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In 1963, Marianne Moore tells an interviewer, "I never 'plan' a stanza. Words cluster like chromosomes, determining the procedure." Six decades earlier, when Moore first learned about chromosomes, the concept was relatively new. Her education at Bryn Mawr from 1905 to 1909 placed her at the forefront of the understanding of heredity for her time, among those who knew that embryos inherited chromosomes equally from each parent. As her early poetry placed embryonic origins in tension with religious, national, and poetic origins, she posed the embryo both as disruptive to Western origin stories—like the Christian story of the fall—and as generative for her poetics, offering a model for a poetics of iterative and continual origination. Heather Cass White has suggested that the future of Moore criticism depends on recognizing how two schools—"the scientific Moore" and "the Protestant Moore"—are ultimately united around "her pursuit of an aesthetically and ethically tenable 'original' poetics." Moore's attention to embryos suggests that she was also performing a study of origin itself. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The importance of naturalization—the establishment of species introduced into foreign places—to the early development of Darwin's theory of evolution deserves historical attention. Introduced and invasive European species presented Darwin with interpretive challenges during his service as naturalist on the HMS Beagle. Species naturalization and invasive species strained the geologist Charles Lyell's creationist view of the organic world, a view which Darwin adopted during the voyage of the Beagle but came to question afterward. I suggest that these phenomena primed Darwin to question the "stability of species." I then examine the role of introduced and invasive species in Darwin's early theorizing and negotiation with Lyell's ideas, recorded in his post-voyage "transmutation notebooks." Therein, the subject was an inflection point in his contention with Lyell's views and moreover, his theorizing on invasive species occasioned some of his earliest inklings of natural selection. Finally, I examine how naturalization was crucial to Lyell's own eventual conversion to evolutionism. I conclude with brief reflections on the implications of this narrative for our understanding of Darwin's reasoning, his intellectual relationship to Lyell, and the historical context that shaped his theory. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

A chance mutation affecting a single or extremely few individuals in a continuous population will be quickly diluted through interbreeding. Charles Darwin fully appreciated this difficulty with relying on natural selection alone, and suggested an enabling role for geographical isolation in the origin of species. However, Darwin also believed in evolution by the inheritance of acquired traits and in populations of interbreeding animals, both of which would need a different isolating mechanism to overcome dilution and play a role in animal evolution. Historically disputed, the inheritance of acquired characters is now increasingly accepted as a phenomenon, and Charles Darwin himself is acknowledged as closely pre‐empting the type of physiology necessary to mediate it in his hypothesis of 'pangenesis'. In this article, we question how the inheritance of acquired traits might overcome the problem of dilution by interbreeding and contribute to evolution. Specifically, we describe how Darwin's young protégé, George Romanes, developed ideas he discussed with Darwin and extended pangenesis to include a conceivable solution published after Darwin's death: physiological selection of fertility. In light of the 'rediscovery' of pangenesis, here we recount physiological selection as a testable hypothesis to explain how environmentally acquired characteristics could become coupled to the generation of species. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

'Weismann's barrier' has restricted theories of heredity to the transmission of genomic variation for the better part of a century. However, the discovery and elucidation of epigenetic mechanisms of gene regulation such as DNA methylation and histone modifications has renewed interest in studies on the inheritance of acquired traits and given them mechanistic plausibility. Although it is now clear that these mechanisms allow many environmentally acquired traits to be transmitted to the offspring, how phenotypic information is communicated from the body to its gametes has remained a mystery. Here, we discuss recent evidence that such communication is mediated by somatic RNAs that travel inside extracellular vesicles to the gametes where they reprogram the offspring epigenome and phenotype. How gametes learn about bodily changes has implications not only for the clinic, but also for evolutionary theory by bringing together intra‐ and intergenerational mechanisms of phenotypic plasticity and adaptation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

