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Populism is hard to contain in democracies because it is the sugar, salt, and fat of contemporary politics. I borrow from research on ultraprocessed foods to develop this metaphor. The modern food industry creates ultraprocessed foods by oversupplying naturally occurring macronutrients (sugar, salt, and fat) and recombining them to create new foods that are distortions of the real thing. These new pretend foods are both addictive and toxic. Likewise, I argue that authoritarian-populist leaders take natural tenets of democracy—for example, policies to help the voiceless (sugar), competition against opponents (salt), and reform agenda saturation (fat)—and supply them in combinations and quantities that end up distorting democracy. The result is a new regime that veers easily into authoritarianism (toxicity) while in the process generating hard-core followership (addictiveness). I also discuss the way authoritarian populists from both the left and the right have emulated each other since the 1980s, while introducing their own tweaks to their steals. In the end, despite important differences, both left and right-wing populism are far more similar to each other than they each care to recognize. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The COVID-19 pandemic revealed how much the science education community has yet to understand about myriad variables that impact accurately informed socioscientific issue decision-making. Toward that end, this study investigated 415 university biology students' COVID-19 behaviours and opinions regarding how COVID-19 mandates might be associated with their views about COVID-19 science and scientists, risk perceptions, race/ethnicity, gender, and political orientation. Science-supported actions and mandate support were more highly exhibited by Asian and Black non-Hispanic and Hispanic students compared to White non-Hispanic students. Science supported actions and mandate support were also significantly associated with increased COVID-19 risk perceptions and knowledge and confidence about COVID-19 science. Higher levels of political conservatism was significantly associated with lower levels of COVID-19 mitigating actions and mandate support. Political orientation appeared to mediate the relationship between views about COVID-19 science, COVID-19 actions, and mandate support. These and other findings demonstrate that cognitive and sociocultural factors associated with socioscientific decision-making are complex and vary across contexts. An implication of this study is that efforts to promote a pragmatic science literacy for accurately informed SSI decision-making will require multivariate and synergistic approaches. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This study analyses 70 scholarly articles on doctoral education in Latin America from 2011 to 2021, using the Preferred Reporting Items for Systematic Reviews and Meta-Analyses (PRISMA) model. The research identifies key trends, themes, and defining characteristics within the literature. We propose a three-wave evolution model for doctoral education in Latin America based on the findings. The results show the consolidation of doctoral education in several countries, the ‘second wave’, with themes such as quality assurance policy, program development, learning, curriculum, and advising. The study also highlights the emergence of research hubs as a ‘third wave’, in which doctoral programs attract individuals from different backgrounds and locations who mobilise knowledge and ideas within and across regions. Our three-wave model of evolution for doctoral education offers a way to articulate research and policy around doctoral education in Latin America, a critical step towards significant research hubs and pertinent programs. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

It is a common critique of the Global South that its rising protagonism is a tool for authoritarian forces. The prominent role of authoritarian countries in coalitions such as BRICS and the Non-Aligned Movement, which claim to represent the Global South, has strengthened this concern. To shed light on those issues, this paper provides an in-depth case study of the 2024 elections crisis in Venezuela and the role of the Global South in resolving it. The question asked is to what extent countries identifying with the Global South were able to simultaneously promote democracy and adopt a foreign policy identity aligned with the Global South. The paper shows how the position and action of different Global South countries differed significantly, from an outright rejection of the fraudulent elections, to their endorsement. There were also concerted efforts by countries strongly identifying with the Global South to facilitate a democratic solution. The main argument developed is that a Global South narrative’s interweaving of anti-imperialism and opposition against foreign interference with opposition against liberal democracy promotion has left a limited space for democracy advocacy among countries with a Global South identity. This may weaken democratic forces among Global South countries in the future. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Existing studies about the politics of southern cities, particularly Latin American cities, need to pay more attention to the political institutions behind urban governance. These institutions, additionally, were not created by design but are a product of intertwined historical processes. This article analyzes the main features and transformations of Latin American local governments, their politics, and governance, looked at from the angle of their historical formation. Mobilizing arguments from urban studies and political science usually developed apart, I start with the legacies of two intertwined historical processes—urbanization(s) and state formation(s)—to later observe their recent transformations since the recent return(s) to democracy. The reconstruction of these intertwined historical trajectories and of the effects of the present democratic period help to jointly explain the most important features of the politics of local governments in Latin America that influence their governance and actions—capacities, political grammars, actors, and coalitions—as well as their recent transformations. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

AbstractThis study investigates the drivers of e-commerce continuance intentions among older consumers in Latin America. It employs the Technology Acceptance Model (TAM) and the Unified Theory of Acceptance and Use of Technology (UTAUT2) to develop and test a conceptual model of e-commerce adoption for older adults in Chile. Data were collected through an online survey involving 202 participants aged 65 and over. The findings reveal that attitude toward e-commerce and three UTAUT2 predictors—performance expectancy, effort expectancy, and social influence—are significantly related to e-commerce continuance intentions. Consumer innovativeness also has an indirect relationship through its impact on attitudes toward e-commerce. Additionally, facilitating conditions and habit are indirectly and significantly related to e-commerce continuance intentions through their influence on effort expectancy. However, hedonic motivation, perceived privacy risk, and health condition do not serve as significant predictors of e-commerce continuance intentions. This study enhances the understanding of older consumers’ intentions to continue adopting e-commerce in a Latin American country. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Popular politics—a heterogeneous set of grassroots demands and subjectivities antagonistic to dominant power blocs—finds itself at a crossroads in Latin America. In Argentina and Chile, progressive governments have failed to curtail a resurgent populist‐right despite, as recently as 2019, appearing to be on the brink of a new centre‐left hegemony. This paper argues that paying attention to the spatiality of popular politics demonstrates a failure to articulate popular politics within a national movement, either neglecting them (under Boric in Chile) or incorporating them in a top‐down strategy that erased particularities (under Fernández in Argentina). It does so from the vantage point of two neighbourhoods at the urban margins in Buenos Aires and Santiago. Bringing together Ernesto Laclau's work on populism together with Henri Lefebvre's relational understanding of urban space, it analyses how popular demands and subjectivities have been articulated in relation to national progressive politics. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Background: Infection prevention and control (IPC) programs are essential to prevent and control the spread of multidrug-resistant organisms in healthcare facilities (HCFs). The current implementation of these programs in Latin America remains largely unknown. Methods: We conducted a mixed-methods evaluation of IPC program implementation in HCFs from Guatemala, Panama, Ecuador, and Argentina, March-July 2022. We used the World Health Organization (WHO) IPC Assessment Framework (IPCAF) survey, a previously validated structured questionnaire with an associated scoring system that evaluates the eight core components of IPC (IPC program; IPC guidelines; IPC education and training; healthcare-associated infection [HAI] surveillance; multimodal strategies; monitoring and audit of IPC practices and feedback; workload, staffing, and bed occupancy; and the built environment and materials and equipment for IPC). Each section generates a score 0–100. According to the final score, the HCF IPC program implementation is categorized into four levels: inadequate (0–200), basic (201–400), intermediate (401–600), or advanced (601–800). Additionally, we conducted semi-structured interviews among IPC personnel and microbiologists using the Systems Engineering Initiative for Patient Safety model to evaluate barriers and facilitators for IPC program implementation. We performed directed content analysis of interview transcripts to identify themes that focused on barriers and facilitators of IPC program implementation which are summarized descriptively. Results: Thirty-seven HCFs (15 for-profit and 22 non-profit) completed the IPCAF survey. The overall median score was 614 (IQR 569, 693) which corresponded to an "advanced" level of IPC implementation (32% [7/22] non-profit vs. 93% [14/15] for-profit HCFs in this category). The lowest scores were in workload, staffing and bed occupancy followed by IPC training and multimodal strategies. Forty individuals from 16 HCFs were interviewed. They perceived inadequate staffing and technical resources, limited leadership support, and cultural determinants as major barriers to effective IPC guideline implementation, while external accreditation and technical support from public health authorities were perceived as facilitators. Conclusions: Efforts to strengthen IPC activities in Latin American HCFs should focus on improving support from hospital leadership and public health authorities to ensure better resource allocation, promoting safety culture, and improving training in quality improvement. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Background: Latin America has played a crucial role in advancing our understanding of Huntington's disease (HD). However, previous global reviews include limited data from Latin America. It is possible that English‐based medical search engines may not capture all the relevant studies. Methods: We searched databases in Spanish, Portuguese, and English. The names of every country in Latin America in English‐based search engines were used to ensure we found any study that had molecular ascertainment and provided general epidemiological information or subpopulation data. Additionally, we contacted experts across the region. Results: The search strategy yielded 791 citations; 24 studies met inclusion criteria, representing 12 of 36 countries. The overall pooled prevalence was 0.64 per 100,000 (prediction interval, 0.06–7.22); for cluster regions, it was 54 per 100,000 (95% CI, 34.79–84.92); for juvenile HD, it was 8.7% (prediction interval, 5.12–14.35), and 5.9% (prediction interval, 2.72–13.42) for late‐onset HD. The prevalence was higher for Mexico, Peru, and Brazil. However, there were no significant differences between Central America and the Caribbean versus South America. Conclusion: The prevalence of HD appears to be similar across Latin America. However, we infer that our findings are underestimates, in part because of limited research and underdiagnosis of HD because of limited access to molecular testing and the availability of neurologists and movement disorders specialists. Future research should focus on identifying pathways to improve access to molecular testing and education and understanding differences among different ancestral groups in Latin America. © 2024 International Parkinson and Movement Disorder Society. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The coronavirus disease 2019 (COVID-19) pandemic has had a profound impact on the countries of Latin America and the Caribbean. This study aims to summarise key findings from the Global Burden of Disease (GBD) 2021 in the region. We also explore disparities in burden rates and the relationship with the Socio-demographic Index (SDI). A cross-sectional analysis of GBD 2021 results was conducted. We obtained the disability-adjusted life years (DALYs) due to COVID-19 for 20 countries, analysing number- and age-adjusted rates. Spearman's correlation (r h o) and 95% confidence intervals (CIs) assessed the SDI–DALY rates relationship. COVID-19 was the leading cause disease burden in the region, with 20,437,321 DALYs in 2020 and 31,525,824 in 2021. Premature mortality (years of life lost) accounted for over 95%. Disparities existed across sexes, age groups, and countries, with Bolivia and Peru having the highest rates. A significant 2021 correlation was found (r h o = −0.55, 95% CI: -0.90 to 0.19; P = 0.013) but not in 2020 (r h o = −0.40, 95% CI: -0.75 to 0.05; P = 0.078). COVID-19 posed a significant burden in Latin America and the Caribbean, emphasising the need for targeted interventions, especially in socioeconomically disadvantaged regions. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

What explains citizen support for executive aggrandizement? Previous work points to support for the president, showing that individuals who support the incumbent are more accepting of executive aggrandizement. Yet, the role of the president in shaping support for (and the meaning of) executive aggrandizement is unexplored. I argue that populist discourse increases support for executive aggrandizement by framing the president as the genuine representative of the people and by portraying institutional opposition as corrupt. Two studies support this argument: First, a multilevel analysis shows that a text-based measure of populist discourse is associated with increasing support for the president closing congress or the supreme court. The estimated effect of populist discourse is largest among presidential supporters. Second, a survey experiment conducted in Ecuador shows that populist and anti-elitist discourse increase support for a hypothetical executive closing the legislature. The findings indicate that populist discourse undermines public opinion as an executive accountability mechanism. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

We tested whether children growing up in the Dominican Republic (D.R.), a context with relatively high governmental corruption levels, would support versus distance themselves from widespread unethical practices like bribery. In Experiment 1 (moral judgments; n = 106), D.R. elementary schoolers and adults evaluated judges who accepted gifts from contestants before or after selecting contest winners and predicted whether bribe-taking judges would be secretive. Like adults, older—but not younger—D.R. elementary schoolers differentially condemned judges who accepted gifts before versus after picking contest winners. Unlike adults, children often predicted that judges would disclose receiving gifts. In Experiment 2 (moral behaviors; n = 44), D.R. elementary schoolers could secretly accept or reject a bribe in exchange for 1st place while judging a drawing contest. All but two children rejected the bribe. Together, these findings stand in contrast with U.S. bribery-related developmental trends (Reyes-Jaquez & Koenig, 2021, 2022) and support this contention: When growing up in a more morally heterogeneous context like the D.R., children eventually assume a critical and differentiated stance toward—and will resist or subvert—some of their culture's unethical practices. Greater exposure to a wide range of unethical transactions might hinder aspects of bribery-related moral development early on, depending on how these aspects are measured (moral judgment vs. behavior). Nevertheless, over time, such exposure may strengthen children's capacity to resist unethical cultural practices, indicated by children's overwhelming rejection of bribes. We discuss the importance of including diverse response modalities (verbal, behavioral) when measuring psychological constructs in non-Western societies. Public Significance Statement: This study advances the idea that heterogeneity in moral conduct, or exposure to a wider range of unethical transactions during childhood, fails to produce a skewed or lenient moral compass. That is, children who grow up in an environment of higher governmental corruption levels will resist and condemn their culture's widespread unethical practices, such as bribery. The self-perpetuating cycle of corruption is, thus, likely unrelated to the development of citizens' moral values in childhood. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The Body Project (BP) intervention for body image issues is supported by extensive efficacy and effectiveness research, most of which has been conducted in the United States. The BP uses cognitive dissonance to help participants critique the ideal appearance through written, verbal, and behavioral exercises. This reduces the internalization of the appearance ideal, which in turn decreases body dissatisfaction symptoms and, in some individuals, the onset of eating disorders. To broadly implement this program in Mexico and Latin America, Comenzar de Nuevo (CdN), a non-profit organization for eating disorder treatment, partnered with the Body Project Collaborative in 2014. Together, they created a training and implementation infrastructure. This paper explores the adaptation of BP and its implementation in Mexico and Latin America. We used sustainable business, marketing, and educational models to fulfill CdN's mission to reduce eating disorder risk factors, including weight stigma, in the Latin American region. By integrating strategies to combat weight stigma within our program delivery, we strive to contribute to a more inclusive and supportive environment. We trained master trainers, regular trainers, and/or group facilitators from Argentina, Bolivia, Colombia, Costa Rica, Chile, Dominican Republic, El Salvador, Guatemala, Mexico, Panama, and Spain; and implemented the BP in 15 public schools supported by sponsorship programs. This paper provides crucial lessons learned, future directions, and implications for dissemination and implementation efforts in this region of the world. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Translation is an intellectual endeavour that requires engagement with authors and conceptual frameworks from different times and worlds. It is not a neutral or simple task of converting linguistic codes but a situated, partial, and interested process that goes beyond mere intellectual activity. In translating Stuart Hall into Spanish for a Latin American audience, specific challenges and interests arise, as detailed in this article. Three main challenges are discussed: preserving the contextuality and complexity of Hall's writings, resisting the temptation to simplify or academicize his work, and ensuring that translations facilitate meaningful cross-cultural exchanges. The article underscores the importance of understanding Hall's work as an intellectual and political project, deeply rooted in specific historical and cultural contexts, and argues for an approach to translation that remains faithful to these dimensions while making his ideas accessible and relevant to contemporary Latin American readers. Finally, the paper reflects on the political significance of translation, highlighting how ideas can transcend boundaries and enrich local debates. Hall's concepts, such as articulation, context, and conjuncture, are presented as valuable tools for understanding and intervening in the social and political realities of Latin America today. The article concludes by emphasizing the ongoing relevance of Hall's intellectual and political contributions and the need for translations that honour his legacy while engaging with the specific challenges and opportunities of our present moment. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Why do some elected leaders use legalistic strategies to undermine democracy from within? And under what conditions do they succeed in the use of these strategies? In this article, we argue that the abuse of law is at the center of the toolkit of emerging autocrats. Executives use an ample menu of legal tools and mechanisms (laws, constitutional amendments, executive decrees, administrative resolutions, and regulations by federal agencies) to gradually dismantle each of the components of liberal democracy. We show how the co-optation of the judiciary by the executive helps create an appearance of institutional normalcy that enhances regime legitimacy. In an era of democratic backsliding, executives capture or coerce judiciaries to neutralize opposition threats, carry out their policy agenda, secure and distribute benefits among allies, and dismantle various components that make up liberal democracies. To understand how executives have different levels of success in using multiple legal tools and mechanisms to undermine democracy, we compare three Latin American countries with disparate regime trajectories: Argentina, Ecuador, and Venezuela. Our paper situates judicial actors at the center of the legal toolkit of emerging autocrats by studying how (and in what ways) courts become illiberal tools for legal reform and implementation to dismantle liberal democracy gradually. We show how, in these cases, "legal narratives" are used to legitimize the slow undermining of democratic rule. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article examines the impact of canonisation trials on the promotion of new saints across the Spanish Empire. Focusing on New Spain and Peru, it demonstrates that the physical arrival of copies and summaries of a canonisation trial or hagiographies of a saintly candidate supported by the Spanish crown in Colonial America served as a catalyst for revitalising pre-existing devotions and even inspiring the creation of new ones. By examining the start of the canonisations of Fray Sebastián de Aparicio in Puebla (Mexico) and Toribio of Mogrovejo in Lima (Peru), the work provides an introduction to an often neglected phenomenon: the entanglement between religious, political and cultural forces in the formation of Latin American sainthood, mainly in four ways: causality, opposition, dialecticism and affiliation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Background: Evidence describing the types and annual costs of biological treatments for psoriasis in Latin America is scarce. This study aimed to estimate the frequency of use and costs of biologic therapy for psoriasis in Colombia in 2019. Methods: This secondary data analysis uses the International Classification of Diseases terms associated with psoriasis, excluding those related to psoriatic arthritis, based on data from the registry of the Colombian Ministry of Health. We estimated the prevalence of psoriasis per 100,000 inhabitants; then, we retrieved the frequency of use of biologic therapy in patients with psoriasis and estimated the cost per year of each and overall therapies in 2019 in US dollars (USD). Results: There were 100,823 patients with psoriasis in Colombia in 2019, which amounts to a prevalence of 0.2% in the general population. Of those patients, 4.9% received biologic therapy, most frequently males (60%). The most commonly used biological therapies for psoriasis in Colombia in 2019 were ustekinumab (35.2%), with an annual cost per patient of $12,880 USD; adalimumab (26%), with a yearly cost per patient of $7130 USD; and secukinumab (19.8%), with an annual cost per patient of $6825 USD. Conclusion: This is the first study to describe the use and cost of biological therapy for psoriasis in Colombia. It provides valuable cost‐awareness information for the Colombian health system. