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Underground movements are understandably reluctant to record the names and numbers of their adherents because any such compilation is manifestly a hostage to fortune. Hence very few lists of politically active Jacobites actually compiled by the Jacobites themselves have survived to the present day. In the French foreign ministry archives at La Corneille, however, there is a rare and previously unknown/unused example of such a list. 'The Rolls of Parliament as they stand', is a classic printed, marked list of all the lords entitled to sit in, and commissioners elected to, Queen Anne's Union Parliament. It identifies the political allegiances of the great majority of the sitting commissioners and peers, and in particular the Jacobites among them. Rather better known, yet hitherto seldom consulted or used, is a debriefing document describing the political alignment of a great many of those in parliament and the general political inclination of their constituents written by Captain Harry Straton for the Jacobite King James III and VIII in August 1706. These two sources are the basis of the analysis that follows. The focus is on what these two Jacobite analyses of the state of Scotland and Scottish politics can tell us about the political dynamics of the Scottish Parliament and the country more broadly on the eve of the Union debates. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article investigates the English underground press in the later Stuart period. Following the end of pre-publication licensing in 1695, the ongoing threat of government reprisals meant that controversial political and religious tracts continued to be printed in secret; yet the survival of the underground press into this period has been neglected in recent works of political, religious, social, cultural and literary history. The dominant view, established by some of the most influential book historians of the past century, is that the materials necessary for a study of secret printing do not survive. This article argues otherwise. Through a detailed case-tudy of the career of one such printer, David Edwards, it illustrates how the clandestine activities of a subset of printers helped shape contemporary debate. Combining historical and bibliographical modes of investigation, this article explores the fundamental mechanics of how controversial tracts, written and printed in secret, reached the public. It examines Edwards's training under the Whig printer Thomas Braddyll, his subsequent links to the exiled Jacobite court, the clandestine techniques he used to disguise his activities, and the authorship of books he printed. These included the use of indentures and tokens to ensure against imposters and tweaking copy texts to mask distinctive stylistic tics. The article concludes by arguing that the vibrant culture of partisan print associated with the later Stuart public sphere was enabled not solely by the demise of pre-publication licensing in 1695, but also by the persistence of the underground press. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

