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Dilma Rousseff's second term as president of Brazil, slated to run from 2015 to 2019, was curtailed by her impeachment amid a systemic crisis in which the São Paulo business elite, represented by the Federation of Industries of the State of São Paulo (FIESP), the major Brazilian business association, played an active political role. In order to understand FIESP's behavior, its official notes and releases were assessed by political discourse analysis with regard to actors and institutions, both mobilized and articulated, as well as elements of interest and opinions. Our findings indicate FIESP's leading role in the pro-impeachment movement, the strengthening of institutionalized state-corporate channels, the strategic use of different discourses to co-opt political capital, the demonization of the progressive Workers' Party (PT), and the promotion of distrust in all that is political. Our analysis also revealed social manipulation by business elites through their control of the mass media. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The present article reconfigures the different tessituras sewn by Folha de S. Paulo on the political and economic situation of Brazil in the governments Dilma and Temer in 2016. Using the theoretical-methodological arrangement of Content Analysis and Critical Narrative Analysis we seek to unveil the senses of the fragmented economic news and define the aspects of coverage that imply in the abstraction of characters, outcomes, inflection points, background and other elements that characterize a story. The results show that Folha incorporated dominant values of the elites in the coverage undertaken of certain economic events analyzed, which resulted in the conduction of a narrative responsible for disqualifying the Dilma government and reinforcing the expectations that the Temer government could provide the requested reforms and changes by certain sectors of the country. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Dilma Rousseff was President of Brazil from 2011 to 2016, when she was removed from office following a controversial impeachment process. This article moves beyond macroeconomic rationales and allegations of corruption to elaborate a gendered and queer reading of the impeachment, primarily of how gender was instrumentalized to influence popular perceptions of Rousseff. Dialoguing with queer/feminist theories, it outlines how women's political participation within Brazilian society can be curtailed or impeded, by examining the structuring of public and private spheres and the use of gendered language against Rousseff. The article argues that despite the efforts of the president and her supporters to present an image of motherliness, the prevailing social narrative became one of incompetence, lack of feminine desirability, and dubious sexuality. The methodology includes personal experiences and a discourse analysis of how a deleterious narrative of Rousseff was constituted, by examining political speeches and media accounts, as well as comparing her impeachment to that of Fernando Collor in 1992. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The objective of this article is to compare the online transparency of the public accounts of the governments of Dilma Rousseff and Jair Bolsonaro, respectively. Considering that the adoption of different agendas and policies from those governments can reflect on their transparency, our hypothesis is that the level of online transparency of Dilma Rousseff's government is higher than Jair Bolsonaro's. In 2016 and 2020, we implemented a methodology geared for qualitative, quantitative, and comparative analysis of the online transparency of public accounts. This study reveals that under Rousseff's government the level of transparency was considered advanced (97%), while under Bolsonaro, transparency reached the moderate level (73%). The results are discussed considering the Brazilian context and legislation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article investigates tensions related to stereotypes of women in politics expressed in the fictional and humorous character Dilma Bolada on Facebook. We observe the personal traits associated with gender stereotypes related to this character that is inspired by the first female president of Brazil, Dilma Rousseff. We analyse posts during the period leading up her impeachment (2015–16), which would result in her eventual removal from office. By assuming behaviours culturally recognized as masculine, Dilma Bolada contradicts socially established stereotypes for women. Yet, she also displays traits that reinforce feminine stereotypes. This combination of masculine and feminine representations, permeated by humorous language, allowed Dilma Bolada to subvert traditional gender roles and become popular. We believe that the relaxation triggered by humour transformed Rousseff's hard temper into a positive image. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This study constitutes a journalistic framing analysis of the Brazilian weekly magazines Veja and IstoÉ coverage of the impeachment process of former president Dilma Rousseff, which was concluded in August 2016, from a gender perspective. A multimodal analysis is used as a methodological approach, adding some elements to the classic functions of framing, such as the study of sources, information channels, and rhetorical strategies related to journalism. It is possible to infer that the journalistic framing of the impeachment process by the two Brazilian magazines plays a destabilizing political role in the power game, and that it suffers influences from the sexist universe that historically characterizes the deliberative politics in the country. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Many important studies associate the presidential profile of Dilma Rousseff to the loss of domestic density and reach of Brazil's foreign policy, a perspective not yet confirmed by psychological mechanisms of leadership behavior in foreign policy. We offer a contribution by exploring the Leadership Trait Analysis framework with which personality concepts and comparisons between Brazilian presidents are examined. Our main findings reveal that Rousseff has leadership traits in close proximity to the average of Brazilian presidents, although her distinctions on "respecting constrains" and "focusing on causes" style mirror much of the impressions raised by the literature over her presidency. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper aims to analyse the role of supreme courts of justice in some of the recent removals from office of progressive "pink tide" Latin American presidents and governments where so-called "new right" governments have taken power. It shows the composition of the supreme courts to be a decisive factor in removing these governments from power. The core hypothesis is that the judiciary may have served as a body for legitimating interruption and dismissal processes led by the legislature in contexts of institutional paralysis (or conflict with the executive branch). To demonstrate this, the case of Brazil is analysed and specifically the role played by the Federal Supreme Court (STF) in the dismissals of Luis Inácio Lula da Silva and Dilma Rousseff. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The mediatization of politics is constituent of the political space of the democratic societies. There is a typical normative model which presents the relation of the organization and the economic activity of the press with politics and democracy through an analogy to the liberal conception of economy and politics. There is criticism to this model: the market pressures do not lead to the diversity of contents, pluralism and politicization. On the contrary, they tend to produce the depoliticization of the field of the journalism and, like this, the content homogenization and the restriction of the pluralism. Objective of this article: to put the problem to the Brazilian press and investigate 352 headlines about the Dilma government in the newspapers Folha de São Paulo, O Estado de São Paulo and O Globo. Content and framework analyses revealed a structure of homogeneity of the newspapers' position in relation to the politics: lack of diversity to the public space. The mediatization of politics has meaning restrictions of the universe of the possible ones with negative unfolding for the democracy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper presents an empirical, methodologically oriented proposal for the identification and measurement of cycles of political image crisis (CCI-pols, in portuguese). These events describe the overexposure of the image of an authority associated with reprehensible facts, which threaten its individual reputation and, indirectly, that of its hierarchical superior. The unit of analysis used in this research was news published in the newspapers Folha de S. Paulo, O Estado de S. Paulo and O Globo on the ministers who formed government in the first term of Dilma Rousseff (2011-2014). Using the proposed methodology, 40 cycles of political image crisis of State ministers in the period were detected. These cycles recorded more news and lasted more days when (i) the minister in crisis belonged to a left-wing allied party, (ii) the accusation was a conflict of interest, and (iii) the event unfolded at the beginning of the mandate. In addition, (iv) political ministers faced more-publicized crises when compared to non-political ministers; and (v) ministers faced for the first time in a crisis were exposed to cycles that lasted more days compared to recurrent crises. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Starting from the analysis of the discursive strategies used by the Datafolha Institute in its polls referring to president Dilma Rousseff, this articles argues that polls are regularly by the media in order to manipulate facts, guide the public agenda and support certain arguments. The methodology makes use of Discourse Analysis, as well as theories of journalism, of Public Opinion and of the Public Sphere. The research shows that that the narrative proposed by the Datafolha Institute omitted facts crucial for the understanding of the Brazilian political crisis. The Institute's argumentative strategies and publicizing of results, framed by its political and economic agenda, decisively affected Dilma Rousseff's credibility, leading to her impeachment. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