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Background: Skin cancer is a primary health concern in renal transplant recipients (RTRs). Existing research mainly stems from North America, Europe, and Australia, with limited data from Latin America. Methods: This 56‐year (1967–2023) retrospective cohort study explores skin cancer incidence in Mexican RTRs. Our objective was to assess the long‐term incidence of malignant cutaneous neoplasms in Mexican RTRs. Results: Over 56 years, 1642 RTRs (58% male) were studied. Median follow‐up was 8.4 years; median age at transplantation was 32.6 years. Skin cancer incidence was 6.6% (95% CI: 5.5–7.9), with an incidence density rate of 6.5 (95% CI: 5.4–7.9) per 1000 person‐years and a median latency of 9.8 years. Incidence increased with longer transplantation‐related immunosuppression (TRI), with a relative risk for >30 years of TRI of 4.8 (95% CI: 2.6–9.1) for any skin cancer and 7.5 (95% CI: 3.8–14.6) for squamous cell carcinoma (SCC). SCC was the most common malignancy (76.1%), followed by basal cell carcinomas (BCC), with a 3.6:1 ratio. Metastatic SCC occurred in 6.5% of skin cancer patients, with a skin cancer‐related mortality rate of 2.7%. Limitations of the study include its single‐center and retrospective design and unassessed factors such as human papillomavirus infection and sun exposure. Conclusions: Our study provides unique insights into the epidemiology of skin cancer among Mexican RTRs. It constitutes the largest cohort of skin cancer cases among RTRs in Mexico and, to our knowledge, in Latin America. Despite the lack of recognition of a high skin cancer incidence in non‐White RTRs, our 6.6% incidence underscores the need to enhance surveillance programs. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The paper aims to analyse the links between domestic violence and children abandoning their family home, using new empirical evidence from the Latin American inmate population. Interest in this group is obvious, as it is precisely because they ran away from home that many may have ended up in a criminal environment and finally, in prison. Among prison inmates, family violence is a strong predictor of abandoning the childhood home. Such inmates have a significantly higher risk of reporting having run away from home at least once before the age of 15, irrespective of their family, peer/school, and neighbourhood context. Domestic violence is a risk factor, triggering a series of events that result in children running away from their homes (victims of domestic violence or witnesses to it). This study suggests a relationship between different configurations of domestic violence and runaways, and provides an additional benefit by relating these two elements to the inmate population. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This review examines Votes, Drugs, and Violence, Authoritarian Police in Democracy, Resisting Extortion, as well as Democracy and Security in Latin America to outline the latest scholarly developments on how the region has dealt with the challenges posed by violent, militarized state and non-state actors. Leveraging distinct cases and methods, these four recently published books discuss the political rationale behind the military and institutional responses that have shaped public security in Latin America over the last three decades. Beyond unpacking their contributions, common themes, tensions, and shortcomings, we argue that by focusing on the political dynamics behind state interventions, these volumes highlight the persistence of a democratic paradox : rather than curtailing militarism and violence, or facilitating their containment via reforms, electoral dynamics and partisan incentives—part and parcel of democratic politics—have enabled the endurance of state and non-state militarization and violence. Relatedly, as Eduardo Moncada's new title underscores, ordinary Latin American citizens have had to adopt civilian militarization as a bottom-up resistance strategy to navigate the uncertainty this worrying paradox presents. By examining work by scholars including Guillermo Trejo, Sandra Ley, Brian Fonseca, and Yanilda María González this review helps to delineate future research as well as policy interventions. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Mexico's public security has suffered a militarization process for at least two decades. Although there is consensus on this trend at the national level in the specialized literature, little research has been conducted on its subnational impact. To amend this gap, this article inquires the way in which militarization has permeated the structure and operation of subnational security forces beyond the local autocratic dynamics that reinforce militarization. Specifically, this article focuses on police reconfiguration regarding interaction with military in the six most violent states in Mexico: Jalisco, Nuevo León, Guanajuato, Sonora, Sinaloa, and Zacatecas. The qualitative analysis presented is based on 15 interviews and 18 focus groups with police offices and public security officials of these states. We argue that military presence on the streets and the arrival of the military-to-executive positions in public security institutions contributed to the adoption of military operating modes by the state police during Felipe Calderón (Dec. 2006–Nov. 2012) and Enrique Peña Nieto's presidential terms (Dec. 2012–Nov. 2018). Additionally, this article aims to explain how the military has permeated the state's public security institutions at different levels and dynamics (management, training, and operation) that promote the adoption of formal or informal military features that enable state police institutions to behave alike and resemble the army in their everyday activities. From a theoretical and methodological perspective, this article calls for the construction of a research agenda that focuses on the local and subnational processes of the militarization of public security. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The role of the armed forces in Latin America is characterized by their participation in multiple internal missions. These range from security functions to the provision of social, educational, and public services, among others; their role also involves providing emergency relief. However, some of the armed forces involved in this type of mission do not have specialized units or corps. This poses obvious problems not only from a technical and operational point of view, but also from the perspective of civil-military relations and the definition of the roles of armies. Some Latin American countries have looked to the Emergency Military Unit in Spain as an example to follow for the implementation of a civil defense model based on specialized military resources. The aim of this paper is therefore twofold. First, it seeks to explain that the militarization of emergencies does not involve expanding the use of force but that it can become a "wildcard" policy tool instead. Second, it intends to show how the apparent success of the Spanish Emergency Military Unit resulted from some—not always positive—lessons that can be replicated in the armed forces in Latin America. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This proposal aims to analyze the militarization of US-Latin America foreign relations by discussing the role played by the U.S. Southern Command in the implementation of U.S. foreign policy for the region in the aftermath of the September 11th 2001 attacks. Since the last decades of Cold War, civilian and diplomatic agencies stationed in the region, notably the State Department and the USAID, suffered budgetary constraints that were aggravated at the beginning of the Global War on Terror. For instance, in Latin America, the Southcom has been adapted to perform the so called "military missions other than war," including non-military functions such as the provision of humanitarian assistance, law enforcement, and the management of security assistance programs aimed to dismantle drug trafficking networks. As we intend to argue, the overreliance on security and military means reflects the militarized character of U.S. influence in the region and has impacts on how the local coercive systems are organized and deployed by the domestic political elites. By analyzing the annual posture statements and the initiatives conducted in the field by the Southcom, between 2001 and 2021, we hope to clarify how the violence structures from abroad are connected to those from within. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The COVID-19 pandemic has uncovered prejudices, systemic inequities and critical feelings about governmental institutions around the globe. Since the start of the pandemic, the 12 nations that make up South America have had more than 67 million cases and 1.3 million fatalities. Public trust in and willingness to speak out about government responses to COVID-19 in each nation have differed vastly. Using spiral of silence, this study (n = 1248) explored support for governmental COVID-19 response and willingness to speak out about that response in four South American nations: Argentina, Brazil, Chile and Peru. Results revealed Chileans are more likely to speak out on government response to COVID-19 than other South American participants. In addition, climate of opinion and support for government response positively predict willingness to speak. These results further our international and cross-cultural understanding of spiral of silence. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