While studies have examined Charles Darwin's wide social and political impact, they have not adequately centred the combined influence of colonial systems of human differentiation and religion within them. To address this, I draw from Sylvia Wynter's critique concerning how religious and colonial discourses contribute to the shifting development of Man within the Western tradition. Specifically, I explore how Darwin focused his evolutionary gaze towards one of the unique foundations of what it meant to be human in his time: religion. Tracing the entangled religious and colonial filiations of Darwin's thought, I show that he established an evolutionary link between human and non-human animals by proposing both Indigenous peoples and dogs held superstitious beliefs. To illustrate this, I show that Darwin transposed Victorian anthropological conceptions of religion - as a quantifiable object of knowledge corresponding to the intellect and associated with phrenology, dream theory and the apparitional soul - into a bio-religious conception of evolution. Furthermore, I argue that Darwin's bio-evolutionism assumes Christianity is most closely associated with abstract reason. Finally, analyzing the role of race in Darwin's thought, I suggest that theology is not what was before modern scientific bio-evolutionary conceptions of race, but at its very core. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

After the theory of evolution was put forward by Charles Darwin, it has been interpreted in terms of different philosophical paradigms. The most important of these interpretations stand out as the intelligent designers and the naturalist school, which represent two separate poles. The intelligent design school claims that the process of existence of living things depends on very special and sensitive variables, and that this sensitive process is too complex to be explained by naturalistic reasons, and that the theory of evolution was designed only by a supernatural, transcendent power. The naturalist school, on the other hand, claims that the evolution process can only be explained by natural causes and therefore there will be no need for a transcendental power. Biologist Richard Dawkins, one of the most important representatives of the naturalist school, tries to show how evolution can be explained by natural causes, based on the concept of natural selection introduced with the theory of evolution. In this research, we focused on how Dawkins explained the theory of evolution from a naturalistic perspective and examined the consistency of his conclusion on the axis of the naturalistic school paradigm that Dawkins followed. By presenting Dawkins' theory of evolution from a naturalist perspective, the position of the theory of evolution, which stands out as a scientific theory, on theological and metaphysical phenomena will be understood. At the same time, the way the naturalistic paradigm deals with scientific phenomena will be explained, based on the example of the theory of evolution. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper revisits Fleeming Jenkin's anonymous review of Charles Darwin's Origin of Species, published in the North British Review in June 1867. This review is usually revered for its impact on Darwin's theory of descent with modification. Its classical interpretation states that Jenkin, a Professor of Engineering at the University of Edinburgh, made a compelling case against natural selection based on the fact of "blending inheritance" and the "swamping" of advantageous variations. Those themes, however, are strikingly absent from Jenkin's text. They were later read into Jenkin's text by scholars trying to explain how Darwinian selection was reconciled with Mendelian genes and the birth of the Modern Synthesis. While many scholars have tried to measure Jenkin's effect on Darwin, the value of the 1867 review remains unclear. This paper re-examines its content and concludes that Jenkin's "able review" was in fact written by an engineer whose competencies in biology were very low. Focusing on the figure of the shipwrecked white sailor isolated on an island inhabited by Black people, this paper also underlines the racial assumptions behind Jenkin's review. "Blending inheritance" is thus a theme linked to theoretical reworkings on the question of race and skin colors, taking its root in Galton's typology of heredity. Darwin was probably mostly unimpressed by Jenkin's review. The problems raised by the review were not so much "blending inheritance" and "swamping" but a conundrum of problems related to the effects of intercrossing on variation and reversion. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Ludwig Boltzmann's move in his seminal paper of 1877, introducing a statistical understanding of entropy, was a watershed moment in the history of physics. The work not only introduced quantization and provided a new understanding of entropy, it challenged the understanding of what a law of nature could be. Traditionally, nomological necessity, that is, specifying the way in which a system must develop, was considered an essential element of proposed physical laws. Yet, here was a new understanding of the Second Law of Thermodynamics that no longer possessed this property. While it was a new direction in physics, in other important scientific discourses of that time—specifically Huttonian geology and Darwinian evolution, similar approaches were taken in which a system's development followed principles, but did so in a way that both provided a direction of time and allowed for non-deterministic, though rule-based, time evolution. Boltzmann referred to both of these theories, especially the work of Darwin, frequently. The possibility that Darwin influenced Boltzmann's thought in physics can be seen as being supported by Boltzmann's later writings. