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This article explores India's response to the Ukraine crisis and its decision not to condemn Russia's invasion of Ukraine. It examines various factors that contribute to India's reluctance, such as its fear of pushing Russia closer to China, its reliance on Russia for weaponry, a sense of nostalgia from the Cold War era, and economic benefits from maintaining silence. The article concludes that India is unlikely to change its stance on Russia in the near future, which could impact its alignment with the United States. It also discusses India's longstanding partnership with Russia and how it influences India's foreign policy decisions, particularly in relation to Russia's actions in Ukraine. The article suggests that India's ties to Russia may hinder its ability to develop a closer relationship with the United States, potentially allowing China and Russia to gain influence in the region. [Extracted from the article]

Research on terrorism disagrees on whether terrorist activity is at its highest in collapsed states, which are more hospitable to such activities, or whether terrorism increases in more capable states. We revisit this discussion by theorizing an interactive relationship: terrorists prefer to operate in politically-hospitable states, but their attack frequency within these states increases with greater technological capacity, which allows them to expand their military, recruitment, and financing operations. We analyze 27,018 terrorist incidents using regression and causal inference models, conduct a case study, and find robust support for this interactive logic. Our conclusions outline implications for policy and academic work. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

17 U.S. Embassy and Consulates in Pakistan, "Joint Statement from the 9 SP th sp U.S.-Pakistan TIFA Council Ministerial", February 23, 2023, https://pk.usembassy.gov/joint-statement-from-the-9th-u-s-pakistan-tifa-council-ministerial/; U.S. Embassy and Consulates in Pakistan, "Joint Statement on U.S.-Pakistan Climate and Environment Working Group", March 16, 2023, https://pk.usembassy.gov/joint-statement-on-u-s-pakistan-climate-and-environment-working-group/. Reprising a close strategic relationship with Pakistan could significantly damage US interests The United States could be pursuing its strategic rapprochement with Pakistan in the hope of improving joint US-Pakistan counterterrorism capabilities. The India Factor in US-Pakistan Renewal The United States' rapprochement with Pakistan will likely undermine US strategic cooperation with India. [Extracted from the article]

India and Russia have enjoyed a strong relationship since the collapse of the Soviet Union, partially as a legacy of the Indo-Soviet partnership during the Cold War. But how will this invasion impact future relations between New Delhi and Moscow? We argue that the war will likely harm this relationship over the long term, although some scenarios might minimize this harm. Western sanctions and Russian material losses in the war will make it difficult for Russia to fulfill Indian arms orders, especially if the sanctions regime remains in place for several years, forcing India to turn to other sources of weapons, including the United States. Its increasing isolation from Europe could also force Russia to move even closer to India's rival China, making India less secure. There may be opportunities to improve energy ties between India and Russia, but Western sanctions and geographic barriers will limit any energy gains. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This was exemplified in the visit of the ISI-D's current director, Faiz Hameed, to Kabul, hard on the heels of the Taliban seizure of the capital.[5] More recently, Pakistani decisionmakers at the highest levels of government have sought to put the best possible gloss on the Taliban government. To that end, they have forcefully argued that to avert a humanitarian crisis in the country, the world needs to engage with the Taliban regime.[6] However, Pakistan has held off on recognizing the Taliban regime as the legitimate government of Afghanistan, arguing that a regional consensus is first needed before such recognition can be granted. This goal has remained a constant in Pakistan's strategic vision, even after its overt acquisition of nuclear weapons in 1998 and the subsequent forging of a viable nuclear deterrent.[3] Pakistani governments have had two major goals in Afghanistan The 1996 Taliban takeover of Afghanistan represented a realization of both of these goals in one fell swoop. In the wake of the American withdrawal from Afghanistan and the Taliban takeover, three major regional states - Pakistan, India, and the People's Republic of China (PRC) - all have significant and overlapping stakes in the future of Afghanistan. [Extracted from the article]

The article focuses on India's response to COVID-19 pandemic and blame must be squarely attributed to three critical choices made by Prime Minister Narendra Modi complicated by three fundamental structural conditions in India. It mentions overburdened public health infrastructure, the post-independence Indian state has had a remarkable record of containing pandemics. It also mentions three critical choices by Modi's government such as delayed international flight ban, a drastic and poorly planned national lockdown, and a shortage of medical equipment and testing.