August 31, 2016 registered the historical impeachment of Brazilian president, Dilma Rousseff, indicted for contravening the budget law and misstating the public deficit that propelled the country into deep economic recession. Many disagreements on this matter have permeated the country's conflict atmosphere, supported by arguments that the collective will of more than 54 million voters was disrespected. Based on 3,010 interviews conducted in 204 Brazilian cities, we construct a pairwise comparison to present arguments that Rousseff had no legitimate representation in the 2014 national elections. We demonstrate how the suboptimal support of invalid votes and deliberate abstentions might have misrepresented the results of Brazilian presidential election by choosing a pseudo‐Condorcet loser candidate. The results in the Brazilian case study presented here point to the weakness in the social process of aggregating preferences by relative or absolute majority, and sets out recommendations. Related Articles: Galatas, Steven. 2008. "'None of the Above?' Casting Blank Ballots in Ontario Provincial Elections." Politics & Policy 36 (3): 448‐473. https://doi.org/10.1111/j.1747-1346.2008.00116.x Stockemer, Daniel. 2013. "Corruption and Turnout in Presidential Elections: A Macro‐Level Quantitative Analysis." Politics & Policy 41 (2): 189‐212. https://doi.org/10.1111/polp.12012 Stockemer, Daniel, and Stephanie Parent. 2014. "The Inequality Turnout Nexus: New Evidence from Presidential Elections." Politics & Policy 42 (2): 221‐245. https://doi.org/10.1111/polp.12067 Related Media: The Conversation. 2017. "Kenneth Arrow's Legacy and Why Elections Can Be Flawed." March 1. https://theconversation.com/kenneth-arrows-legacy-and-why-elections-can-be-flawed-73675 [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article has as an analytical corpus a set of 69 memes opposed to Dilma Rousseff that viralized in the Brazilian web between the period of June 2014 and August 2016 and investigates the contents mobilized during the public campaign in favor of the parliamentary coup occurred in Brazil in 2016. The analysis of these productions, as tools in the political disputes that culminated in the coup, is a way of interpreting the contemporary dynamics of Brazilian politics and the very place given to the figure of women and the feminine in public space. The collected memes show that comedy is built largely on gender inequalities and by not problematizing such an underlying framework we reinforce it. As an analytical strategy, we propose the classification of memes into four interpretive keys inspired by feminist political theory: (1) Depersonalization or invisibility, (2) Humiliation or ridicule, (3) Objectification or sexualization, and (4) Aggression or violence. By identifying the devices that support comedy from shared discursive parameters, the research demonstrates how the generalized dimension of political humor has mobilized sexist and misogynist stereotypes that have not only struck Dilma Rousseff but have reinforced the very symbolic place of women in national politics. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article presents the results of a research on the coverage of the impeachment process of President Dilma Rousseff between December 2015, when the process was opened in the Chamber of Deputies, and August 2016, when she was definitively dismissed by the Federal Senate. We analyzed 2,202 news articles published by the newspapers O Globo, Folha de S. Paulo and O Estado de S. Paulo for the methodological perspective of the multimodal framework, which considers by using content analysis the textual, visual and narrative aspects of the news. The data allow us to verify that there has been a slightly superior editorial orientation to a pro-impeachment position, but this can only be affirmed by joining the three modes of framing, since the news text followed the pragmatic coverage pattern. We argue that this pattern eventually normalized impeachment as a legitimate process, by depoliticizing it and by erasing the aspects that evidence it as a parliamentary Coup d'état. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

From the Brazilian political scenario of 2016, influenced by the instauration of Dilma Rousseff's impeachment process, we shed light on the dispute of political narratives that occurred in a polarized way between groups that supported Dilma's impediment and groups opposed to this process. The dispute of meanings between these narratives was based on two main terms: impeachment and coup. Within this context, this paper has as main objective to analyze the strategies of legitimation and the appropriations of both narratives mentioned above. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this talk, Brazilian media theorist Ivana Bentes (who was briefly Secretary of Citizens’ Rights and Cultural Diversity in Dilma Rousseff’s second government) revisits the protests of 2013, driven by progressive and emancipatory agendas but subsequently hijacked by a media-induced anti-corruption discourse that led to the parliamentary impeachment of the elected head of state and the installation of vice-president Michel Temer at the helm of a right-wing coalition. Why, Bentes asks, has the Left not been able to capitalize on this crisis of representation and what can cultural and media activisms do to rebuild the coalition that took to the streets five years ago against the World Cup and Olympic spending spree and in favour of land rights and the right to the city? [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In the years 2015 and 2016, there was a political event in Brazil recognized by the media such as Panelaço. During some television broadcasts of President Dilma, people opposed to his government were pounding pots on the windows of their homes. This behavior had some consequences in the way of acting of the governor who, in some moments, gave up to pronounce itself. This article, having as theoretical reference the psychoanalysis and biopolitical thinking of the Italian philosopher Giorgio Agamben, intends to analyze the period described with the aim of trying to understand a Brazilian way of doing politics and taking this event as an example of the Brazilian State of exception. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The paper proposes a comparative interpretation of the visual role assigned in the electoral campaigns of Cristina Fernández de Kirchner (2007 and 2011) and Dilma Rousseff (2010 and 2014) to the progovernment activists as a mobilized collective and organized support. This, after years of electoral campaigns that privileged a different image: that of the candidate directly linked with voters, without any mediation. The empirical material gathered and analyzed consists of a selection of Argentine spots and the whole of the electoral programs of the Free Electoral Air-Time (HGPE) (2016-2017) in Brazil. Using qualitative content analysis of the electoral advertising, we argue that the 2011 and 2014 campaigns (in Argentina and Brazil, respectively) display a greater visual hierarchy of the militants in comparison to the previous two campaigns (2007 and 2010). And, for the Brazilian case, we also state that the 2014 campaign introduced a second type of symbolic representation of activism, through references to the trajectory of Dilma as a youth militant during the military dictatorship. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article analyzes the effects of cognitive judgments and emotional reactions to the state of the economy and the personal finances of respondents in two surveys on the approval of the Brazilian federal government. Based on the theory of affective intelligence, the work measures and compares the influence of these two perspectives on Brazilian public opinion in two different contexts. In November 2014, President Dilma Rousseff had recently been re-elected and the prevailing perception of the state of the economy was quite good. As early as April 2015, the government announced harsh measures of fiscal adjustment and increased public prices, completely reshaping the opinion of Brazilians on the economy. Our results confirm the expectation that reason and emotion act in a complementary way in forming public opinion about the federal government and that, in times of crisis, the relative influence of emotions is greater. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

On May 12, 2016, the Brazilian Senate approved the opening of the impeachment proceedings against the president Dilma Rousseff. Journalists who were covering the political crisis reported these historic moment from the capital of the country, Brasília. This article analyzes the Jornal Nacional, the main TV newscast in Brazil, produced by Rede Globo. The overall objective is to interpret how the impeachment was reported. The study used concepts from Traquina (2005), Beltrão (1969, 1976, 1980) e Bucci (2004). [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article sets out to discuss the foreign policy of Dilma Rousseff (2011-2014) in relation to the Union of South American Nations (UNASUR). It examines the direction Brazil wanted that organization to go in when the scope of such South American institutions was widened to formally include new sectors--defense, infrastructure and finance--in regional treaties. After investigating Brazil's actions in those sectors, it found that the government of Brazil: a) sought to support means of governance which were not sufficiently institutionalized; b) wished to reconcile a broad national autonomy with increased commitments to regional mechanisms; and c) did not provide help in forming a regional bureaucracy that would have provided the minimal operational conditions required to support the proposed integrationist initiatives. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper analyzes how the place of victim assumed by Dilma Rousseff in the context of impeachment dialogues with contemporary understandings about suffering, compassion and politics. The corpus of analysis includes the official statement issued by the president inside the Palácio do Planalto and the speach made to the demonstrators who supported her. The discussion presentes in two axes: the place of the victim assumed by the president, and the pain as a shared emotion and motor of compassion. For this, we rely on authors from trauma theories and social criticism of suffering. As a methodology, we use discourse analysis based on Foucault, based on the concept of discursive rarity. We conclude that the president's discourse acts as a therapeutic instrument and engine of compassion in a context where suffering emerges as an experience capable of establishing shared identities, motivating new ways of doing politics. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article responds to Fabiano Santos and Fernando Guarnieri's dispatch, published under the title “From Protest to Parliamentary Coup: An Overview of Brazil's Recent History” in the December 2016 issue of JLACS. I start by pointing out several errors in the authors' use of terms such as “fascism” and “coup.” I proceed to map out the omissions that allow them to portray Rousseff's impeachment in a moral and Manichean light, as a coup of malignant social actors against innocent victims. I then reconstruct the chronology of Rousseff's long-winded downward spiral of self-inflicted agony, from the electoral larceny of October 2014 through the gigantic popular protests of March 2015 to the final vote in August 2016, showing how the authors chose to omit every fact that revealed Rousseff's and the Workers' Party's own responsibilities in the economic collapse and the political crisis of the country they governed for five and a half and thirteen and a half years, respectively. I conclude by pointing out the contradiction between the authors' claim that there was a parliamentary coup in Brazil and their claim that the country's political system has remained intact. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article uses the framing analysis references in order to study how two of the largest Brazilian weekly magazines – Veja and IstoÉ – employ rhetorical strategies to similarly frame their news coverage of the first year of the second term of President Dilma Rousseff. As empirical frame, the study focuses on the issues of January and December, 2015, a period marked by a deep political crisis involving the Brazilian federal government. It can be concluded that the approach of the two weekly magazines, especially in their sources selection processes, hierarchy of information and use of rhetorical figures, resembles a hegemonic news framing model such as those employed by Gitlin (2003), Porto (2002), Sigal (1974) and Soley (1992), such as: simplification, dramatization, muting of political actors and construction of a hegemonic pattern of sources. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This research analyzes the civic demonstrations that occurred in March 2015 in Brazil, with a perspective of political debate and conflict discursive construction. The study proposed focuses on the concepts of dissensus and polemics following Amossy theories. 20 posters made by citizens and showed during Rousseff's impeachment protests have been analyzed. Different topics have been selected, adapting the categories of subject of discourse image construction (Amossy, 2014; Charaudeau, 2013a, 2013b) and polemics (Amossy, 2014). Demonstrations generated a paradox between the right to protest and the defense of a military dictatorship. Conclusions approach to the argumentative limits of polemics and verbal violence as tools to value or attack the state of democracy in Brazil. Rousseff's 2016 impeachment gives a more complete context to those discourses effects. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article analyzes Dilma Rousseff's first year of public communication as the president of Brazil (2011). We seek to understand how the agencement between her and former president Lula was produced as a discursive process of construction and validation of a power. In other words, we ask how Dilma's political persona was built while arranging that of Lula. We work this process in terms of intersubjective mediation, trying to understand how this composite set of agentivities, including Lula, the labor party, PT (Partido dos Trabalhadores), and the Brazilian left causes appear, with varying degrees of clarity, according to the context and the opportunity to highlight this new political persona. Thereunto, we observe this space of interstices, this pre-discursive and intersubjective dimension, in which occurs that phenomenon understood by Derrida as the undecidable and which characterizes the pre-symbolic and pre-understanding dimension of the social process. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article attempts to analyze how operations to guarantee order are represented in the military policy of the government of Dilma Rouseff and how these missions are related to the creation of the Police Pacification Units (UPP) in Brazil. The UPPs are a key attribute of public security of the government carioca in Brazil and by extension the Brazilian state. The question is whether the missions of the Brazilian armed forces reinforce or are contrary to the foreign policy of the Rouseff government? To parse this issue, this article is divided into three parts. This first section analyzes the legal framework that governs the Brazilian armed forces as well as the country's contemporary military policy. This establishes the theoretical basis for the issues analyzed in this article. In the next section we describe the UPPs and why they were created, focusing on the case of Rio de Janeiro. Finally we examine several aspects of the participation of the Brazilian armed forces in the United Nations Mission for the Stabilization of Haiti (MINUSTAH). [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper aims to study the political dimensions in the speech of the Brazilian President, Dilma Rousseff, at the 66th General Assembly of United Nations. From the perspective of social representation theory, the results suggest three priorities in the speech of Dilma Rousseff, by the identification of discursive expressions and the construction of a representational map (the consolidation of a positive image of Brazil, the empowerment of women, and the international economic crisis struggle), in seven discursive dimensions, between direct and anchoring referrals. The approach of this research was focused mainly on the assumptions of Moscovici (2003), Arruda (2005) and Guareschi and Maya (2000). [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