During the Vietnam War, the FBI conducted counterintelligence operations on many groups and individuals seen as communist collaborators and national security threats. The War Resisters League, a pacifist group, was not just a target of FBI surveillance but was cast by the agency as a seditious organization. FBI records and corroborating sources show that Hoover's aim was to consolidate his own power over the Justice Department and, in the later years of the war in Vietnam, the White House. Since the majority of existing scholarship on FBI surveillance of the WRL focuses on the interwar period between World War I and World War II, this study expands this history into the critical period between 1965 and 1973. Within this history is Hoover's process of casting the WRL as a threat and violating members' civil liberties to "thwart" it. This process not only had an impact on the WRL's ability to organize but also created a dynamic between nonviolent antiwar activists and the Department of Justice that remains resonant in the twenty‐first century. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Examining how the daily newspaper La Croix and its editor-inchief, Father Léon Merklen, negotiated the Dark Years of the Occupation, this article addresses common categories of resistance and collaboration as they pertain to the French Catholic Church during World War II. Resistance and collaboration are both necessary but problematic terms. We need to account for the complexity and fluidity of the experiences of the majority of Catholics, including clergy, who do not fall easily into one of these categories. Merklen's story introduces us to an ineliminable grey area at the heart of Catholic responses to Vichy, Nazism, and the Holocaust. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The aim of the paper is to point out a specific segment of education of children in Slovakia in the period of Socialism (1948–1989) through the example of confessional education of children in the environment of the secret Church. After the Second World War, a significant turnover in education occurred in Czechoslovakia under the impact of Soviet politics. Schools were nationalised, which in fact meant the disappearance of church schools and plurality in education. After the Communist coup in 1948, education was immediately reformed by the Education Act of 21 April 1948, which unified the system of education and made it a state monopoly with a pro-Soviet orientation. The socialist school was indoctrinated by the ideology of Marxism-Leninism; the content of education at all levels, as well as leisure time activities of children. Work with children and youth in a religious spirit was harshly punished and considered an anti-state activity. Therefore, in the period of political liberation in the 1960s (Prague Spring), the so-called secret Church started its activity. The paper is focused on an analysis of the model of working with children in the secret Church in Slovakia between 1973 and 1989 through the method of oral history. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In 1941, the well-known international Cold War actor Serafino Romualdi traveled to South America for the first time. As a representative of the New York-based Mazzini Society, Romualdi sought to grow a robust anti-fascist movement among South America's Italian communities, finding the most success in Uruguay. As Romualdi conducted his tour of South America, he began writing a series of reports on local fascist activities, which caught the attention of officials at the Office of the Coordinator for Inter-American Affairs (OCIAA), a US government agency under the direction of Nelson Rockefeller. The OCIAA would eventually tap Romualdi and his growing connections in South America to gather intelligence concerning Italian and German influence in the region. This investigation sheds light on the critical function that Romualdi and his associates played in helping the US government to construct the initial scaffolding necessary to orchestrate various strategies under the umbrella of OCIAA-sponsored cultural diplomacy. Despite his limited success with Italian anti-fascist groups in Latin America, Romualdi's experience in the region during the early 1940s primed him to become an effective agent for the US government with a shrewd understanding of the value in shaping local labor movements during the Cold War. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The resistance of the Jews of the Eastern Belarus to the Nazi genocide is a chapter of World War II history to which little attention has been paid. This article deals with the position and resistance of the Jewish population of the eastern regions of the Byelorussian Soviet Socialist Republic (BSSR) to the Nazi genocide during the German occupation in 1941–1944. The material presented here is the first attempt towards a comprehensive coverage of the activities of Jews concentrated in places of isolation to resist Nazi actions against the Jewish population. Materials from Belarusian, Israeli, German and Russian archives have substantially supplemented data from the author's personal archive. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Havel's essay The Power of the Powerless described a unique situation in post-war Europe, when the Communist system of power was exhausted and those deprived of power under it were beginning to know each other and cooperate with each other in a new kind of underground. I describe the spiritual condition of a certain kind of young person in this underground, eager to find another cultural identity than the one offered by the official ideology and anxious to "live in truth." I suggest that the sudden collapse of Communism and the advent of a new consumer society left those young people in a certain measure bereft. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article offers a profile of the September 23 Communist League on the basis of a sample of 203 files from the Federal Direction of Security (DFS) archive between 1973 and 1980. The armed group was largely composed by students aged between 15 and 30 years old, who came from urban areas such as Mexico City, Culiacán and Guadalajara. These areas were set up in an upright and compartmented structure that attempted to confront the Mexican State clandestinely. I also include a representative example of a brigade from Mexico City. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Why are some nascent groups able to organize sustained violent resistance to state repression, whereas others quickly fail? This article links the sustainability of armed resistance to a largely understudied variable—the skills to mount such a resistance. It also argues that the nature of repression experienced by a community creates and shapes these crucial skills. More specifically, the article focuses on a distinction between selective and indiscriminate state repression. Selective repression is more likely to create skilled resisters; indiscriminate repression substantially less so. Thus, large-scale repression that begins at time t has a higher chance of being met with sustained organized resistance at t +1 if among the targeted population there are people who were subject to selective repression at t‒1. The article tests this argument by comparing the trajectories of anti-Nazi Jewish resistance groups in three ghettos during the Holocaust: Minsk, Kraków, and Białystok. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

This paper examines the 1915 Singapore Mutiny within the context of border-crossing patriotic and anarchist movements in the early twentieth century world. It traces some of the continuities and discontinuities with later revolutionary movements in Asia, especially in terms of networks and the sites of their interactions. Through this, it reflects on the meaning of the ‘transnational’ at this moment in Asian history. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