The article discusses the transformation of India under the leadership of Hindu nationalist party Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) and Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi. It explored the policy initiatives proposed such as the National Register of Citizens (NRC) and the Citizenship Amendment Act (CAA), the secular principles of the government led by Modi compared to previous administrations, and the presidential order which revoked the special status of the Indian state of Jammu and Kashmir.

In May 2019, India's Prime Minister Narendra Modi won a second five-year term with a parliamentary majority unprecedented in recent decades (303 of 545 total seats). Under his leadership, the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) has for all practical purposes abandoned any pretense of upholding India's constitutional commitment to the values of secularism, political pluralism, and intellectual freedom. The BJP's antisecular, majoritarian vision threatens liberal democracy in India on three levels: societal, ideological, and institutional. If the party implements this vision, India will probably remain an electoral democracy, but its claim to be a liberal democracy—a country of freewheeling debate and discussion, robust check-and-balance institutions, and solid safeguards for rights and freedoms—will become a thing of the past. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Focuses on the Indo-Pakistani dispute over Kashmir in India. Details of the shooting of Hindu inhabitants in a mountain village by the Indian Army; History of the dispute between India and Pakistan; Efforts of New Delhi, India to address Kashmiri grievances through state-level elections in Jammu and Kashmir.

The article focuses on resounding victory of the Indian political party Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) in nineteenth general election in May 2019 despite rising unemployment, sluggish economic growth, widespread rural distress, and unpopular policy measures such as demonetization. Topics discussed include BJP passed an ordinance and introduced a citizenship bill that sought to exclude Muslims immigrating from other South Asian states from obtaining Indian citizenship, foreign and security policy of Indian government and government authorized a retaliatory air strike to avenge them.

The article looks at the economic and political events in Sri Lanka after the civil war, which began in 1983 and ended in May 2009. Topics covered include the firing of Prime Minister Ranil Wickremesinghe by President Maithripala Sirisena in 2018, the 19th Amendment to the Constitution approved by Parliament in April 2015, and the root cause of the ethnic conflict in Sri Lanka according to the country's Lessons Learned and Reconciliation Commission.

Why did the Punjab bear the brunt of the mass violence and the migration that accompanied the partition of India? This paper makes the case for analytical eclecticism by showing that the following three explanations - centred respectively on democratisation, nationalism, and ideas; the commitment problem; and the security dilemma - account for the violence/migration in the different stages in the run-up to the partition of India. Instead of arguing that 'everything mattered', this paper elucidates the complex causality at work by demonstrating how these factors interacted with one another during the different stages leading to India's partition. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Political liberalism in India is now under assault. The current right-of-center government, dominated by the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP), appears intent on transforming India's pluralistic, open, and secular state into an ethnic and illiberal democracy. To that end it has sought to place ideologues in key governmental institutions, attempted to curtail academic freedoms at a leading university, and made efforts to curb an otherwise feisty mass media. A weak political opposition, which had in any case failed to demonstrate much mettle when in government prior to the BJP's 2014 electoral victory, now appears utterly incapable of stemming this illiberal tide. As a consequence, India's future as a liberal democracy appears to be at some risk. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article focuses on the bitter relations of China and India due to tension in border region of Doklam and multiple disputes, continuing disagreements and the threat of the use of force. It mentions dramatic innovations in weapons technology and qualitative advancements in the strategic capabilities of both India and China and both countries possess arsenals of long range ballistic missiles that can deliver conventional or nuclear payloads across thousands of miles in a matter of minutes. It also mentions China has problem with India due to signing of Nuclear Nonproliferation Treaty (NPT) with the U.S.