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This lesson used the correspondence of Charles Darwin as an exploration of nature of science (NOS) in a historical context. Specifically, we used his original correspondence about his "provisional hypothesis" of pangenesis as a novel way to explore a scientist's social community. Darwin's community of friends and colleagues in the natural sciences at the time of his writing of his 1868 book Variations formed the basis of this lesson. One basic descriptor of NOS, science as a human endeavor, was used to drive explicit reflection. These letters were rich in detail regarding the idea of science as a community of practice. Our elementary education students' responses indicate the letters surprised them in how personal the correspondents were with one another and how reliant Darwin was on his friends and colleagues for input on his work. Darwin became human as students imagined Darwin's mental state and how he wrestled with his idea and made it public. Students learned that despite Darwin's fame, his idea of pangenesis lacked empirical evidence and thus received little support. They discovered an eminent scientist who was insecure and nervous and who worked hard to develop, study, and publicize his novel idea. This contrasts with popular views of major scientific figures as natural geniuses rather than their success resulting from labor and perseverance. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

After numerous trips through the Patagonian region, the Argentinian writer Liborio Justo (1901-2002) wrote and published in 1932 the volume entitled La tierra maldita. Throughout the twelve stories that make up the book, Justo proposes a singular way of seeing the region that dialogues with the tradition of the trip to Patagonia. The purpose of this article is to investigate how La tierra maldita can be thought of as a text that continues the Darwinian view of the trip to the extreme south, while incorporating other voices and arguments to reinvent the narrative about Patagonia after the so-called «Conquest of the desert». [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

British systematics was distinctly marked by a raft of vituperative controversies around the turn of the 1830s. After the local collapse of broad consensus in the Linnaean system by 1820, the emergence of new schemes of classification—most notably, the "quinarian" system of William Sharp Macleay—brought with it an unprecedented register of public debate among zoologists in Britain, one which a young Charles Darwin would bitterly describe to his friend John Stevens Henslow in October 1836 as possessing a "mean quarrelsome spirit," conducted in "a manner anything but like that of gentlemen." This article aims to provide a social and conceptual account of the remarkable tenor of zoological discourse in Britain in the late 1820s and early 1830s, with joint attention to the philosophical and interpersonal commitments at play. In doing so, it analyzes the three of the period's most striking public controversies, each of which counted key advocates of the quinarian system as central participants. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Species that died without leaving descendants Darwin called 'utterly extinct'. They far outnumber the ancestors of all living things, so they resemble the dark matter of modern cosmology, which far outweighs visible matter. He realized in 1837 that their absence is what creates the groups in a natural classification. In his Notebook B he combined the idea that species multiply with the idea that ancestors' relatives must mostly be extinct. The fossil Megatherium was utterly extinct. The iconic branching 'I think' diagram shows extinction causing the origin of genera by eliminating intermediate species. Darwin's concept of taxonomic ranks, starting with the genus, was informed by his interaction with taxonomists. Based on his familiarity with demography, Darwin reasoned that the survival of transitional forms was unlikely, which helped him decide to focus at the species level. When drafting his theory in the 1840s, he left out these speculative ideas, but they emerged again in the 1850s when he realized his theory needed a cause for branches to diverge. His ecological answer worked at the species level, but his Principle of Divergence was unconvincing at higher taxonomic levels. In the Origin, Darwin repeatedly insisted on the importance of utter extinction. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

René-Edouard Claparède was a ground-breaking Swiss naturalist specializing primarily in invertebrate embryology and the study of Protista and Annelida. While a student in Berlin he was encouraged by Christian Ehrenberg to use the latest microscopes and became renowned as a skilful observer and illustrator of the smallest organisms then known and of tiny anatomical details. A popular lecturer in zoology and comparative anatomy in his home town of Geneva, he nonetheless encountered difficulties in that city, still considered the "Protestant Rome", due to his strong support for Charles Darwin's theory of evolution by natural selection. His involvement in the first French translation of On the origin of species (Darwin 1862) proved problematic too, although his remark, "It is better to be an improved ape than a degenerate Adam," became a catchphrase in discussions of this contentious debate. Premature death meant that Claparède's work was quickly surpassed in many areas, but the diversity of his many publications, given here in the most complete bibliography compiled to date, is a testament to a widely respected, although overshadowed, naturalist. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In 1919, the famous Dutch poultry judge Cornelis van Gink (1890–1968) was aware of the existence of crested turkeys. Was this bird a natural rarity, variation or mutation? A search through historical records and published works yielded very few references to crested turkeys. From the financial accounts of the Great Condé in 1679 to pictures in books and journals of the eighteenth and nineteenth century in England and America, from a mounted specimen in Parma to a first photograph in 1938 in Newsweek, the beauty and rareness of this bird is evident. Attempts to breed crested turkeys were unsuccessful. In the nineteenth century William Bernhardt Tegetmeier (1816–1912), editor of The Field, had a major interest in these turkeys and together with Charles Darwin (1809–1882) studied and described skull deformations associated with well-known and common crested breeds of chickens. Deformation of the skull was also observed in the mounted specimen of the crested turkey preserved in Parma, Italy. Genetic analyses of crested poultry indicate that a mutation (autosomal incompletely dominant) in the crest gene is responsible for this phenotype. The mutation for crest formation with additional skull deformation might be responsible for some in ovo lethality or poor hatching which could explain the failure or difficulty in breeding this phenotype. In conclusion, all data indicate that the crested turkey is a mutation of the domestic turkey Meleagris gallopavo gallopavo and does not justify a new species or subspecies name. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The aim of this paper is to explain why, while Charles Darwin was well recognized as a scientific leader of his time, Claude Bernard never really regarded Darwinism as a scientific theory. The lukewarm reception of Darwin at the Académie des Sciences of Paris and his nomination to a chair only after 8 years contrasts with his prominence, and Bernard's attitude towards Darwin's theory of species evolution belongs to this French context. Yet we argue that Bernard rejects the scientific value of Darwinian principles mainly for epistemological reasons. Like Darwin, Bernard was interested in hereditary processes, and planned to conduct experiments on these processes that could lead to species transformation. But the potential creation of new forms of life would not vindicate Darwinism since biologists can only explain the origin of morphotypes and morphological laws by the means of untestable analogies. Because it can be the object neither of experiments nor of any empirical observation, phylogeny remains out of science's scope. Around 1878 Bernard foresaw a new general physiology based on the study of protoplasm, which he saw as the agent of all basic living phenomena. We will analyze why Bernard regarded Darwinism as part of metaphysics, yet still referred to Darwinians in his latter works in 1878. Basically, the absence of a scientific reception of Darwinism in Bernard's work should not obscure its philosophical reception, which highlights the main principles of Bernard's epistemology. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article deals with the hierarchy made by Charles Darwin, in The Origin of Species, of the best geographical conditions for the occurrence of speciation, going from the worst condition, a small and isolated area, to one of better condition, characterized by being large, continuous and which has already gone through fragmentation. And also, that such hierarchy of geographies that promote speciation is at the base of one of the most important biogeographic theories in force, the Refuge Theory. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Teaching and learning are grounded on age-appropriate, credible curricular resources, which can be formal (i.e. textbooks) and informal (i.e. trade-books). As Charles Darwin's ideas galvanized biology and racism, this study examined his historical representation within trade-books (e.g. biography, narrative non-fiction, expository, etc.), textbooks (student editions, teacher editions, etc.), and curricular supplements (teacher-facing assessments and lessons; student-facing tests and tasks) published in United States. Through content analysis, I contrasted historians' understandings of Darwin with history-based trade-books' (n = 111) and biology-oriented texts' (n = 132) depictions of Darwin. Misrepresentations abounded. History-based books concealed Darwin's colonialist past and disregarded—or repeated without qualification and context—the racist ideas within his writing. Biology-based texts largely omitted problematic aspects of Darwin's past. These 20th- and 21st-century history trade-books and science texts mirrored the patterns of 19th-century American social studies textbooks' Lost Cause logic and 20th-century science American textbooks' anti-evolution casuistry. Reviewed texts obscured the racist ideas within Darwin's words, actions, and inactions, through both omission and commission. Concerns are raised about who determines how historical and scientific content are included, detailed, and omitted within curricular resources published in different countries. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Naturalists enrich our scientific understanding of biodiversity. However, just as countries have fallen behind on commitments to provide biodiversity conservation funding, so has the focus of life science stayed arm's length. The purpose of this article is to consider why biodiversity should be the center of life sciences education and how biographies of Charles Darwin and the incorporation of female scientists allow important findings, paintings, and journaling as part of standard teachings. The addition of female naturalists will provide role models for diverse, underrepresented student populations. This article suggests that biodiversity and biography become central to hteaching life sciences while supplemented by other practices. Such reallocations provide students an opportunity to learn not only what these scientists discovered but how these individuals "developed" into scientists. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Little is known about the causes and consequences of alternative pathways flown by long‐distance migratory birds. Bobolinks (Dolichonyx oryzivorus) breed in grasslands across northern North America and migrate from their breeding grounds toward the eastern Atlantic Coast and then proceed through the Caribbean to South America. However, a small but regular number of Bobolinks have been recorded on the Galapagos Islands. We collected genetic samples from nine Galapagos Bobolinks and performed double‐digest restriction site‐associated sequencing. We compared them with samples from seven locations across their breeding distribution to determine their population of origin. Galapagos Bobolinks shared the genetic structure of a cluster in the eastern portion of the breeding range that includes New Brunswick and Ontario, Canada, and Vermont, United States. Genetic assignment tests largely corroborated this finding, although slightly different results were obtained for the two methods. All individuals were assigned to the Ontario breeding population using AssignPop, while Rubias assigned six of the migrants to Ontario and three to a Midwest breeding population. Low average relatedness among Galapagos individuals indicates that they are not more related to one another than to individuals within a breeding population and are therefore likely not from a single, small isolated population. Our results do not support the probability hypothesis—that Galapagos Bobolinks originated from the region that includes the greatest proportion of their breeding range (Great Plains)—or the vagrant hypothesis—that migrants are displaced onto Galapagos due to weather events. Instead, our findings support the proximity hypothesis, where migrants originate from the geographically closest‐breeding populations. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper aims to establish the connection between the theoretical and practical aims of the Office of the Hydrographer of the British Admiralty and Charles Darwin's (1809–1882) work on coral reefs from 1835 to 1842. I also emphasize the consistent zoological as well as geological reasoning contained in these texts. The Office's influences have been previously overlooked, despite the Admiralty's interest in using coral reefs as natural instruments. I elaborate on this by introducing the work of Alexander Dalrymple (1737–1808), the first hydrographer of the Admiralty and a figure who has flown under the radar of the history of coral reef theories. I show that Dalrymple introduced a unified account of coral reefs in which multiple features of the coral reefs, such as their shape, slope of the sides, ridges, channels, and elevation relative to the water, were all explained by the action of the winds and waves—and proposed that one could use these features to predict seafaring conditions around the islands. Then, I show that Darwin's "Coral Islands" (1835) and his Coral Reefs monograph (1842) spoke to these hydrographical issues and did so, at times, by way of zoological reasoning. It was, for instance, the coral behavior and the related notion of a zoological or botanical station that ultimately proved the biggest blow to the Admiralty's aim to use the coral reefs as instruments because it eroded many uniform predictions regarding the past or future of a coral reef. Connecting these themes leads us to a surprising conclusion: that Darwin's theory of coral reefs, long a model instance of Darwin making uniform predictable inferences, was, in actuality, also his first formal encounter with something at times the entire opposite. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article engages Kojonen's discussion of scientific explanation. Kojonen claims the best way to conceptualize the relationship between evolutionary explanations and explanation by design is through the proximate‐ultimate distinction and the levels metaphor. However, these are not robust explanatory models but examples of how one might differentiate ambiguous explananda contained in why‐questions. Disambiguating explananda is a helpful tool for determining when a situation calls for further explanation; however, on this picture, that some further explanation is needed does not, as proponents of design arguments assume, specify design. The question of whether design is a good explanation at all hinges on what precisely we want explained. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Proponents of the concepts of plant intelligence and plant neurobiology often use historical sources as “evidence” and argue that eminent past scientists have supported ideas of plant intelligence, memory, learning, decision-making, agency, and consciousness. Historical sources include writings by Charles Darwin, Julius von Sachs, F. W. Went, K. V. Thimann, Barbara McClintock, and J. B. Lamarck. Advocates of plant neurobiology also argue that the ideas of J. C. Bose, an Indian scientist who is considered an important forerunner of plant neurobiology, were suppressed chiefly because of racism. Plant neurobiology has been criticized on scientific grounds, but there has not been close scrutiny of the use of historical sources as a form of evidence. We provide the first in-depth analysis of how historical sources have been used and misused, and conclude that there is a consistent pattern of distortion of these sources. Distortions include the use of erroneous quotations, alteration of quotations, selective quotations without context, and misinterpretation and exaggeration of historical statements. In the case of Bose, we show that there were legitimate scientific reasons for questioning his interpretations of botanical experiments and argue that this context cannot be ignored in evaluating contemporary responses to Bose. Overall, the common practice by proponents of plant intelligence and plant consciousness of uncritically citing the words of eminent scientists of the past, taken out of their historical context to bolster their arguments, should not be confused with scientific evidence supporting these concepts, even when the quotations, themselves, are accurate. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