This article, a preliminary observation of the kopitiam (coffee shop) in Singapore, argues that the informal and seemingly apolitical kopitiam has engendered a form of political resistance that we have often failed to see. Using a case study, the article examines how local practices could reflect a hitherto neglected understanding of Singaporean politics. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In Harare, Zimbabwe's capital and hub of cultural activity, two youth movements -- Underground Hip Hop and Urban Grooves -- are portrayed as, or lay claim to be, representing Hip hop. Yet, they espouse very different definitions of Hip hop. Although Urban Grooves is essentially an umbrella term for urban pop music that blends Afro-diasporic genres, mainly dancehall, r&b, and rap, with local elements, it has been described as Zimbabwean Hip hop since some Urban Groovers have adopted rapping, the fashion style, as well as the materialistic and misogynistic outlook of mainstream American rappers. In contrast, Underground Hip Hop artists perceive Hip hop as a counterculture in which rap is valued as a powerful voice to uplift, educate, and speak out against oppression. It is important to clearly differentiate between Underground Hip Hop and Urban Grooves, since the 'Underground' status of the Hip hop movement, on one side, and the emergence of Urban Grooves as a mainstream genre in early 2000, on the other, are tied up with specific state policies that aim to undermine protest music by promoting young artists to record pro-government or apolitical music. This has resulted in a mainstream/underground dichotomy that runs along political and ideological lines. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The armed resistance movement which emerged in Poland during the Second World War is usually portrayed as united and representing all sections of society. In reality, this was very far from the case and the underground resistance was divided on several lines, of which that separating the Home Army (AK) from the peasant armed units was most pronounced. Conflicts between the two related to the army’s role in the destruction of democracy before the war. As the end of the war appeared in sight, so these divisions multiplied as the peasant movement became anxious about the AK reconstructing the pre-war state of affairs. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

Sursum Corda studies the underground press in occupied Belgium during the First World War. No other European occupied territory, in 1914–1918, produced such an intensive underground discourse. The article links this exceptional proliferation to the circumstances of Belgium's entry into the war, viz. the violation of neutrality and the civilian massacres of 1914. These issues, which galvanized a sense of national identity, were stressed by the underground press to deny legitimacy to the German occupation regime. This underground press was sustained by ad hoc networks of people from the urban middle classes, most of them Catholic. The German occupation regime, in its quest for legitimacy, spent considerable effort dismantling these networks. Underground press activity, at its most intense in 1915, sank to a very low pitch in 1917–1918. This was not only due to hardened repression and material difficulties but also due to a sense, among the occupied population, of the diminished (though never completely expired) relevance of the message of the underground press. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

During the Sino-Japanese War of 1937--1945, the Nationalist government in China launched vigorous anti-collaborator movements. It condemned collaborators as hanjian, or "traitors to the Han Chinese," and organized legal, social, and literary campaigns against them. This article examines the interplay between gender and the crime of collaboration in the context of the Nationalist government's post-war struggles, public voyeurism, and changing literary trends. Anti-hanjian literature targeted "female collaborators" as a particular category, exposing their relationships with male collaborators and fabricating details of their private lives. Tabloids and popular pamphlets deployed hearsay and rumors to confirm political disloyalty and personal decadence of collaborators, male or female. In this way, issues such as family and sexuality were written into the discourse on war and collaboration. Many anti-hanjian strategies and vocabularies were inherited and taken up during later campaigns organized by the Chinese Communist party. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The consumerist economies of the late modern city, in combination with contemporary models of urban policing, operate to close down the public spaces of social life. In response, social groups dedicated to democratic urbanism utilize anarchic tactics of 'dis-organization' and direct action to reopen public space and to revitalize it with unregulated activity. Complicating and animating these spatial conflicts is the issue of drift. On the one hand, consumerist economies and contemporary policing strategies exacerbate urban drift, spawning the very sorts of spatial transgression they seek to control. On the other hand, many of the progressive movements that battle for open space and alternative economic arrangements themselves embrace a culture of drift, and explore drift for its anarchic and progressive potential. In this context drift can usefully be investigated as an emergent form of epistemology, community, and spatial politics. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

A decade after the Falungong was outlawed in China, public forms of its organized activities have virtually disappeared and its overt acts of defiance have precipitously declined from 2000 to 2011. However, some determined practitioners continue to engage in stubborn protest activities in public, while others meet covertly in small groups or in larger conferences to share experiences of cultivation. Falungong practitioners have also adhered to their Grand Master's call to ‘clarify the truth’ about their beliefs as well as persecution by the regime. For both the Fa conferences and the Clarify the Truth campaign, they are connected to each other and to their global community through the vast Falungong telecommunications network outside China, and a proliferating system of domestic, cellular material centers. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

El artículo considera la rebelión del Ejército Zapatista de Liberación Nacional (EZLN) de 1994 en México. El autor examina la historia del grupo, el cual tiene antecedente en las Fuerzas de Liberación Nacional (FLN), una organización político-militar clandestina. Se estudian los zapatistas, que principalmente consisten en indígenas mexicanas. Se analiza el levantamiento de 1994 para la democratización del gobierno mexicano.

