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Hunger, food insecurity and the ill-informed use of natural resources are issues that concern the whole world, while the excessive use of chemicals, the increasing demands for food, climate change and political instability are posing significant challenges to existing food systems and sustainability. The Green New Deal (GND) seeks to resolve these problems and to support the positive transformation of the agriculture and food sectors. Turkey can be considered an ideal country for an analysis of the GND concept and for understanding its potential impact on the agricultural and food sectors, given its population in the region of 82 million, and its status as the second most populous Mediterranean country. The present study analyzes how the agricultural and food sectors will be affected by the GND, and clarifies the current status of the agricultural and food sectors in Turkey to understand what needs to be done to meet the GND goals. The adverse conditions in Turkey that are of particular note include the lack of R&D activity in the field of renewable energy; micro-scale food security issues; instability in agricultural policy; high inflation affecting food prices; and food losses and problems related to food fraud. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The Green New Deal (GND) has emerged as a crucial progressive agenda for sustainability transition, but there have been few attempts to develop it into a concrete programme for government. This paper considers one such attempt – the GND proposals put forth by the British Labour Party under Jeremy Corbyn – and how it tackled three key challenges faced by the broader GND agenda: its reliance on the state, its relationship with capital, and its Western centrism. The paper argues that these challenges gave rise to tensions within Labour’s proposals: treating the state both as an instrument and as an object of change, ambivalence towards capitalism as an economic system and struggling to reconcile the competing forces of nationalism and internationalism. By examining these challenges and Labour's efforts to overcome them, this study provides valuable insights into the messy politics of enacting Green New Deal visions. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article examines the concept of a "just transition" in the United States, specifically in relation to labor and climate action. It discusses the demands made by unions for workers in green jobs to have the same protections and benefits as workers in traditional industries. The article highlights the progress made at the federal, state, and local levels in implementing just transition policies, including legislation and initiatives in various states. It also emphasizes the importance of incorporating labor standards and community benefits in climate initiatives. While there have been successes in promoting climate protection and social justice, more work is needed to ensure a just transition for workers and communities as the country moves towards a climate-safe future. [Extracted from the article]

This paper highlights the role of climate change as a persistent, systemic, long-term inflationary driver. The inflationary impacts of climate change have been commonly overlooked in the economic literature. As global temperatures rise and extreme weather events become more frequent and severe, the inflationary effects of climate change will only intensify. These effects could be further exacerbated by the considerable pricing power of the corporate sector. As a persistent inflationary driver, climate change poses a serious threat to central banks' ability to maintain price stability mandates. The traditional tools of monetary policy will be ineffective in curbing climate change-induced price pressures. Further, growth-based Green New Deal and related fiscal policies will be ineffective at mitigating climate change and reducing its inflationary impacts. Unless degrowth solutions are sought, climate change and its price effects will only intensify over time. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Demands of system change are common in the climate movement but there is little agreement on what this entails or how it might be achieved. This has contributed to discord and division between seemingly allied positions, each seeking to address the climate crisis through alternative strategies for change. We argue that these strategic differences also reflect, and for that reason can be better understood in terms of, alternative stances towards capitalism. Adopting a critical political economy approach, we assess a number of these debates and divisions as they have played out in the UK environmentalist movement. We highlight both the connections between alternative strategic positions within these debates and the broader stances towards capitalism that underpin them, and offer a critical evaluation of their likely limitations. In doing so, we identify potential points of overlap and cooperation between those holding seemingly contrasting positions in ongoing debates within climate politics. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper deals with the vocabulary of sustainability born in the struggles against extractivism in Latin America and the Caribbean, by focussing on the Pacto Ecosocial e Intercultural del Sur/Ecosocial and Intercultural Pact of the South – an initiative launched in 2020 by a group of critical scholars and activists. In the era of Green New Deals, the Pact calls for a socially conscious green transition benefiting the many. The article shows that the Pact is a counter-hegemonic proposal with a strong biocentric component. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The Green New Deal has been defined as "an unprecedented mobilization of resources to achieve 100% renewable energy to eliminate greenhouse gas emissions" (NEF, 2019, p.4). Currently there is consensus about its purpose, however, little has been theorized about its establishment in Colombia. In this sense, our objective is to identify the institutional changes required to establish a Green New Deal in Colombia, using a Delphi methodology, appropriate for interviewing experts. As a result of this research, it was found that, of the twelve useful public policies for their establishment identified in the theoretical framework, seven comply with the guidelines for assessing environmental policy instruments proposed by Labandeira et al. (2007) and therefore are considered necessary. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This commentary turns a critical lens on the perspectives of labour in the potential green transition. It shows what changes when we focus on worldwide social labour—the labour which most of humanity currently performs—and its worldwide impact, going beyond climate to damages from mining and to biodiversity and other elements of the ecology. Such an optic forces scepticism about approaches which only consider the North when it comes to a large-scale green transition. Indeed, this paper argues, using illustrative examples, how such approaches rely on suppressing the historical role of colonialism and imperialism in making First World (core) development possible. It shows how lenses such as "social reproduction" or policies such as "universal health care" focused only on the core reproduction of worldwide patterns of domination. It then puts forward the outlines of an alternative approach to decent work in the context of a worldwide green transition toward a non-hierarchical world system. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Recent research suggests that public support for climate action can be increased by bundling environmental policy with social and economic programs – the Green New Deal being one of the most widely known iterations of this strategy. Yet, party cue theory suggests that public support for the policy will be shaped by the strong Democratic associations of the proposal. In a preregistered survey experiment conducted among 1,203 residents of the rural western United States, I find strong evidence that the phrase 'the Green New Deal' functions as a partisan cue, lowering support for a bundled climate policy among rural residents by 9.1 percentage points. This depressive effect is robust even when framing around region-specific climate impacts is added to the survey question. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Globally, several governments have adopted various forms of green stimulus policies (GSP) to manage environmental challenges and revitalize their national economies during crises. However, research on the varieties of GSPs within a country and the possible drivers of this diversity remain scarce. This study qualitatively compares the green growth and green new deal policies adopted under two different administrations in South Korea. Although both GSPs share similar components, they vary in their focus on nuclear energy and international cooperation. This study postulates that these differences are associated with the degree to which each administration saw GSP through the lens of a developmental state. Besides providing a comparative tool for examining GSPs and their elements, this research contributes to GSP research in a non-Western developed-country setting by highlighting how domestic factors shape the nature and composition of GSPs. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Reconciling wind energy development with biodiversity conservation requires accurate maps. As the coordinates of wind turbines are often not publicly available, many conservationists use datasets curated by research groups or volunteers, whose accuracy is unclear. We used satellite images to assess the accuracy of three of these datasets, at portraying onshore turbines currently operating in Sardinia (Italy). We recorded 1155 turbines, far more than those reported by Smeraldo et al. (n = 914), Open Street Map (n = 766) and Atlaimpianti, the only public map of wind turbines in Italy (n = 507). Our findings question the accuracy of open-source datasets about onshore wind energy infrastructures, particularly where the development of renewables is going fast. Before being used for research or policy these data should be validated on the field. Create, validate and disclose accurate data about these infrastructures should become a priority for environmental agencies worldwide. • The accuracy of datasets about onshore wind turbines has never been tested. • We used Google Satellite to validate three of them for Sardinia (Italy). • We recorded far more turbines than those reported in the datasets. • Before being used for research or policy, these data should be validated. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Neoliberalism and evangelical theocrats want to create an authoritarian capitalism that maintains a political, social, and environmental dictatorship. Green capitalism offers only limited change unable to solve the environmental crisis. Building alternative hegemony around a Green New Deal will be the best oppositional force to ecofascism. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Intersectional praxis - the practical application of intersectional theorizing into action - can be highly relevant for pursuing social-ecological transformations. Yet, we know little about the benefits and challenges of trying to mobilize such praxis for pursuing transformations. In this contribution to critical feminist and political ecology scholarship, we explore this gap empirically through a case study of producing a grassroots Green Deal in North Macedonia in which intersectional theory principles were employed in a process of collective visioning and grassroots organizing around that endeavor. To identify benefits and challenges related to this process, we inquire into the documents produced and the experience of organizers coordinating and catalyzing those efforts. We find that the benefits of enacting intersectional praxis relate to strategizing and mobilizing, collective action, and intersectional solidarity building. Challenges faced included fears concerning the unfamiliarity with the concept of intersectionality, and issues related to the capacity of individuals from subaltern groups to participate in collective visioning processes under conditions of precarious existence. We conclude that grassroots organizing around the Green Deal framework could have a potential to address some critiques of mainstream Green Deals, shift narratives of socio-ecological transformations (SETs), unite different movements working towards climate and social justice, and mobilize people power under an umbrella framework that dominates the policy arena, such as the Green Deal. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this presentation and conversation melding philosophy, cultural history, and contemporary practice, artist/curator Steven Duval and curator Marina McDougall engage Felix Guattari's The Three Ecologies as a framework to assert the essential value of the arts in contemporary public works projects, or potential future Green New Deal. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The impacts of the COVID-19 pandemic extend to global biodiversity and its conservation. Although short-term beneficial or adverse impacts on biodiversity have been widely discussed, there is less attention to the likely political and economic responses to the crisis and their implications for conservation. Here we describe four possible alternative future policy responses: (1) restoration of the previous economy, (2) removal of obstacles to economic growth, (3) green recovery and (4) transformative economic reconstruction. Each alternative offers opportunities and risks for conservation. They differ in the agents they emphasize to mobilize change (e.g. markets or states) and in the extent to which they prioritize or downplay the protection of nature. We analyse the advantages and disadvantages of these four options from a conservation perspective. We argue that the choice of post-COVID-19 recovery strategy has huge significance for the future of biodiversity, and that conservationists of all persuasions must not shrink from engagement in the debates to come. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In July 2020, the South Korean government announced a 5-year, post-pandemic plan. This purportedly proactive policy aimed to advance digital and green industries to lay the groundwork for the post-pandemic era. This article examines the South Korean government's early proposal of a post-pandemic policy, titled the Korean New Deal, in order to explore how the pandemic crisis may affect the policymakers' envisioning of the post-crisis society. Moreover, the study examines how this early predictive plan may reveal the ways in which the pandemic is utilized for discursive politics. Drawing on the critical discourse analysis of policy documents and news coverage, this article questions how the "old" language of the developmental state is incorporated into the "new" policy. The study also shows how COVID-19′s impacts and uncertainties are translated into political discourses. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

A Global Green New Deal (GGND)—that includes Arctic sea ice climate triage and carbon cycle climate restoration, and that, following Eisenberger (2020), would move us toward a renewable energy and materials economy (REME)—is necessary to turn our current civilization and species-threatening climate crises into an opportunity to stabilize our planet's climate and advance to a new, more equitable and prosperous stage of human development. Imminent, potentially catastrophic, global climate impacts of Arctic sea ice loss, the first global climate "tipping point," are reviewed, and practical and efficient potential climate triage methods for avoiding this are summarized. Longer-term carbon dioxide removal (CDR) and carbon capture, sequestration, and use (CCSU) methods, that would move us toward long-term carbon cycle climate restoration, are presented. A general reframing of climate policy and specific GGND policy proposals—that include Arctic sea ice climate triage and carbon cycle climate restoration that would rapidly move us toward a REME and avoid increasingly catastrophic climate impacts—are proposed. JEL Classification : Q53, Q54, Q55, Q56, Q58 [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Planners and activists are identifying ways to promote equitable adaptation that counter climate injustice. This article explores how this progressive turn in adaptation compares with past progressive movements. I argue urban progressive politics have cyclical tendencies toward liberalism and radicalism, and that the evolution of planning for climate adaptation mirrors these waves. I review 10 recent guidance documents that recommend strategies for enhancing racially just adaptation. I then assess how these recommendations advance the three pillars of progressive reforms: redistribution, expansion of democracy, and structural reform. I find that proposed strategies for racially just resilience are a welcome advance from mainstream, unjust resilience planning. However, history suggests that the focus on procedural justice for oppressed communities seen in recent discourse may limit their scope and durability. I conclude with suggestions for areas where climate activists and scholars can expand given emerging political space for ambitious thinking under a Green New Deal. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article aims to provide an analysis of the reconfiguration of political orientations in the face of weakening economic growth. We address a widely observed new polarization in the party systems of Western democracies, with radically universalist and ecological orientations, often represented by green parties, versus industrialist and authoritarian values, mainly represented by right-wing populism. In our effort to explain this constellation, we offer an alternative to accounts that merely focus on an underlying change of class structures or that, conversely, declare socio-economic factors obsolete in their relevance for voting behaviour. While the one side focuses on the 'losers of modernization' or deindustrialization, the other side emphasizes a cultural conflict between new cosmopolitan values and a defence of male, white, heterosexual, non-migrant privileges. In contrast to such accounts, we analyse how the general trend towards decelerated economic growth provoked new orientations on the (liberal) left and on the (populist) right. In a first step, we provide an overview of diagnoses of 'secular stagnation' and of the rise of radically universalist and right-wing parties in Western Europe, focusing in particular on the last decade and looking to the US by way of comparison. We then focus on the attitudes which the political actors in question entertain towards economic growth and offer an interpretation of their 'cultural' motives as struggles over economic distribution. The third and last step presents a Gramscian extension of socio-economic analysis beyond the study of voter groups and their attitudes. Here, we take into account the interests of the ruling classes along with the quest for legitimacy and projected changes in the regime of accumulation—if indeed the term accumulation is still adequate in a post-growth context. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The need for wholescale energy transitions across the globe is now clear, but there is still much debate about how best to achieve carbon neutrality by 2050. Carbon‐pricing has so far been unable to avert the coming climate catastrophe. Instead supply‐side, managed decline of the fossil fuel sector and proposals for Green New Deals, or Just Transition are gaining steam among academics, policy communities, and movements and even entering mainstream politics. In this article, I review three main approaches to energy transition and highlight their underlying goals and assumptions. I argue that movements for energy transition must center social and economic justice in their struggles if they want to gain broad‐based appeal. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this introduction, we outline the context for the international emergence of cultural policy responses to the COVID-19 pandemic. Our article first offers a general account of how arts and culture have been affected by the pandemic, before looking at some of the state interventions (bailouts') to support the professional sector, and the present and future conditions they might be seeking to preserve or occasion. We then examine the UK as a particular case study. In rejecting a politics of "bailout" and "return", and in synchrony with others seeking to situate culture in a re-vitalised political economy, we argue that professional arts and culture needs to move forward with a "new deal" in hand; one that can enhance culture's potential and multipart value, as well as help the sector progressively engage with the many social, economic and environmental challenges ahead and beyond C-19. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In using the idea of Necrocene, the age of death and extinction due to capitalist accumulation, as opposed to the Anthropocene, this article will discuss how green capitalism is a ramification of the business-as-usual neoliberal praxis as it does not contemplate the pressing matters caused by capitalism as it exists today which are inherently linked to inequity, exploitation, death and extinction. Furthermore, through this lens, it will generate a critique of the Green New Deal and provide speculations on the planetary future. Finally, this article ambitiously aims to illustrate how through the imaginaries of death and extinction, capitalism and green capitalism can be challenged as they prove to be deathly and inconsistent to the creation of fruitful inroads for future alternatives towards the Eleutherocene: the age of liberated Earth and Humanity. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In the wake of the introduction of the Resolution for a Green New Deal to the US House of Representatives in 2019, feminist climate justice activists and organisers initiated and cultivated the Feminist Coalition for a Green New Deal. The Coalition advances an intersectional feminist analysis as part of the national conversation about the Green Deal, which entails elucidating and enacting processes for coalition-formation and creating shared values, principles, and policy positions. This article shares insights from interviews with five Coalition members about the relevance of the Coalition's creation, operating processes, and key outcomes – namely the principles for a Feminist Green New Deal – for communities, advocates, and policymakers, particularly in this moment of reckoning with a global pandemic. Their reflections illustrate their fervent dedication to the feminist tool of intersectional analysis, their proposals for an alternative economy centred on principles of care and regeneration as the essential scaffolding for a Feminist Green New Deal, and their commitment to the power of collective action as the most effective means of movement building. The responses also demonstrate the interconnectedness of feminist climate advocacy with feminist development critiques, the essentiality of a comprehensive reframing of governments' general policy processes and aims, and the criticality of movement building that is intentional and responsive. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Recent warnings from scientists suggest there is limited time to enact policies to avert wide‐ranging ecological and social damage from climate change. In the United States, discussions about comprehensive national policies to avert climate change have begun, with "Green New Deal" proposals and climate plans put forth by members of Congress and presidential candidates. Oceans are largely absent or separate from these nascent policy proposals. Here, we highlight a policy framework to develop terrestrial and ocean‐integrated policies that can complement and enhance terrestrial‐focused initiatives focused on four specific sectors: 1) energy; 2) transportation; 3) food security; and 4) habitat restoration. Given political friction and constrained budgets, an integrated policy framework offers greater potential to achieve a portfolio of mitigation and adaptation goals in a cost‐effective manner, beyond what could be realized with marine or terrestrial policy solutions alone. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Although the trade war between China and the US has aspects of a national rivalry, at a deeper level it is a struggle over different forms of globalisation. The Chinese and US economies are deeply integrated, but the economic crisis of 2008 caused a delegitimisation of neoliberalism. The transnational capitalist class is seeking to build new hegemonic projects to stabilise global capitalism. On one side is militarised and repressive accumulation surrounded by a nationalist narrative as typified by the Trump administration; and on the other is green capitalism. An economic and political project in which China plays a key role. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article aims to contribute to the climate crisis debate in Ireland by exploring tendencies in media coverage towards two quite different 'solutions.' These might be seen as representing two poles of the current debate—either remaining securely within or departing significantly from the certainties of neoliberalism. The focus in this piece is on critically weighing up the respective strengths of these two responses in the face of climate disruption. I hope to encourage further research on this basis into quantifying media coverage of these and other potential solutions. In 2020, 'green' has become a mobile and versatile qualifier, employed by various social groups for a range of ends. I will briefly explore what Kahn has termed 'green consumerism' before considering various forms of the Green New Deal (GND). [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Socialism in the Spotlight As interest in socialism gains momentum in the United States and elsewhere, socialist proposals to address the climate crisis - which are currently making their way into public debates around the Green New Deal - will draw intense scrutiny, and rightly so. Third, socialists - and eco-socialists in particular - must recognize and embrace the role of the state in meeting the crisis, in order for humanity to have any chance of a sustainable future. This aversion to the state can be traced back to the eco-socialists' I Belem Statement i of 2008, and perhaps even earlier.[13] More recently, Hans Baer stated, "Democratic eco-socialism rejects a statist, growth-oriented, productivist ethic." Future discussion among socialists can be based on the knowledge that many socialist states and parties of the last century (particularly in its middle decades) bore the hallmarks of the political culture and semi-feudal social and economic relations that surrounded them. [Extracted from the article]

Climate change and the rise of a grassroots–legislative political–environmental movement in the United States should change how urban planners think and act on spatial change and social justice. After the 2018 U.S. elections, organizing movements and progressive legislators endorsed the Green New Deal. In this Viewpoint I look at the Green New Deal's potential implications for urban planning. I analyze it in reference to the 1930s' New Deal inspirations and current climate and urban challenges, and illustrate the contradictions between large-scale spatial change and community-scale social justice. I explain how the imperatives of the Green New Deal, in conjunction with the shifting sites, scales, and politics of planning for climate change, should encourage planners to reframe their spaces and politics of practice toward a reconceptualized urban regional scale and a new politics of more public participation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The tension between creating jobs and protecting the environment remains central to contemporary environmental politics. Critical scholars have reworked the "jobs vs the environment" problematique, but how people will secure livelihoods in various imagined futures remains unclear. We demonstrate how a Universal Basic Income (UBI) that enacts a revitalised politics of redistribution, in conjunction with an active state, has the potential to rupture the link between employment and income. We suggest that such a UBI is complementary to various postcapitalist politics that fundamentally reorganise relationships between people, ecology, and labour. Further, such a UBI can enable the cultivation of new economic subjectivities, as well as the time needed for greater democratic engagement. Where radical environmental politics often configure a fearful agent of change, motivated by a dystopian imaginaries, we propose new radical visions for socioecological futures in which people have time for leisure, community, and democratic participation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article serves as the content for a slide show presented at the Global Studies Association conference held at Loyola University in Chicago on June 6-8, 2019. The discussion emphasized the importance of establishing The Green New Deal by transitioning away from burning carbon and uranium to stop and reduce CO2 levels, building a Smart Grid, redesigning and rebuilding industries for zero waste, transitioning from agribusiness factory farms to organic, sustainable family-sized farms, redesigning new housing and retrofitting existing stock, increasing innovation and high design for all products and services, and curbing the production of poisons and removing pollutants from human consumption. The link to the presentation is http://ouleft.org/wp-content/uploads/Green-New-Deal-2.pdf. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

While all citizens are increasingly concerned with climate change and its associated effects, youth show particular interest and activism around the topic. Legislators and activists have recently championed a Green New Deal as offering goals for how the issue might be addressed in the United States and other countries. In this article, we offer an interdisciplinary inquiry in which students can explore sources to answer the compelling question, can the Green New Deal save us? Students will evidence, communicate conclusions, and take action in ways that help them explore the knowledge, skills, and dispositions needed for ecological citizenship. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Housing is one of the defining social policy issues of our time. There is growing recognition that the housing market is failing and causing widespread damage, but alternatives struggle against deep-rooted capitalist norms and the perceived shortcomings of previous attempts to promote non-market housing. However, despite being a huge concern for millions of people, housing tends to operate below the mainstream political radar, as was demonstrated again by the December 2019 UK general election. This paper argues that a new agenda for public housing is gaining support and can overcome these obstacles, particularly by aligning itself to shifting lifestyle patterns and the urgency of combating climate change, thus enacting a true Right to the City. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper takes stock of the achievements and gaps of the emerging field of ecological macroeconomics, which has brought insights from specific schools of macroeconomics—most notably post-Keynesian—to ecological economics, with a strong emphasis on the endogeneity of money. Ecological macroeconomics has proposed fiscal, monetary and prudential reforms to boost 'green' investments, and developed new modeling frameworks to explore the interactions between the financial, macroeconomic and biophysical spheres. While these proposals open a broader range of possibilities to engage in a socio-ecological transition than those offered by the current paradigm of a financialized global economy, they paradoxically suffer from similar limitations. By placing much faith in 'green' investments, they impose a vision of the transition that presents strong technical and institutional limitations. The field also fails to revisit its own understanding of macroeconomics and of specific phenomena—e.g. financial instability—through a biophysical lens, in spite of increasing transdisciplinary evidence supporting this approach. We suggest overcoming these limitations through institutionalist perspectives that understand money as a language through which value is created and legitimized. Those perspectives seem essential to re-embed the governance of money within a worldview that acknowledges the finiteness and incommensurable values of Earth's life support systems. • This paper examines ecological macroeconomics' (EM) foundations and policy proposals. • EM brings critical insights on endogenous money theory to ecological economics (EE). • Yet, it places too much faith in the 'capabilities' of so-called 'green' investments. • It also fails to revisit the foundations of macroeconomics through insights from EE. • Overcoming these limitations requires integrating institutional approaches to money. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

• A novel agent-based model allows manipulation of market factors to study resulting emissions. • Impact of scrappage rate on emissions is small -- but could interact with exogenous EV adoption scenarios. • Grid decarbonization has a large effect on emissions, roughly the same as doubling EV saturation. • Mandating shared fleet electrification could have the same effect as decarbonization. • We present the literature's first implementation of the Green New Deal's clean transportation aims. When understanding the effect of new technology on any sector, it is essential to have a quantitative understanding of the sector's "turnover rate": the sector-wide inertia based on buying and scrappage rates of existing products. To assess sector-wide inertia in the transportation sector, this paper develops an agent-based stochastic simulation for characterization of the U.S. light-duty (LD) vehicle fleet, applying the output to quantifying the effect of electric vehicles sales on the greenhouse gas (GHG) emissions of the fleet as a whole. Such a model framework allows us to study transportation policies that might affect scrappage rates, vehicle types, and car sharing adoption and comparing them to different exogenous electric vehicle adoption scenarios. Overall, we find that the impact of scrappage rate on emissions is small – but could have synergistic interactions with our exogenous electric vehicle adoption scenarios. Furthermore, the impact of restricting vehicle type is negligible. Grid decarbonization has a large effect, roughly the same as doubling EV saturation. Lastly, mandating shared fleet electrification could have the same effect as decarbonization. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Global capitalism is visibly showing up unacceptable inequalities and social contradictions. Three camps have emerged in the ruling class in response to over-accumulation, poverty, middle-class stagnation and environmental crisis: inclusive capitalism; militarised accumulation; the Green New Deal. All fractions adhere to neoliberal principles. Inclusive capitalism – neoliberalism with a nod to Keynesianism – means continued stagnation since it avoids the need for a social-democratic regulatory system. A turn to authoritarianism – the police state of twenty-first century neo-fascism, according to theorist William I. Robinson – is unlikely, though militarised accumulation is now an essential outlet for capital. Green capitalism, in which China is now the leading global investor, particularly with transnational public and private partners, neither breaks with neoliberalism, nor can potentially reverse environmental disaster. That would take social movements defining a Green New Deal for a sustainable capitalism to be an effective hegemonic bloc. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

As a result of increasing industrialization activities with globalization, It has become important to take some measures against the occurring negativities such as depletion of resources, environmental problems and the disappearance of some business areas. And this has provided the concepts such as sustainability, green new order, green economic growth, decent and green jobs which are frequently used in the literature, to come to the forefront. In this respect, the European Commission established the European Union Sustainable Development Goals together with the member states. There are 17 goals and one of these is Decent Work and Economic Growth. In this context, in the study, first of all, conceptual framework is presented; then, regarding with the green new deal, green growth and green jobs in the world and in our country, the carried out activities and examples are examined. Thus, face-to-face interviews were made with Kayseri, Samsun, Hatay and Sakarya Metropolitan Municipalities and the obtained data were evaluated by comparing amongst themselves and due to the lack of data about OECD Green Growth Indicators in every province in Turkey, comparisons and evaluations were made at country level between Turkey and OECD Countries. As a result, in order to achieve urban sustainability and to achieve improvement in green growth and green jobs, which are new in our country, green growth action plans need to be prepared and implemented. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper summarizes a global Green New Deal program that can advance climate stabilization as well as rising mass living standards and an expansion of decent job opportunities. The core features of this program are massive global investments in energy efficiency and clean renewable energy so that clean energy supplants the existing fossil-fuel-dominant global energy system. Through annual investments in the range of 2 percent of global GDP in clean energy and a corresponding contraction in fossil fuel consumption, the global economy can maintain an absolute decoupling trajectory—i.e., economic growth proceeds while CO2 emissions fall to zero within 30–40 years. The paper also shows that a steady contraction of global GDP—i.e., "degrowth"—does not provide a viable climate stabilization framework. JEL Classification: Q54, Q56, Q58 [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

As a whole, the Green New Deal (GND) is discussed as one of the most promising political projects to address social justice targets together with climate goals. Yet, as most individual GNDs focus on the national level, concerns about global justice have largely remained absent from early debates, leading some to conclude that the GND reproduces neocolonial and extractivist schemes. To analyse programs for a GND in relation to issues of global justice requires an analytical framework able to evaluate justice claims in extended geographies. Drawing on the later work of political theorist Iris Marion Young, we develop a framework that foregrounds three principles: shared responsibilities for environmental harm of global reach, self-determination for those effected by these harms, and a forward-looking political responsibility to address the structures producing and sustaining injustice. We employ this framework to conduct a qualitative content analysis of four selected GND proposals from the UK, the EU and the US. This analysis indicates that all selected GNDs acknowledge in principle the global reach of responsibilities and formulate (limited) proposals to address these in different fields. However, they do not think of global justice in terms of a forward-looking notion of political responsibility that acknowledges the need of structural reforms and the self-determination of those experiencing harm. Instead, when addressing justice beyond the level of the nation state, these GNDs fall back on a notion of distributive justice. Based on the work of Young, we conclude with a set of propositions for global democratic structures that would support the outlined principles of global justice. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Keywords: Green New Deal; international labor; labor; student debt; fare hikes EN Green New Deal international labor labor student debt fare hikes 8 10 3 05/19/20 20200401 NES 200401 "It is important to allow Finnish citizens to work less. Schroth and his coworkers reached out to International Brotherhood of Electrical Workers (IBEW) Local 3 with concerns beyond low wages - though their pay was just a dollar or so more than New York City's minimum wage of $15 an hour, he said. During the strike, in an unprecedented move, the outsourced university cleaners and security workers at University College London (UCL), members of the Independent Workers Great Britain, coordinated their own one-day strike to join the precarious academic workers, because, they noted, their conditions were fundamentally connected. [Extracted from the article]

Since the global financial crisis of 2007/8, proliferating calls for a Keynesian Green New Deal have cast the publicly (and environmentally) minded state as a necessary driver of technological innovation and social transformation, while, vice versa, innovation has moved to political centre-stage. The history and genesis of this particular Green Keynesian paradigm illustrate that some of its most high-profile proponents selectively and problematically frame twentieth-century Keynesianism and the ‘public good’. It is important to examine critically the calls for an ‘entrepreneurial state’ in which Green Keynesian ideas are mobilized in support of an agenda for continued and accelerated development of commercially focused, privately developed green technologies. The entrepreneurial state represents a neoliberal re-appropriation of Green Keynesianism, where dominant financial actors (in Silicon Valley, as opposed to on Wall Street) are tapped as the visionaries who can and should set our collective innovation agenda. Although there is a need for large-scale, coordinated techno-social efforts to address climate change, supporting ‘green’ innovation cannot simply be framed as maximizing ‘innovation’ while taking the ‘state’ for granted. Instead, it must entail a careful assessment of the specific trajectories of innovation being enabled and the underlying socio-natures that they maintain and promote. Science and technology studies (STS)-informed analysis allows, and compels, asking how socio-technological innovation and their constitutive power relations are crucially interrelated, making the reshaping of the state—still the primary institution and system of social relations of collective governance—a core but neglected political, technological and ecological project of our time, with a key role for STS. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article offers information on the Green New Deal framework for climate stabilization. It discusses the global efforts to mitigate the climate change by controlling the carbon-dioxide emission, a.long with information on the International Energy Agency's energy policy framework for controlling the carbon-dioxide emission. It mentions the work of Peter Victor that aims to demonstrate how advanced economies could function effectively within a degrowth framework.