We report the rediscovery of Lecocarpus leptolobus at its type locality, and restrict the latter to El Ripioso, San Cristóbal, Galapagos. We compare the morphology of the population at this site with other populations of Lecocarpus on San Cristóbal and other Galapagos islands. We conclude that L. leptolobus is a valid taxon endemic to the south-western half of San Cristóbal and is not synonymous with L. lecocarpoides , whereas populations further north-east on the same island constitute a separate species validly named L. darwinii. These two taxa support the idea of a former biogeographic barrier between the two halves of San Cristóbal. Plants at two of the easternmost localities of the south-western species show some characters intermediate between the two species, possibly representing introgression following easing of the barrier. The three specimens of Lecocarpus collected on San Cristóbal by Charles Darwin, all mounted on a single herbarium sheet, comprise one branch of L. leptolobus and two of L. darwinii. We identify possible sites for Darwin's collections based on information about his explorations. We find grounds for accepting the taxon Acanthospermum brachyceratum as a subspecies of L. lecocarpoides endemic to Gardner-by-Española, Osborn and Xarifa islets, the first of these being the type locality, demonstrating that even narrow sea barriers can contribute to plant radiation in oceanic archipelagos. On the basis of our findings, we provide a new key to the taxa of Lecocarpus. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The contemporary creation–evolution debate has become so polarized (over the issue of either Genesis or evolutionary science) as to obscure the more nuanced questions that have arisen in the historical and theological reception of Darwinism. Edinburgh's New College has been the academic home to some prominent scientists and theologians who have grappled with these questions since the early days of evolutionary science in the first half of the nineteenth century. Most obviously, this activity was focused on the decision to create a Chair in Natural Science in 1845, which would be occupied by a recognized scientist. The Chair became "extinct" in the 1930s, but in between times, its holders made important theological assessments of evolution along the way. This article outlines the contributions made by the individuals who occupied this Chair, as well as more recent figures in the evolution of science and theology at New College. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

New Findings: What is the topic of this review?Revisiting the 2013 article 'Physiology is rocking the foundations of evolutionary biology'.What advances does it highlight?The discovery that the genome is not isolated from the soma and the environment, and that there is no barrier preventing somatic characteristics being transmitted to the germline, means that Darwin's pangenetic ideas become relevant again. Charles Darwin spent the last decade of his life collaborating with physiologists in search of the biological processes of evolution. He viewed physiology as the way forward in answering fundamental questions about inheritance, acquired characteristics, and the mechanisms by which organisms could achieve their ends and survival. He collaborated with 19th century physiologists, notably John Burdon‐Sanderson and George Romanes, in his search for the mechanisms of transgenerational inheritance. The discovery that the genome is not isolated from the soma and the environment, and that there is no barrier preventing somatic characteristics being transmitted to the germline, means that Darwin's pangenetic ideas become relevant again. It is time for 21st century physiology to come to the rescue of evolutionary biology. This article outlines research lines by which this could be achieved. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Premise: Hedychium J. Koenig (Zingiberaceae) is endemic to the Indo‐Malayan Realm and is known for its colorful and fragrant flowers. Historically, two different pollination syndromes characterize Hedychium: diurnal or bird pollination, and nocturnal or moth pollination. In this study, we aim to understand the evolution of nocturnal and diurnal flowers, and to test its putative association with lineage diversification in Hedychium. Methods: A molecular tree of Hedychium was used as a scaffold upon which we estimated ancestral character states, phylogenetic signals, and correlations for certain categorical and continuous floral traits. Furthermore, we used phylomorphospace and trait‐dependent diversification rate estimation analyses to understand phenotypic evolution and associated lineage diversification in Hedychium. Results: Although floral color and size lacked any association with specific pollinators, white or pale flowers were most