These four books on Sino-Indian relations provide new evidence and novel arguments about the origins of the border dispute, the Sino-Indian border war of 1962, and the evolution of the Sino-Indian rivalry. Three of the four books have made use of newly declassified archival material and have thereby challenged existing knowledge about various features of this contentious relationship. The books, nevertheless, are of varying quality. One or two of them represent the acme of dispassionate scholarship while at least one asserts some very partisan claims. That said, they all represent a new wave of scholarship on Sino-Indian relations and should be of value to those interested in this fraught relationship. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Sino-Indian relations, which have long been fraught, took an especially adverse turn this summer with a military-to-military confrontation on the Doklam Plateau near the India-Bhutan-Tibet trijunction. After several weeks, Indian and Chinese forces withdrew from the region. However, neither side resiled from their respective territorial claims. This episode exemplified the troubles that have come to characterize the Sino-Indian relationship, especially since Prime Minister Modi assumed office in 2014. His regime, which is more nationalistic and reposes greater faith in the utility of force in international politics, had initially sought to diplomatically court the PRC in the hopes of improving their bilateral relationship. However, these efforts did not prove successful. Instead, the People's Liberation Army, as in the past, continued to undertake limited probes along the Himalayan border, while the PRC continued to make diplomatic, commercial, and strategic inroads into India's neighbours, trying to reduce India's influence in those countries. The Modi regime, in turn, sought to counter these initiatives through various efforts of its own in the neighbourhood. Beyond South Asia, India has also sought to enhance its ties with Australia, Japan, the United States, and Vietnam in an attempt to hedge against the PRC's growing economic and military assertiveness in Asia. These endeavours, however, have elicited hostile reactions from Beijing, which sees New Delhi as the only significant potential hurdle to the expansion of its influence in Asia. Despite Beijing's adverse reactions it is unlikely that the current regime in New Delhi will scale back its efforts to cope with what it deems to be significant threats emanating from its behemoth northern neighbour. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The Sri Lankan Civil War erupted in 1983 and dragged on until 2009. The origins of the conflict can be traced to Sri Lanka's colonial era and subsequent postcolonial policies that had significantly constrained the social and economic rights of the minority Tamil population. Convinced that political avenues for redressing extant grievances were unlikely to yield any meaningful results, a segment of the Tamil community turned to violence precipitating the civil war. A number of domestic, regional, and international efforts to bring about a peaceful solution to the conflict all proved to be futile. A military strategy, which involved extraordinary brutality on the part of the Sri Lankan armed forces, brought it to a close. However, few policy initiatives have been undertaken in its wake to address the underlying grievances of the Tamil citizenry that had contributed to the outbreak of the civil war in the first place. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Two sets of complexes of Co-triarylcorrole-bispyridine complexes, Co[TpXPC](py)2 and Co[Br8TpXPC](py)2 have been synthesized, where TpXPC refers to a meso-tris(para-X-phenyl)corrole ligand with X = CF3, H, Me, and OMe and Br8TpXPC to the corresponding β-octabrominated ligand. The axial pyridines in these complexes were found to be labile and, in dilute solutions in dichloromethane, the complexes dissociate almost completely to the five-coordinate monopyridine complexes. Upon addition of a small quantity of pyridine, the complexes revert back to the six-coordinate forms. These transformations are accompanied by dramatic changes in color and optical spectra. 1H NMR spectroscopy and X-ray crystallography have confirmed that the bispyridine complexes are authentic low-spin Co(III) species. Strong substituent effects on the Soret maxima and broken-symmetry DFT calculations, however, indicate a CoII-corrole•2- formulation for the five-coordinate Co[TpXPC](py) series. The calculations implicate a Co(dz2)-corrole("a2u") orbital interaction as responsible for the metal-ligand antiferromagnetic coupling that leads to the open-shell singlet ground state of these species. Furthermore, the calculations predict two low-energy S = 1 intermediate-spin Co(III) states, a scenario that we have been able to experimentally corroborate with temperature-dependent EPR studies. Our findings add to the growing body of evidence for noninnocent electronic structures among first-row transition metal corrole derivatives. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Two new series of iron meso-tris( para-X-phenyl)corrole (T pXPC) complexes, Fe[T pXPC]Ph and Fe[T pXPC]Tol, in which X=CF3, H, Me, and OMe, and Tol= p-methylphenyl ( p-tolyl), have been synthesized, allowing a multitechnique electronic-structural comparison with the corresponding FeCl, FeNO, and Fe2( μ-O) T pXPC derivatives. Optical spectroscopy revealed that the Soret maxima of the FePh and FeTol series are insensitive to the phenyl para substituent, consistent with the presumed innocence of the corrole ligand in these compounds. Accordingly, we may be increasingly confident in the ability of the substituent effect criterion to serve as a probe of corrole noninnocence. Furthermore, four complexes-Fe[TPC]Cl, Fe[TPC](NO), {Fe[TPC]}2O, and Fe[TPC]Ph-were selected for a detailed XANES investigation of the question of ligand noninnocence. The intensity-weighted average energy (IWAE) positions were found to exhibit rather modest variations (0.8 eV over the series of corroles). The integrated Fe-K pre-edge intensities, on the other hand, vary considerably, with a 2.5 fold increase for Fe[TPC]Ph relative to Fe[TPC]Cl and Fe[TPC](NO). Given the approximately C4 v local symmetry of the Fe in all the complexes, the large increase in intensity for Fe[TPC]Ph may be attributed to a higher number of 3d holes, consistent with an expected FeIV-like description, in contrast to Fe[TPC]Cl and Fe[TPC](NO), in which the Fe is thought to be FeIII-like. These results afford strong validation of XANES as a probe of ligand noninnocence in metallocorroles. Electrochemical redox potentials, on the other hand, were found not to afford a simple probe of ligand noninnocence in Fe corroles. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article offers information on the security state in democratic India, which mention about Armed Forces Special Powers Act, colonial legacy, practice of Prevention of Terrorism Act and creation, and the role of national human rights commission.