This paper provides a detailed review of the basis and prospects for United Kingdom (UK) proposals for the most ambitious mainstream social, economic, and environmental policy program of the 21st century: the Green New Deal (GND), providing critical reflection for its implementation at a local or regional level. Through a review of academic, policy and book publications we examine the key proposed features of a UK GND, identifying five core elements: financial reforms; green infrastructure investment; financing the GND; ownership structures; and economic, social and climate justice. We subsequently review these policy areas through the lens of multi-level governance (MLG) to understand what scales of policy action are required for these aims to be achieved. We find that, whilst core elements of a UK GND, such as reforms to the financial system, and expansionary fiscal and monetary policy require policy change at national and supra-national level, the majority of GND investments require implementation at the local level. We suggest that, in the context of contemporary UK MLG, there are challenges for fully funding and delivering a GND without a national programme, while highlighting emerging options for coordinating and implementing a GND by local government actors, in the absence of national support. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In the contemporary dual crisis, economic crisis policies cannot be dealt with in isolation from the rampant and acute ecological crisis – and vice versa. In this article, we challenge the hegemonic positions in purported attempts to solve the crises so far: in the economic realm, the Keynesian episode of 2008–2009 as well as austerity policies, and with regard to the ecological crisis, ecological modernization and green economy. Instead, we will propose that both the economic and the climate crises can be ‘solved’ through the destruction of a particular kind of capital, that is, fossil capital. Given that capital destruction in general seems to be an essential part of overcoming capitalist crises historically and given the urgent need to demolish large parts of the fossil infrastructure in order to avert climate change, we discuss in this article the possibilities to politically steer the processes of creative destruction so that crises policies benefit the economy and the environment to highest possible extent. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In 2019, the Mayor of Los Angeles announced the Los Angeles Green New Deal (LAGND), an ambitious plan to shift the city's power system to 100% renewables by 2045. The Los Angeles Department of Water and Power (LADWP)—the electricity provider for the city and the largest municipally-owned utility in the United States—began a consultation process with local stakeholders and energy system modelers to determine possible scenarios to accomplish this goal. While the LAGND was lauded by environmentalists and progressives both within Los Angeles and beyond, it has been heavily opposed by the IBEW 18, the union that represents nearly all employees at LADWP. IBEW 18 has staged protests, created political advocacy organizations, and funded anti -decarbonization political candidates. This paper draws on 20 semi-structured interviews and other secondary materials to understand the union's oppositionand to demonstrate some of the unique challenges that municipal-scale Green New Deal (GND) plans face. We argue that the tensions between the mayor's office and unionized utility workers can be explained, at least in part, by three instances of scalar misalignment—or mismatch—that arise from trying to undertake a GND plan at the city level. These include mismatch between: (1) the scales of political activism and engagement between the mayor and the union, (2) the aims of the GND narrative and the limits imposed by the jurisdiction of the City of Los Angeles, and (3) the current and future geographies of the electric power system and related infrastructure and its path dependencies. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In the wake of the global financial crisis, interest in the relationship between the economy and the environment substantially increased. Several proposals emerged between 2008 and 2012 for the creation of a ‘Green New Deal’, ‘Green Stimulus’, and a ‘Green Economy’. These proposals are often conflated with one another under the rubric of ‘green capitalism’, but there are important distinctions to be made between them. Each suggests a different role for the state in regulating the market and the financial sector (i.e. they suggest different models of capitalism). The proposals can also be distinguished by the positions taken on ecological modernisation (i.e. they put forward different models of ‘greenness’). Recognition that there are varieties of green capitalism being mooted increases the opportunities for more targeted critiques of each model and enables a more constructive debate about the options for creating sustainable economies in the developed world. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

Activists and scholars increasingly blame neoliberalism for the failure to sharply reduce greenhouse gas emissions, but there is insufficient research that investigates the theoretical link between neoliberalism and climate paralysis. This paper seeks to fill that gap by presenting a coherent account of how neoliberal ideology has constrained policies to address climate change in the United States. As motivation, we first present evidence suggesting more neoliberal countries perform worse in addressing climate change. We then analyze how three tenets of neoliberal ideology—to decentralize democracy, defund public investment, and deregulate the economy—have stymied climate action in the United States. Finally, we discuss the Green New Deal as a decisively anti-neoliberal framework that seeks to wield the power of the federal government to pursue large-scale public investments and binding climate regulations for rapid decarbonization. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]