common in the early branching clades when compared to bright‐colored flowers, which were more widely represented in the most‐derived clade IV. Five categorical and two continuous characters were identified to have informative evolutionary patterns, which also emphasized that ecology may have played a critical role in the diversification of Hedychium. Conclusions: From our phylogenetic analyses and ecological observations, we conclude that specializations in pollinator interactions are rare in the hyperdiverse clade IV, thus challenging the role of both moth‐specialization and bird‐specialization as central factors in the diversification of Hedychium. However, our results also suggest that clade III (predominantly island clade) may show specializations, and future studies should investigate ecological and pollinator interactions, along with inclusion of new traits such as floral fragrance and anthesis time. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The idea of 'reversion' or 'atavism' has a peculiar history. For many authors in the late-nineteenth and early-twentieth centuries – including Darwin, Galton, Pearson, Weismann, and Spencer, among others – reversion was one of the central phenomena which a theory of heredity ought to explain. By only a few decades later, however, Fisher and others could look back upon reversion as a historical curiosity, a non-problem, or even an impediment to clear theorizing. I explore various reasons that reversion might have appeared to be a central problem for this first group of figures, focusing on their commitment to a variety of conceptual features of evolutionary theory; discuss why reversion might have then ceased to be an interesting phenomenon; and, finally, close with some more general thoughts about the death of scientific problems. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Traditionally, atheists have refuted the existence of God using philosophical arguments mainly. At present, new atheists deny the existence of God using scientific, moral and historical arguments. This addition in argumentation has given a slight rise to atheism in different parts of world as well as in Muslim countries. Muslim scholars have responded the atheistic thoughts but the response is still unknown in academic community. The study compares new atheist thinkers to Muslim scholars and analyzes the differences, especially with respect to evolution theory by Charles Darwin. With the aid of this theory, atheist scientists and intellectuals claim that science is enough for the explanation about the creation of our universe. According to them, modern man is not dependent anymore on any divine scripture. Darwinian scientists claim that universe has come into existence accidently without the interference of any divine power. Atheist writers like Richard Dawkins, Sam Harris, Christopher Hitchens and Deniel C. Dennett argue that atheism has got scientific basis with the evolutionary theory. Muslim scholars have differences in their views, some reject it completely and some partially accept it as working scientific model. However, they unanimously refute the atheistic part of theory that shows the non-existence of God and purposeless universe. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

How is moral thinking, ethics, related to evolutionary theorizing? There are two approaches, epitomized by Charles Darwin who works under the metaphor of the world as a machine, and by Herbert Spencer who works under the metaphor of the world as an organism. Although the author prefers the first approach, the aim of this paper is to give a disinterested account of both approaches. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The interactions between Ronald J. Gillespie (1924–2021), the initiator of the VSEPR model of molecular geometry, and the author started in the early 1970s and culminated in a joint book about the model in 1991, republished in 2012. In 1998, they recorded a conversation about Gillespie's life and career, which he augmented by his thoughts about the similarities between his demeanor as a scientist and that of Charles Darwin. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Fritz Müller is known for explaining the evolutionary consequences of what is now called Müllerian mimicry, but his scientific contributions encompass a wide range of organisms and both ecological and evolutionary processes. His originality is seen in aspects as different as the discovery of the mutualistic nature of ant–fungus symbiosis, pioneering research in evolutionary developmental biology and the first mathematical treatment in a Darwinian framework. From his intimate knowledge of the natural history of Brazil and original observations of morphology and development, Müller provided evidence supporting natural selection. From the 20th century onwards, however, his scientific legacy has been re-examined only for single topics. To celebrate the bicentenary of his birth in 2022, this article briefly discusses his importance for current ecological and evolutionary knowledge. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