The author contends that Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi's government has not fundamentally changed the orientation of India's foreign policy despite his heightened emphasis on foreign affairs. Topics covered include his lack of input on the subject of nonalignment, how the governments of former prime ministers such as Jawaharlal Nehru insistence on nonalignment's viability in the world order, and Modi's policies towards neighboring countries such as Nepal, Bhutan and Bangladesh. Also mentioned are India's trade and investment with Southeast Asian countries, changes Modi has instituted in Indian-U.S. relations, and factors contributing to an increase in defense cooperation.

Foreign policy belief systems have received much attention. Yet nearly all work examines attitudes in western democracies, chiefly the United States. The current security environment requires that we ask whether the foreign policy views of individuals in other nations--particularly regional powers--are similar in structure to those found in the US case. This article does so for the Indian case. Drawing on studies of US opinion, we develop a set of claims and test them on an original data set on Indian elites. We make four contributions. First, we show that Wittkopf's framework applies to the Indian case. Second, we demonstrate how this framework can be made more generally applicable by revising its emphases on different types of internationalism and on rethinking the meaning of isolationist preferences. Third, we place the Indian case in comparative perspective. And last, we model the dimensions of Indian attitudes as a function of domestic ideology. Results of our analyses provide insights into the structure of foreign policy belief systems outside the Global North. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

A change in U.S. administrations can often result in significant policy shifts. However, in the case of South Asia, with marked exceptions, U.S. policy has been mostly consistent. That said, the new administration will confront important challenges at global, regional, and bilateral levels that involve South Asia. To that end, the administration will have to deal with questions of climate change, global trade, and transnational terror. It will also have to confront the nettlesome question of the future of Afghanistan as well as the growing religious intolerance and conflict in the overall region. Finally, given India's significance to the region and beyond, it will need to devise policies designed to place the bilateral relationship on a more secure footing. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article presents an essay on the emergence of several national security related threats in India and how the country's policy makers deal with it. Topics include the sources of the country's internal threats which include the resurgence of violence from the unsettled ethnic movement Maoist in the disputed state of Kashmir and Jammu, the challenges of the country's defense acquisition, and the dispute over legitimacy on its colonially demarcated Himalayan border.