We have analysed the construction of a female êthos in the inaugural speeches of Michelle Bachelet (2006), Cristina Fernández de Kirchner (2007) and Dilma Rousseff (2011). On the one hand, we have noticed that all three speakers appeal to the fact that they are women to legitimate their political leadership but, on the other hand, they show different degrees of confrontation, do not articulate êthos with logos and pathos in the same way, and do not appeal to the same stereotypes about women, making it difficult to speak of a single female êthos. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The research "The leadership of President Rousseff in the international media: an analysis of newspaper Le Monde, El Pais and The New York Times" aims to study the coverage of the first year of the new presidency of Brazil that began on 1 January 2011 in the three main sites of international coverage, the Spanish El Pais, the U.S. the New York Times and the French Le Monde. After eight years in power, Luiz Inacio Lula da Silva (PT) of Brazil left the presidency with a high rate of huge national popularity and international visibility. Accordingly, we intend to study what will be the highlight of the successor Rousseff in the international media and the trend adopted by journalists to portray the new policy guidelines on the sites of significant credibility in Spain, the United States and France. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article reviews the emergence of neo-developmentalist economic policies in Brazil, in the early 2000s, as a heterodox alternative to neoliberalism. These policies were implemented in the second Lula administration (2006–10), and continued under Dilma Rousseff. However, neo-developmentalism has not simply replaced neoliberalism; rather, these prima facie incompatible policy frameworks have been combined, and the ensuing policies have achieved significant successes despite the intrinsic fragilities and limitations of this hybrid structure. The article examines the achievements and limitations of these policies, and the (limited) scope for their continuation in Dilma’s Rousseff’s administration. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article evaluates the degree of policy change and continuity in human rights and foreign policy in the early Dilma Rousseff administration in Brazil. The smooth succession of power that Dilma’s election represented suggests significant policy continuity with her immediate predecessor Lula da Silva. In human rights, however, there have been some early indications of policy shifts. Four particularly salient dimensions of both change and continuity in the areas of human rights and foreign policy are examined: Brazil’s role as advocate for global governance reforms; its efforts to foster South-South relations; the character of Brazil’s power projection; and its regional leadership role. The article also evaluates the emergence of Brazil as a pivotal player in global governance and assesses the implications for Brazilian foreign policy engagement with international human rights. Brazil will have to manage increasing expectations that the country should play a more active and forceful role in shaping the development of the international human rights regime. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article examines the main factors influencing Dilma Rousseff's government in Brazil and offers a general outlook for the next four years. Particular emphasis is placed on the economic aspects, as these are and will continue to be the main problem for the country, and one of the key issues restricting the government's actions. To explore this argument, the article begins with a general overview of the main characteristics of Brazilian capitalism. Thereafter, the author focuses on the political determining factors, as well as the multiple configurations and various possible developments and scenarios that should also be borne in mind. The article deals both with the domestic and external factors, leading into the core of the article where the author suggests two possible outcomes of the interaction between all the above-mentioned forces. Although the analysis of the two alternatives is not conclusive, it presents a summary of the dilemma faced by Dilma Rousseff, which she must resolve in the country's interest. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Brazil and Mexico are not giving each other the cold shoulder, though given the slowdown and uncertainty of the international economic scenario, their relationship is moving forward in too cautious a manner . At the end of Dilma Rousseff's first year as president, it has been demonstrated that it is possible to get over the mistrust that still exists between the two governments. Brazil and Mexico have different projects for their international placement, but they are compatible. If greater consistency is not achieved between these two countries, there is a real danger of a division between the Latin America of the Atlantic, led by Brazil, and the Latin America of the Pacific, led by Mexico. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]