According to the literature, governments have strong incentives to use the public budget tactically in order to either obtain the electoral support of new voters or strengthen the loyalty of their traditional supporters. Yet vote-seeking strategies only become rational when voters follow their self-interest and reward governments when their constituency benefits from public transfers. The literature has focused on the governments' incentives, largely ignoring the importance of knowing whether the electorate is responsive to public investments. This study tests empirically whether incumbents strategically use public investments to gather more electoral support; and whether voters take these investments into account at the polls. These two questions are pursued simultaneously by using as a case study the expansion of the underground network in Madrid, Spain. Only a little evidence is found to support the idea that regional governments constructed new metro stations in neighbourhoods where they had more to gain electorally. Also, the inauguration timing strictly followed the electoral cycle, something that indicates a strategic calculus on the part of the incumbent. However, the models are also consistent with the idea that the government's investments were primarily driven by motives of efficiency. Indeed, although governments are tempted to follow vote-seeking strategies, they are also aware that they cannot deviate too much from an efficiency-based allocation of public resources. From the perspective of the voters, robust evidence has been found to show that regional voters rewarded this policy at the neighbourhood level. Neighbourhoods that received new metro stations voted in higher numbers for the incumbent than those quarters without new investments. All in all, these findings may have some implications for normative democratic theory. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The study of positive outcomes associated with strong psychological sense of community (PSOC) has grown worldwide. Yet most research explores PSOC as a uni-dimensional (positive) variable operating in a single referent community. Theoretical and empirical literature has suggested, however, that PSOC can be positive, neutral or negative (Brodsky in J Commun Psychol 24(4):347–363, ; Brodsky et al. in Psychological sense of community: Research, applications and implications. Kluwer, New York ) and since people live in multiple physical and relational communities, there may be multiple PSOCs (M-PSOC) operating simultaneously and interactively (Brodsky and Marx in J Commun Psychol 29(2):1–18, ). This paper explores the operation of M-PSOC in the lives of Afghan women, and male supporters, who belonged to a resistance organization before, during and after the Taliban regime. Decisions to join and stay in this community can be explained, in part, through the differentiation of positive, organizational-level PSOC from negative, macro-community-level PSOC. In addition, M-PSOC suggests unique cultural meanings of the terms “community” and “choice.” Findings have implications for cross-cultural community work and for fostering resilient sub-communities in the face of macro and societal-level risks and oppression. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article reviews the literature on the onset and dynamics of domestic terrorism, with special emphasis on the interactions between terrorist organizations, the state, and society. Because this literature has often been based on case studies, we seek to impose some structure to its findings. We challenge the distinction between domestic and international terrorism, which truncates the sample of violence, and we show that the actor-sense of terrorism (violence carried out by underground organizations) is the most appropriate model for causal analysis. Terrorist organizations tend to emerge in developed countries in which the state is able to prevent the loss of control over any part of its territory. Terrorists take advantage of the state's mistakes (when, for example, it is over-repressive or makes ineffective concessions) in order to boost their support. Terrorists cannot survive without some degree of support. Consequently, levels of violence and targets are determined by social constraints. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this article the author examines issues arising from the state censorship of foreign motion pictures in Romania under the totalitarian regime that came to an end in 1989. Focusing on the use of subtitles to alter the meaning and message of foreign films, the authors discuss the birth and rise of film piracy in Romania, during the Communist and post-Communist eras. Also explored are questions having to do with translations of motion picture dialogue and the impact of an underground movement that exhibited uncensored foreign films on videocassettes smuggled into the country.

The article discusses Cuba following the assumption of power in February 2008 by Cuban President Raúl Castro, examining whether there are realistic democratic alternatives to the autocratic rule of Castro. Castro's base of power, the article states, is the military which controls almost 60 percent of the economy through the management of key business enterprises. Other topics include civic opposition existing in Cuba in January 2009 and the history and the condition of that civic opposition in Cuba as of January 2009.

The article presents an exploration into the trafficking of Chinese immigrants into the United States through Canada at the Niagara border in the early 20th century. Details are given outlining the legal structures established in both countries to limit Chinese immigration, the highly organized and networked system of smugglers who worked to evade the legislation, and the dynamic responses of the governments to adapt and enforce the restrictions. Further discussion is given examining the social constructions surrounding the issue, such as racism and the dehumanization and commodification of immigrants in popular opinion.