India, though a working democracy, has adopted an ambivalent stance toward the genesis and evolution of the doctrine of the Responsibility to Protect. This article traces India’s views toward the earlier principle of humanitarian intervention, outlines its reactions toward the advent of the norm, and discusses India’s positions on the attempts to apply it to recent international crises. It then argues that India’s cautious support for the principle stems in part from concerns about its potential abuse in the hands of the great powers, post-colonial concerns about the diminution of the norm of state sovereignty, and finally, its own domestic vulnerabilities in the protection of human rights. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

For well over 20 years, μ-oxo-diiron corroles, first reported by Vogel and co-workers in the form of μ-oxo-bis[(octaethylcorrolato)iron] (Mössbauer δ 0.02 mm s−1, Δ EQ 2.35 mm s−1), have been thought of as comprising a pair antiferromagnetically coupled low-spin FeIV centers. The remarkable stability of these complexes, which can be handled at room temperature and crystallographically analyzed, present a sharp contrast to the fleeting nature of enzymatic, iron(IV)-oxo intermediates. An array of experimental and theoretical methods have now shown that the iron centers in these complexes are not FeIV but intermediate-spin FeIII coupled to a corrole.2−. The intramolecular spin couplings in {Fe[TPC]}2(μ-O) were analyzed via DFT(B3LYP) calculations in terms of the Heisenberg-Dirac-van Vleck spin Hamiltonian H= JFe-corrole( SFe⋅ Scorrole)+ JFe-Fe′( SFe⋅ SFe′)+ JFe′-corrole( SFe′⋅ Scorrole′), which yielded JFe-corrole= JFe′-corrole′=0.355 eV (2860 cm−1) and JFe-Fe′=0.068 eV (548 cm−1). The unexpected stability of μ-oxo-diiron corroles thus appears to be attributable to charge delocalization via ligand noninnocence. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article discusses the five dangerous myths about Pakistan that the country's foreign and security policy propagated for its vested interests. It states that the myths have spoiled U.S. foreign relations with Pakistan and the U.S. sought cooperation with India since 2000. It is noted that former Pakistan President Pervez Musharraf stated that the country faces existential threat from India and highlighted that it is a victim of terrorism. It mentions the ties between Pakistan and terrorist group Lashkar-e-Taiba (LeT). It also states that Pakistan has not been a reliable ally to the U.S.

The article focuses on the withdrawn of the U.S. troops from Afghanistan. The war has been cost the U.S. 300 million dollars a day. The U.S. forge a status of forces agreement (SOFA) and a bilateral security agreement (BSA) with Afghanistan. In the absence of the SOFA and BSA, the U.S. and NATO forces would have not remained in the country after 2014.

In The Blood Telegram: Nixon, Kissinger, and a Forgotten Genocide, Gary Bass convincingly argues that the Nixon administration did little to rein in its ally Pakistan from perpetuating genocide against its own population largely because of Islamabad's vital role in facilitating U.S. diplomatic contact with the People's Republic of China. He also shows how the low strategic significance of South Asia for much of the global community, combined with an inordinate regard for the norm of sovereignty, led to a lack of support for the principle of humanitarian intervention. The Blood Telegram partially affirms the proposition that acts of genocide can stem from the choices of a handful of individuals who are determined to achieve a political goal using all available means. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article discusses the political risks associated with the results of the 16th general election in India. Topics covered include the victory of the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) over the Indian National Congress (INC) as well as the implications of the results for the political transition in the country. Also mentioned is the decline in the political power and influence of INC through time.

