows that this remains an open question. Carey may well have been a lousy manager and allowed underlings the opportunity to misappropriate funds. But that is not why he was banned from the election. He was banished for having been a knowing party to those crimes that have been committed.

The article focuses on "Labor to Neighbor" campaign of the U.S. which started a year and a half earlier with a purpose to educate workers and gain more political clout. Before such a campaign can succeed, however, individual unions will first have to restructure themselves. They need to make themselves more democratic so that members will be motivated to organize and do political work. Unions also need to pump more resources into organizing, to try new strategies and to push limits of the law, forcing the right to organize to the front of public debate. Politicians can also be pressured to back workers' rights to organize.

The ultimate significance and success of the New Era in World History so proudly proclaimed by the three Axis partners are questions which for the time being must remain in suspense, but there can be no doubt that the new strategy of a world-wide onslaught upon the British Empire and through it upon the U.S., will mark a vital, perhaps decisive, turning-point not merely in the present war but in the age-long struggle between land power and sea power. The remarkable influence hitherto exerted by sea power upon the course of history has resulted as much from the inferior organization of land power as from sea power's intrinsic and peculiar strength.

This article focuses on several political developments in the United States. The author says that the present Neutrality Law does not establish neutrality, and an amendment lifting the embargo on shipments of arms and munitions will not turn it into a neutrality law. The embargo must be ended not to make the United States neutral but to enable it to sell to the Western powers the goods which may save them from defeat by Germany. A desire to save France and Great Britain is not a neutral desire; it is a partisan desire based on a profound and almost desperate belief that the survival of the democratic way of life depends upon the defeat of dictator of Germany, Adolph Hitler.

On the evening of May 1, 1937, international day of labor solidarity, the Federation of Mexican-Workers (C.T.M) was split wide open. Three members of the executive committee walked out of the sessions of its fourth National Council charging that the council was illegally constituted, that bona fide delegates had been refused seats, and that Vicente Lombardo Toledano, general secretary of the C.T.M., was attempting to set up a dictatorship over the federation. After two years of triumphant advance in organization and political power, the united front is seriously threatened, and bitter charges and accusations are being exchanged by the leaders of the C. T. M. and the Communist Party, which is heading the revolt of the dissident organizations.

The article presents the official summary of the Turkish treaty handed to the Turkish delegates on May 11, 1920. July 11 has been fixed by the Allies as the final date for acceptance or rejection. The preamble recites shortly the origin of the war and enumerates the High Contracting Parties, represented by the four principal Allied Powers, the British Empire, France, Italy, and Japan, and the other Allied Powers. The boundaries of Turkey are described in two articles, one dealing with Turkey in Europe and the other with Turkey in Asia. Subject to the provisions of the treaty, the parties agree to the maintenance of Turkish sovereignty over Constantinople.

The article comments on various political developments all round the world. A fight to a finish between the economic and the political power of Great Britain has again been narrowly averted by the national genius for accommodation. Fragmentary and obviously biased press reports of the ten-day railway strike that ended on October 6, 1919 give singularly little information concerning the exact demands' of the men, though the standardization of wages at war levels was involved. The rank and file of the workers apparently forced the hand of their leaders, who seem to have been inclined throughout to moderate action.

The article reveals the working of the U.S. Congress. It describes the U.S. Congress as an incurable mess. Its committees grind out piecemeal or contradictory legislation dealing with festering domestic problems. All rules and procedures of the U.S. Senate and the House exacerbate the problem by fragmenting the legislative agendas. These disabilities have generated a set of power relationships that has debilitated the U.S. Congress and increased the susceptibility of the Presidency to "Caesarism." However, there's some hope to be found in this deplorable situation.

This article focuses on the solvency of the U.S. Mayor Richard J. Daley. He became highly solvent, a year after the democratic national disaster of 1968. Losses in national prestige, in local public relations, in White House clout and several minor electoral defeats are responsible for the erosion of Mayor's overall power and standing. Daley has had a President amputated. In failing to carry Illinois for Senator Hubert H. Humphrey last fall, a portion but not all of the blame rests on the Mayor's rotund shoulders.

The article focuses on the comment made by Finley Peter Dunne (Mr. Dooley) framed for the Democratic Party of the U.S. The old dependable power blocs are deteriorating, and they are not being replaced. Organized labor is becoming politically and socially irrelevant. Farmers are solidly entrenched in the middle class or better; their needs are expressed in arcane economic formulas understood only by federal bureaucrats. It is not so much that the New heal coalition has left the Democratic Party as that the goals of the Democratic Party have changed in response to the changing needs of society, and the blocs in the old coalition do not share these new goals.

The author speculates on the effectiveness of nonviolent protest after the assassination of Indian activist Mahatma Gandhi in 1948 and U.S. civil rights leader Martin Luther King, Jr. in 1968. Indian Prime Minister Jawaharlal Nehru's speech after the death of Gandhi, the 1955 bus boycott in Alabama, and the philosophy of political power are discussed, and the author argues against post-assassination violence in order to promote social change.

The article focuses on some recent issues in the United States. If the consequences were not so serious, patriotic Americans might almost be grateful to the North Koreans and the Vietcong guerrillas for forcing at least a partial perception of reality on the American psyche, bedeviled by twenty years of cold-war fantasy. The media, which have raised few questions during the whole course of the Vietnamese War, are now doing as much of a turn-around as their past commitments will permit. Although U.S. President Lyndon B. Johnson, through the stupidity of the Republicans, may retain control of the White House, Washington in 1968, this may be the year, ironically, when he begins to lose control of his home base in Texas. Throughout his Presidency, he has been secure in the knowledge that things back home were under the brutally tight, conservative control of his political alter ego, John Connally, who was elected governor in 1962.

A preoccupation with power, black power, student power, flower power, poor power, "the power structure," is the most striking aspect of the American political scene at the moment. Oddly enough, obsession with power goes hand in hand with a fear of power. Some of the New Left groups that talk the toughest about power are extremely reluctant to see power operate in institutional form; within their own organizations, they shun "hierarchies" and formally structured relations of authority. What the preoccupation with power reflects, essentially, is a deep-seated, pervasive feeling of powerlessness. On the first aspect that of power, Thomas C. Cochran, the economic historian, has reminded people that "the modern centralized, militarized, and welfare-directed state" did not come into being overnight; it is the result of a complex internal evolution.

The article focuses on political condition of the U.S. The influence of the two superpowers over the fate of small nations has been much deplored, not without reason. But from time to time a small nation seizes the opportunity to expose for all to see the limitations on the power of the great. Or, as in the recent inconclusive voting in the United Nations General Assembly on the Middle East problem, the small nations, though disagreeing among themselves, frustrate the superpowers so painfully that one can almost forgive the latter for their misguided policies. The prime example of a small nation humiliating a large one is, of course, Vietnam opposite the U.S.