The paper examines marriage equality through the eyes of the polyamorous community. “Polyamory” is the practice of romantic relationships with more than one person, simultaneously, with the knowledge and consent of all parties. The Bay Area polyamorous community, albeit closely sympathetic to GLBT politics and particularly to bisexual activism, has not, so far, mobilized in a struggle for group marriage or other public status. Based on in-depth interviews with 35 community activists, the paper analyzes the main issues which make them reluctant to mobilize: their alternatives to material marriage rights, their concerns regarding political alliances and strategies, and-most importantly-their mistrust of law as a tool for shaping identities and designing interpersonal relationships. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The author comments on the social movement Weather Underground Organization. When the group was formed, it set out to build an anti-imperialist movement among whites at both legal and clandestine levels. The organization's main job was leading white children to anti-racism and anti-imperialism. The author also provides an overview of the movement Students for a Democratic Society.

The author reflects on the language, gesture and mythology in the Weather Underground organization in the U.S. The movement has played a role in aboveground activities including the anti-war demonstrations in the 1970s and they were also charged with elitism and arrogance. Although the organization meant to reject what they called white skin privilege, their actions revealed how privileged they were and how unwilling they were to surrender their privilege.

After the Soviet invasion of eastern Poland in September 1939, a network of Jewish underground organizations and active conspiratorial groups was established. Its objective was to resist the violent imposition of the Soviet system, to preserve Jewish culture and religion and, for those with a Zionist orientation, to work for the establishment of a Jewish homeland. The Zionist parties and organizations among them were particularly active, especially the youth groups. The fate of the Jewish population of Eastern Europe under the Soviet occupation of 1939-41 remains understandingly overshadowed by the tragic events of the Holocaust. As a result, the activities of this Jewish underground are not widely known and have received little attention from scholars. Only in recent years have historians researching the history of Jews in eastern Poland begun to look more closely at Jewish resistance and especially at Zionist activity under Soviet occupation. These scholars have, however, relied exclusively on the eyewitness accounts of the few survivors. At the same time, Polish and Russian historians conducting intensive research on the war-time Soviet occupation of eastern Poland have published contemporary Soviet documents that confirm the existence of this Jewish underground. The material currently available shows that the Jewish underground was more widespread than previously thought, and that the Soviet authorities viewed Jewish resistance groups, and indeed any clandestine activity, as a serious threat to their rule. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Marc Bloch's L'Étrange Défaite is a fundamental text of the French Resistance, a narrative about the will and means to resist in a society that seemed to have defeated itself. Bloch's belief that resistance began with a critique of French social and political culture made L'Étrange Défaite a therapeutic work for Bloch himself, as he wrote it in 1940, and for the French when it was first published in 1946. The core of the work is Bloch's effort to think us a historian about change in order to counter the paralysing effects of the traumatic memory of the First World War in France. It is a romantic text as well because the assertion of a new French Identity, a goal shared by all internal French resistance movements, was an unrealised dream when Bloch wrote in 1940 and therefore could not yet be betrayed, as many of his Resister readers already thought was happening when L'Étrange Défaite appeared in 1946. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Explores the associations between youth, ideology and terrorism in the U.S. Definition of terrorism; Phenomenological aspects of terrorism; Common characteristics of radical movements, such as a sense of futility and the need to destroy extant world orders; Appeal of violent change; Factors contributing to the rise of terrorism; Ideological aspects of terrorism, such as the control of ideology over terrorism; Ideology of religious fundamentalism; Examples of fundamentalism, such as the Taliban Movement and Ultraorthodox Jews; Psychology of so-called true believers and mass movements; Late adolescent and young adult development and the appeal of ideology; Cultural and ethnic identity; Radicalism and youth; Individualism and radicalism; Discussion of the concepts of group process and radical movement; Importance of containing radicalism among youth.

The article presents the socio-political events in Central Asia and the Caucasus as of April to July 2006. On April 19, Court for Serious Crimes in Azerbaijan has convicted over 15 militants believed as members of Al-Qaida. On May 4, negotiations of presidents between Kazakh and Tajik has led to the approval of agreements and the release of a joint statement. On June 8, a police in northern Kazakhstan declared of breaking up Tabligh Jamaat, an underground nonviolent Islamic revivalist group.