This introduction outlines some major ways in which regions and regionalism have been defined. It provides a brief overview of the contents of this special edition of India Review. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article presents information on the prospects of the May 2014 general election in India and its foreign relationship with its neighbors. It is stated that the election could have significant consequences on the quality democracy, economic and foreign policies of India. The 2013 national elections of May 2013 in Pakistan is stated to have improved democratic prospects for the nation but Bangladesh seems to be backsliding.

The essay discusses the origins of the territorial dispute between Pakistan and India over the region of Jammu and Kashmir and the way in which changing the area's Line of Control (LOC) to an international border could lessen the threat of conflict. The authors begin by tracing the conflict back to the partition of India in 1947 and the decision of Jammu and Kashmir's leader, Maharaja Hari Singh, to accede to India. They also argue that the U.S. should lead the dispute resolution.

The enduring role of Pakistan's army in both foreign and domestic affairs has long drawn the attention of political scientists. Since its emergence from the partition of the British Indian Empire in 1947, Pakistan has suffered four military coups (in 1958, 1969, 1977 and 1999), long periods of political instability and a persistent inability to consolidate democratic institutions. At first glance, Pakistan's inability to sustain a transition to democracy is especially puzzling given that India, which also emerged from the collapse of British rule in South Asia, has experienced only a brief bout of authoritarian rule (1975–77) and has managed to consolidate democracy – even though the quality of its democratic institutions and their performance leaves much to be desired. Many scholars have proffered explanations for Pakistan's failure to make a successful transition to democracy. This essay will argue that all the extant accounts are partial and incomplete. It will contend that the roots of Pakistan's propensity towards authoritarianism must be sought in the ideology, organisation and mobilisation strategy of the movement for the creation of Pakistan. Whereas other recent writing on authoritarianism in Pakistan dwells upon the aggregation of power by the military, this essay focuses upon the failure of civilian democratic institutions to fully abandon authoritarianism even when the military is not in power. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

Abstract: This article provides a brief overview of the theoretical literature on the rise of China, and then explores the implications of the rise of China for the U.S.- China rivalry. It then describes sources of underlying tensions in the Sino-Indian relationship. China and India are not only engaged in a competition for power and influence in Asia, but they are also locked in a particularly contentious border dispute. The authors then argue that economic interdependence may not be enough to offset the sources of conflict in the Sino-Indian rivalry. This holds true in spite of the presence of nuclear weapons by both sides in this dyad. Therefore, a limited conventional war remains a distinct possibility even though it is by no means inevitable. [Copyright &y& Elsevier]

Islamist militants based in Pakistan pose a major threat to regional and international security. Although this problem has only recently received wide-spread attention, Pakistan has long used militants as strategic tools to compensate for its severe political and material weakness. This use of Islamist militancy has constituted nothing less than a central component of Pakistani grand strategy; supporting jihad has been one of the principal means by which the Pakistani state has sought to produce security for itself. Contrary to the conventional wisdom, the strategy has not been wholly disastrous. Rather, it has achieved important domestic and international successes. Recently, however, Pakistan has begun to suffer from a "jihad paradox": the very conditions that previously made Pakistan's militant policy useful now make it extremely dangerous. Thus, despite its past benefits, the strategy has outlived its utility, and Pakistan will have to abandon it to avoid catastrophe. Other weak states, which may also be tempted to use nonstate actors as strategic tools, should take the Pakistani case as a cautionary lesson. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article focuses on the issue of corruption in India. Recent high-profile corruption cases have made venality in politics a major public issue. The cases include activities surrounding the sale of the 2G telecom spectrum, the issuing of mining rights to well-heeled and well-connected corporate entities, and the handing-out of contracts for the 2010 Commonwealth Games in Delhi. Self-styled Gandhian social activist Kisan Baburao Anna Hazare had begun his hunger strike to induce the Indian Parliament to pass a particular piece of anticorruption legislation known as the Jan Lokpal Bill.