AbstractIn limited-resourced Latin-American cities, adapting urban regulations and capturing value offers great potential for developing affordable land. We explored what counts for the significant variance in local land management implementation within Buenos Aires Metropolitan Region. Analysed municipalities successfully developed high-quality instruments to expand affordable land markets. However, local planning effectiveness does not find limits in the quality of planning itself. Depending on the municipalities’ relative location within the metro area, the national-level pipeline infrastructure plans, the politically driven finance choices, and divergent administration protocols favour or hinder the capacity to implement an effective urban land development strategy at local levels. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Related Articles The misclassification of murders results in the invisibilization and impunity of gender‐based violence. According to Observatorio Cuidadano Nacional del Feminicidio figures in 2024, of the 3408 cases of murdered women in Mexico in 2023, only 827 were classified as feminicides. Since few cases result in punishment, women have protested for justice nationwide. The current study examines the effects of media representation of feminicide cases. Participants were randomly assigned two of four fake newspaper articles about a feminicide case, which varied based on the description of the murdered woman and the intention of the crime. Participants who received the victim‐blaming article endorsed significantly more victim‐blaming attitudes compared to participants who received the non‐victim‐blaming article. Additionally, participants who received the article where the male assailant exhibited a will to harm the victim exhibited significantly more victim‐blaming attitudes. The results highlight the need for journalists to be mindful of the narratives they construct regarding feminicide cases.Asal, Victor, and Mitchell Brown. 2010. “A Cross‐National Exploration of the Conditions that Produce Interpersonal Violence.” Politics & Policy 38(2): 175–92. https://doi.org/10.1111/j.1747‐1346.2010.00234.x.Bingham, Natasha. 2016. “Fighting for Our Cause: The Impact of Women's NGOs on Gender Policy Adoption in Four Former Soviet Republics.” Politics & Policy 44(2): 294–318. https://doi.org/10.1111/polp.12155.Denis, Claude. 2007. “Canadians in Trouble Abroad: Citizenship, Personal Security, and North American Regionalization.” Politics & Policy 35(4): 648–63. https://doi.org/10.1111/j.1747‐1346.2007.00078.x. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Gated communities house 40% of Bogotá’s population today. Streets formed when two gated communities face each other, dominated by fences and walls are a common sight. Situating our research on informal social control and critical security theories, we analyse how gated communities shape non-exclusionary access and security in the streets and public spaces outside the gates. Applying systematic observations and interviews in streets outside gated communities in Bogotá, we collect data from all public space users. We show that in these spaces, the passer-by is perceived as a threat and hence not welcomed. We find that gated communities are redistributing access and security not just inside but also outside the gates, serving the needs of some, while dismissing the collective interest of inclusive and secure public spaces for all and hence are a threat to the democratic nature of cities. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Background: Increasing vaccination coverage was key to curbing the COVID-19 pandemic globally. However, lack of trust in the vaccine and fear of side effects in regions like the Caribbean resulted in a low uptake despite enough vaccine supply. Methods: We conducted two correlational analyses and one experiment between five sequential behaviorally informed Facebook campaigns, social media performance outcomes, and district-level vaccination data. First, we ran multivariate linear regression models to estimate the mean differences between the campaigns in (i) social media performance ("Clicks" and "Engagement") and (ii) COVID-19 vaccination uptake at the district level. "Clicks" were measured by the number of people who clicked on the respective Facebook advert and visited the official vaccination site. "Engagements" were the number of people interacting with the advert through likes and emojis. Second, we took advantage of the experimental design during one of the campaigns to analyze the differential effect of messages conveying information about the number of people reporting vaccination side effects using words ("Few"/ "Majority) and numbers ("3 out of 100 ") on social media performance. Results: The correlational analysis showed that the number of "Clicks" and "Engagement" was similar among campaigns, except for the campaign focusing on vaccines' effectiveness, which had 14.65 less clicks and 19.52 less engagements per advert (including controls and district-fixed effects) compared to the base "It's safe" campaign. Vaccination rates were highest at times coinciding with campaigns focusing on vaccination safety and effectiveness. Our experimental results showed that informational messages related to side effects that were framed using words ("Majority did not report discomfort"/ "Few persons reported discomfort") were better at generating "Clicks" compared to those using numbers ("3 out of 100 reported discomforts"). Conclusions: Facebook adverts highlighting vaccine safety had a similar level of social media performance as other campaigns, except for adverts focusing on vaccine efficacy, which performed worse. Communicating side-effect information with words instead of numbers can expand social media interest in low-uptake regions like the Caribbean. Our results serve as preliminary evidence for public health officials to encourage vaccine uptake in high-hesitancy contexts. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In studies on Populism, extensive discussion has mounted around whether the phenomenon represents a threat to democracy or a corrective force. In line with this concern, we examine whether the populist attitudes held by legislators are related to their opinions on the functioning of and satisfaction with three central aspects of governance: (I) democracy itself; (II) its institutions; and (III) the separation of powers. Using the ideational approach and survey information collected for the PELA‐USAL database, we first measure the populist attitudes of legislators in 12 Latin American countries. We then test through multivariate analysis two theoretical arguments: (1) that populism is relatively hostile to democracy and its institutions; and (2) that ideological extremism and the situation of the legislator in the government/opposition dynamic serve as moderators (enhancers) of that hostility. The results suggest that the populist attitudes of these legislators are indeed significantly connected to lower levels of trust and satisfaction with democracy and its institutions and that populism in combination with ideological extremism sharpens that critical perspective, while a legislator's affiliation with the ruling party or coalition in government tends to temper it. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Background: The COVID-19 pandemic has spread through pre-existing fault lines in societies, deepening structural barriers faced by precarious workers, low-income populations, and racialized communities in lower income sub-city units. Many studies have quantified the magnitude of inequalities in COVID-19 distribution within cities, but few have taken an international comparative approach to draw inferences on the ways urban epidemics are shaped by social determinants of health. Methods: Guided by critical epidemiology, this study quantifies sub-city unit-level COVID-19 inequalities across eight of the largest metropolitan areas of Latin America and Canada. Leveraging new open-data sources, we use concentration indices to quantify income- and vulnerability-related inequalities in incidence, test positivity, and deaths over the first 125 weeks of the pandemic between January 2020 and May 2022. Results: Our findings demonstrate that incidence, deaths, and test positivity are all less concentrated in low-income sub-city units than would be expected, with incidence ranging concentration in lower income neighbourhoods in Toronto (CI = -0.07) to concentration in higher income neighbourhoods in Mexico City (CI = 0.33). Drawing on relevant studies and evaluations of data reliability, we conclude that the best available public surveillance data for the largest cities in Latin America are likely not reliable measures of the true COVID-19 disease burden. We also identify recurring trends in the evolution of inequalities across most cities, concluding that higher income sub-city units were frequent early epicentres of COVID-19 transmission across the Latin America and Canada. Conclusions: Just as critical epidemiology points to individuals biologically embodying the material and social conditions in which we live, it may be just as useful to think of cities reifying their material and social inequities in the form of sub-city unit-level infectious disease inequities. By shifting away from a typical vulnerability-based social determinants of health frame, policymakers could act to redress and reduce externalities stemming from sub-city unit-level income inequality through redistributive and equity-promoting policies to shift the centre of gravity of urban health inequalities before the next infectious disease epidemic occurs. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Melasma is a chronic, relapsing hyperpigmentation disorder that primarily affects photoexposed areas, occurring most frequently in adult women with darker skin phototypes. The primary factors contributing to its development include sun exposure, sex hormones (e.g., pregnancy), and genetic predisposition. Melasma is highly prevalent in Latin America, where many countries lie in intertropical zones and exhibit significant ethnic diversity because of centuries of intermixing among Native Americans, Europeans, and Sub‐Saharan Africans. Nine Latin American experts formulated a DELPHI‐based consensus to develop a valuable approach for treating melasma in this diverse population. After establishing an accurate diagnosis, assessing the impact on quality of life, and determining disease severity, the consensus recommends mitigating known triggers and promoting rigorous photoprotection. Active therapy should be tailored based on individual characteristics (e.g., pregnancy status, previous treatments, skin sensitivity). Treatment options include topical depigmenting agents, systemic therapies, and procedural interventions such as laser therapy, microneedling, and chemical peels. Periodic reassessment of the treatment is essential, with strategies adjusted if targeted outcomes are not achieved. Once clinical remission is attained, patients should continue using topical depigmenting agents and maintain strict photoprotection measures to prevent recurrence. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Related Articles After several failed attempts in previous years, Brazil's Plano Real finally ended hyperinflation in 1993–1994, and a significant driver of inequality and poverty was eliminated as a result. By combining data from Congress and newspaper archives, 17 interviews, and secondary sources, this article takes a qualitative approach to explore the notion that increased electoral competition and effective coalition management enabled price stabilization. Fernando Henrique Cardoso (PSDB), the economy minister leading the plan and the winner of the 1994 presidential election, campaigned as the anti‐inflation candidate, promising newly enfranchised low‐income voters that reining in prices would boost their earnings. Meanwhile, the minoritarian executive took advantage of coalitional tools to cultivate legislative alliances and approve the plan's measures. For analytical generalization, a potential model is proposed for further investigations on the relationship between competitive elections, cross‐party cooperation, and price stability in nine other country cases within and outside Latin America.Adegboye, Alex, Kofo Adegboye, Uwalomwa Uwuigbe, Stephen Ojeka, and Eyitemi Fasanu. 2023. “Taxation, Democracy, and Inequality in Sub‐Saharan Africa: Relevant Linkages for Sustainable Development Goals.” Politics & Policy 51(4): 696–722. https://doi.org/10.1111/polp.12547.Segatto, Catarina Ianni, and Daniel Béland. 2018. “The Limits of Partisanship: Federalism, the Role of Bureaucrats, and the Path to Universal Health Care Coverage in Brazil.” Politics & Policy 46(3): 416–41. https://doi.org/10.1111/polp.12252.Zimerman, Artur, and Flávio Pinheiro. 2020. “Appearances Can be Deceptive: Political Polarisation, Agrarian Policy, and Coalitional Presidentialism in Brazil.” Politics & Policy 48(2): 339–71. https://doi.org/10.1111/polp.12345. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Housing informality in wealthy contexts is an overlooked phenomenon, particularly in the global South. This article addresses the role of public institutions in the production of housing informality among the wealthy. For this purpose, it analyses the operation of public institutions in relation to the proliferation of luxurious villas in the eastern hills of Bogotá. Three villas were selected as archetypes of informal urbanization among the elite in the eastern hills, and their stories—or informality pathways—were reconstructed through interviews, maps and policy documents. The article aims to unveil how public institutions have contributed to the creation of informal spaces, often in collusion with private entities. Specifically, public institutions demonstrated conflicting internal agencies and multi‐level fragmentation, resulting in flexible regulations tailored to fit the construction practices of the elite. These characteristics were instrumental in establishing spaces of exception for the wealthy in the eastern hills of Bogotá and will likely be mirrored in other informal settlements in the global South. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Fertility desires are fundamental to understanding contraceptive use, yet the relationship between the two remains unclear and is the subject of much debate in demography. To understand the macrolevel relationship between fertility desires and contraceptive transition in low‐ and middle‐income countries, we introduce a conceptual model that articulates the microlevel processes through which a desire to avoid childbearing translates into contraceptive use and reasons for their frequent misalignment. The model calls for a more nuanced understanding of fertility desires, differentiates between the acceptability and accessibility of contraception, and highlights the multilevel forces that shape the costs of fertility regulation. These microlevel processes are key to understanding the evolving role of changes in fertility desires and changes in the implementation of desires on contraceptive transition across time and space. We conclude these relationships are additive, multiplicative, and dynamic over time. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Heatwaves (HWs) pose a severe threat to human and ecological systems. Here we assess the projected changes in heatwaves over Latin America using bias corrected high-resolution regional climate simulations under two Representative Concentration Pathway scenarios (RCPs). Heatwaves are projected to be more frequent, long-lasting, and intense in the mid-century under both RCP2.6 and RCP8.5 scenarios, with severe increases under the RCP8.5 scenario. Even under the low emissions scenario of RCP2.6, the frequency of heatwaves doubles over most of the region. A three- to tenfold rise in population exposure to heatwave days is projected over Central and South America, with climate change playing a dominant role in driving these changes. Results show that following the low emission pathway would reduce 57% and 50% of heatwave exposure for Central and South American regions respectively, highlighting the need to control anthropogenic emissions and implement sustainable practices. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper examines racial income inequality in early twentieth-century Puerto Rico. It finds, surprisingly, that Black men had an income advantage relative to White and Mulatto men in 1910–1920. The effect of race on income in Puerto Rico was smaller than that of other covariates such as urban status, sex, and literacy. A comparison with the state of Louisiana and with the United States as a whole in the same Census years shows that Puerto Rico was exceptional by U.S. standards, displaying much lower levels of racial inequality. Most of the income advantage Black men had can be attributed to the fact that they were more urban than Mulatto or White men, but part of this surprising advantage can be attributed to the existence in the countryside of a layer of skilled Black workers. Overall, Black men had equal or slightly higher occupational scores than Whites. The coexistence of slavery with other forms of coerced labor affecting individuals of all races in the nineteenth century, as well as the emergence of a stratum of Black skilled workers which survived into the twentieth century and thrived economically when the sugar industry experienced an explosive boom after 1898, is at the root of Black income equalization in the Puerto Rican countryside and in the island as a whole during the early twentieth century. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Background The coronavirus disease 2019 (COVID-19) pandemic has had a significant impact on global health, with millions of lives lost worldwide. Vaccination has emerged as a crucial strategy in mitigating the impact of the disease. This study aims to estimate the number of deaths averted through vaccination in Latin America and the Caribbean region (LAC) during the first year and a half of vaccination rollout (January 2021–May 2022). Methods Publicly available data on COVID-19 deaths and vaccination rates were used to estimate the total number of deaths averted via vaccination in LAC. Using estimates for number of deaths, number of vaccinated, and vaccine effectiveness, a counterfactual estimated number of deaths observed without vaccination was calculated. Vaccine effectiveness estimates were obtained from published studies. The analysis focused on 17 countries in LAC and considered adults aged 18 years and older. Results After accounting for underreporting, the analysis estimated that >1.49 million deaths were caused by COVID-19 in the selected countries during the study period. Without vaccination, the model estimated that between 2.10 and 4.11 million COVID-19 deaths would have occurred. Consequently, vaccination efforts resulted in ∼610 000 to 2.61 million deaths averted. Conclusions This study represents the first large-scale, multicenter estimate of population-level vaccine impact on COVID-19 mortality in LAC. The findings underscore the substantial impact of timely and widespread vaccination in averting COVID-19 deaths. These results provide crucial support for vaccination programs aimed at combating epidemic infectious diseases in the region and future pandemics. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article considers the novelistic production of Yucatec Maya writer Marisol Ceh Moo and her process of authorial construction as a decolonizing Indigenous cultural intervention. By analyzing the content and impact of her novel X-Teya, u puksi'ik'al ko'olel/Teya, un corazón de mujer (Teya, a Woman's Heart, 2009), this article elucidates how the adoption of a modern literary genre such as the novel and Indigenous authorial formation create a specific locus of enunciation that aligns with the resistance to cultural coloniality embedded in the heterogeneous Abiayala movement. Moreover, this research reveals the need to rethink the analytical categories that are part of the author theory when it comes to the study of contemporary Indigenous literatures in Latin America. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Objective. Our objective was to assess the current status of minimally invasive surgery (MIS) training in Latin America and to identify the primary hurdles for the acquisition of laparoscopic skills. Materials and methods. An anonymous survey was launched on various social media in November 2022. Surgeon responses were analyzed. Results. 131 pediatric surgeons from 98 surgical institutions in 16 Latin-American countries replied to the survey. MIS training during residency was found in 45.9% of the surgeons with > 20 years' experience, and in 95.2% of the surgeons with < 10 years' experience. A median of 3 courses (IQR: 2; 5) had been completed by 116 surgeons (88.5%), 70.2% of them = 3 days long, and 85.4% self-funded. The primary hurdles to attend them were the lack of financial resources and/or the absence of local courses (80%). Virtual courses were regarded as a recommendable option to acquire laparoscopic skills by 100 (76.3%) respondents. Conclusions. MIS training in Latin America has exponentially increased in the last decades. However, training programs have room for improvement, which means training is highly surgeon-dependent, since courses are selected and self-funded by surgeons themselves. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Artificial, automated, and algorithmic journalism is a current trend that brings about skills and challenges that newsrooms must face. The automation of journalistic tasks such as the writing of texts and the generation of audiovisuals, podcasts, and other resources to tell stories is mediated by artificial intelligence. Therefore, thinking about journalistic work prospectively offers an alternative to focus on the dynamics that will be a trend in the future. This research aims to conduct a systematic review in the Scopus and Web of Science (N = 627) databases on the scientific production of Spain and Latin America, where artificial intelligence, social communication, and journalism converge. Data mining and web scrapping were used, and the PRISMA declaration methodology was implemented to define inclusion and exclusion criteria for academic production (n = 43), integrating bibliometric analysis techniques in collaboration networks and strengths of links between authors, journals, and countries. Finally, we provide information on search trends, the authors who most developed the topic in question and other metrics of interest. In both databases, Spain has the best performance in scientific collaboration networks. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper will investigate the dynamic nature of Latin American Christology, a Christology that cannot be separated from the tenets of liberation theology. I will first offer an overview of the development of Latin American Christology and liberation theology, along with its unique features; then, I will analyze some major representatives of Latin American Christology, specifically Jon Sobrino and St. Óscar Romero (through the research of Edgardo Colón-Emeric). Lastly, I will conclude with the relevance of Latin American Christology within the greater landscape of Christian theology today. The theologians considered in this paper are primarily Catholic theologians, with the exception of Edgardo Colón-Emeric, a Methodist pastor, who has become a global voice of authority on the life, thought, and vision of the martyred St. Óscar Romero. Latin American Christology, as will be argued in this paper, cannot be understood separately from the space, culture, and identity of Latin America—the land and the context. This measures to a pivotal pedagogical claim of Latin American Christology as a global teaching pillar for all Christologies and theologies, Catholic or Protestant, within Latin America or outside Latin America. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Sense of place has become relevant in Latin America in recent decades. Although many scholars have looked at people‐place relationships there, language barriers have limited the international exposure of these studies. By assembling a collection of works mainly published in Spanish and Portuguese, we trace the fields of research where the concept has taken root and reflect upon the regional characteristics of sense of place. Overall, this review provides empirical insights into the human experience of place in a culturally diverse region marked by historical injustices, inequalities, and instability. These structures have created specific, often ambivalent senses of place, organized around resistance and adaptation. A more nuanced understanding of sense of place, which emphasizes the richness and complexities of people‐place connections, will help avoid oversimplification and idealization in future theories. To frame our analysis, we investigate sense of place from the perspective of humanistic geography. Overlapping with other non‐representational inquiries, the humanistic lens focuses on human‐environment relationships—encompassing experiences, behaviors, ideas, and feelings—to deepen our understanding of the intricate and multifaceted human condition and the essential role of place in human life. Our review shows that sense of place has proven helpful in shedding light on critical Latin American socio‐spatial phenomena such as mobilities, territorialities, and fear. Regionally, researchers center on marginalized and oppressed senses of place framed by longstanding structural inequalities stemming from a colonial legacy, capitalism, and neoliberalism. We highlight "geographies of terror," "diabolic places," and "necroplaces" as powerful categories that address the grim reality in the region. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Chronic obstructive pulmonary disease (COPD) is a leading cause of morbidity and mortality worldwide, particularly in low- and middle-income countries, where it poses a significant burden. In Latin America, the estimated prevalence of COPD is notably high, but the management and treatment of the disease have progressed slowly. This review examines the current status of inhalation therapy for COPD in Latin America, focusing on pharmacological therapies, inhalation devices, and the potential of advanced drug delivery systems. Pharmacological management predominantly relies on inhaled bronchodilators and corticosteroids, though access to these therapies varies considerably across the region. Inhalation devices, such as metered-dose inhalers (MDIs) and dry powder inhalers (DPIs), play a critical role in effective treatment delivery. However, their usage is often compromised by incorrect technique, low adherence, and limited availability, especially for DPIs. Emerging technologies, including nanoformulations, represent a promising frontier for the treatment of COPD by improving drug delivery and reducing side effects. However, significant barriers, such as high development costs and inadequate infrastructure, hinder their widespread adoption in the region. This review highlights the need for a multifaceted approach to enhance COPD management in Latin America, including optimizing access to existing inhalation therapies, strengthening healthcare infrastructure, improving provider training, and engaging patients in treatment decisions. Overcoming these challenges is crucial to improving COPD outcomes across the region. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Background: Rejection from parents can lead transgender (trans) youth and young adults to experience poor health outcomes, while parental and sibling acceptance and support can be protective against poor health outcomes. The role of family in adult trans women's lives has been minimally investigated. Aim: This study aimed to explore experiences of familial rejection, acceptance, and support in the lives of trans women sex workers living with HIV in the Dominican Republic. Method: In-depth interviews were conducted with 21 trans women ages 23 to 49 in Santo Domingo in 2019. We conducted a qualitative analysis of the interviews. We developed narrative summaries and a case-based matrix to analyze data within and across participants and confirm patterns and themes in the data. Results: Familial rejection and acceptance were processes with most participants receiving acceptance from at least one family member over time as well as receiving emotional and instrumental support. Poor health outcomes influenced by rejection and lack of support included suicide attempts, depression, and substance use. Conversely, acceptance and support bolstered well-being and provided housing stability and assistance with HIV treatment. Conclusion: Family rejection and acceptance play an important role throughout the life course. Working with families to become accepting of their trans family members could improve trans women's health outcomes. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

To describe the experiences and current situation of AO Spine Fellows in Latin America, as well as the concerns of junior spine surgeons in their first 3 years of practice. A multiple-choice questionnaire was sent to AO Spine Associate Fellows who completed their studies within the past 5 years. This survey aimed to gather information on their professional activities during the initial 3 years of practice following their fellowship. By comparing the responses and activities undertaken by surgeons on a country-by-country basis, it will be possible to describe and analyze the local and regional outcomes in Latin America. The countries with the highest participation in the AO Spine Fellowship program are currently Argentina (30.7%), Brazil, and Colombia (28.21%). Participants aged 36 to 45 are the age group with the highest engagement (30.7%). Among program participants, 75% are orthopedists. Other notable findings include that 95% of respondents have greater experience and feel more comfortable working in degenerative spine pathology. Currently, junior fellows in the AO Spine program report a high level of comfort with the initiative. However, our study reveals valuable insights that can contribute to its improvement. It is worth noting that there is a clear preference for the standard posterior approach persists. Nevertheless, there is a growing interest among junior surgeons in endoscopic and minimally invasive techniques. This study serves as a gateway to essential data for future studies and the enhancement of the Fellowship education program in Latin America. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Objective: This study aimed to explore perceived barriers to early diagnosis and management of oral cancer, as well as potential pathways for improvement in Latin America and the Caribbean (LAC). Methods: This cross‐sectional study used a self‐administered online questionnaire created via the Research Electronic Data Capture platform. The survey was distributed to health professionals trained in Oral Medicine, Oral Pathology, Oral and Maxillofacial Surgery, and Dentists with clinical and academic expertise in oral potentially malignant disorder (OPMD) and oral cancer. Data obtained were systematically organized and analyzed descriptively using Microsoft Excel. Results: Twenty‐three professionals from 21 LAC countries participated. Major barriers included the limited implementation of OPMD and oral cancer control plans (17.4%), low compulsory reporting for OPMD (8.7%) and oral cancer (34.8%), unclear referral pathways for OPMD (34.8%) and oral cancer (43.5%), and a shortage of trained professionals (8.7%). Participants endorsed the utility of online education (100%) and telemedicine (91.3%). Conclusion: The survey highlights major perceived barriers to early diagnosis and management of OPMD and oral cancer in LAC, as well as potential avenues for improvement. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

A vast scholarship shows that social movements can play pivotal roles in bringing about policies that benefit marginalized groups. However, the role of social movements in entrenching those policies--ensuring they take root--remains insufficiently studied. We set a research agenda for the study of how social movements shape policy entrenchment by calling attention to three commonly used strategies--occupying state bureaucracies, engaging in pressure and persuasion tactics, and building alliances with political parties--and analyzing the relationships among them. We illustrate these strategies through short case studies of social movements that achieved significant change benefitting marginalized groups in Latin America: the health movement in Brazil, the unemployed workers' movements in Argentina, and peasant and indigenous movements in Bolivia. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

What factors predispose an individual to engage in protest? Previous studies argue pre-existing social institutions provide the social capital and resource mobilization that facilitate collective action and protest movements, but less work has examined how this social capital and resource capacity develops. Utilizing more than 200,000 individuals surveyed across eighteen Latin American countries from the years 2002 through 2018, this study finds institutional decentralization by the Catholic Church is positively associated with individual propensities to engage in protest. Catholic decentralization is theorized to overcome free rider problems and enable the development of grassroots social capital and resources that empower collective action. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]