From 9 March 2016 to 12 November 2018 we conducted an intensive experimental field campaign, the WormEx I Experiment, to quantitatively assess the seasonality of the earthworm macropores and their effect on the soil hydrological properties in a temperate mountain range. Six 1-m2 plots were selected in two shallow soils in Valle Camonica (Central Italian Alps) at an elevation of 274 and 935 m a.s.l., in order to count the earthworm macropores. Two plots were amended with calcium trioxocarbonate to stimulate the digging activity. In this work we present results regarding the seasonality of earthworm macropores, its correlation with the antecedent meteorological conditions and the effectiveness of calcium trioxocarbonate. Earthworm activity showed a marked seasonality with Winter hibernation and medium or great digging activity during all the other seasons. A relevant peak of Summer and Autumn macropores was detected in the site at 935 m a.s.l.. The castings number resulted very well positively correlated to the antecedent air temperature in both sites. It resulted correlated to the antecedent precipitation, with increasing Pearson's coefficient at increasing time window in the range from 1 day to 8 weeks. Also, it resulted very well positively correlated to the antecedent average soil water content in a range from 1 to 4 days. Finally, the calcium trioxocarbonate proved to be effective at stimulating the earthworm digging activity. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The two great modern naturalists, Linnaeus and Darwin, expressed their intuition about how best to visualize patterns of affinities, that is, morphological similarities and divergences between taxa. Linnaeus suggested that "all plants show affinities on all sides, like a territory on a geographical map," while Darwin thought that it was virtually impossible to understand the affinities between living and extinct species without a genealogical tree. Genealogical trees follow the diachronic, evolving logic of a timeline, whereas maps depict a synchronous pattern of extant taxa. Although the two seem unrelated, various naturalists made attempts to combine them. Surprisingly, these resulted in three-dimensional images that, in order to be observed, had to be projected on paper. The naturalists Max Fürbringer and Richard Bowdler Sharpe were aware of this fact, but even Darwin himself twice combined the basic intuitions underlying the two modes of representation to produce three-dimensional images. This article is a brief history of the efforts to merge genealogical trees and map-like cross sections of affinities into one three-dimensional image. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Is there such a thing as animal imagination? If so, how might it differ across wild and domesticated environments? Jack London suggests an answer to these questions in his imaginative forays into the inner world of dogs. Writing alongside female advocates for the humane treatment of animals, who believed in the reality of animal emotion and reason, London extends the Darwinian tenet that animals differ from humans in degree and not in kind in Call of the Wild (1903) and White Fang (1906). Attributing cognitive and emotional complexity to animals, he speculates about the impact human domestication practices might have on the quality of their lived experiences. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This essay examines the curious relationship between Charles Darwin and the palaeontologist William Boyd Dawkins (1837–1929). Dawkins was a beneficiary of Darwin's patronage and styled himself as a Darwinian to Darwin and the public, yet viciously attacked Darwin and his theory in anonymous reviews. This has confused historians who have misunderstood the exact nature of Dawkins's attitude towards evolution and his relationship to Darwin. The present study explains both the reasons for Dawkins's contradictory statements and his relationship with Darwin. I introduce Batesian mimicry as a conceptual framework to make sense of Dawkins's actions, suggesting that Dawkins mimicked a Darwinian persona in order to secure advancement in the world of Victorian science. Dawkins's pro-Darwinian stance, therefore, was a façade, an act of mimicry. I argue that Dawkins exploited Darwin for his patronage – which took the form of advice, support from Darwin's well-placed friends, and monetary assistance – while safely expressing his dissent from Darwinian orthodoxy in the form of anonymous reviews. This is, therefore, a case study in how scientific authority and power could be gained and maintained in Victorian science by professing allegiance to Darwin and Darwinism. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

A number of Charles Darwin's biographies record the administration of chloroform by Darwin to his wife Emma, during her labour and delivery of her eighth child, Leonard. This occurred on 15 January 1850, a little over two years after James Young Simpson in Edinburgh described the analgesic action of inhaled chloroform. An online search of more than 9000 items of Darwin's correspondence at Cambridge University and other sources revealed that he was an active proponent and user of chloroform in midwifery, for euthanising animals he studied, as well as in botanical studies of carnivorous plants. He also discovered that the concurrent inhalation of chloroform, during its administration to his wife, alleviated his distressing anxiety which he suffered when present at her earlier confinements. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Despite the fact that Charles Darwin spent several months in Australia in the final year of his Beagle voyage that circumnavigated the globe, most studies that deal with Darwin's life or his discovery of evolution spend little time discussing his Australian period, if it is mentioned at all. His time there is largely deemed to have produced little of significance in comparison to his visits to other places such as the Galápagos Islands, which has long been mythologized as providing the key sources of observable data that ultimately led Darwin to develop his evolutionary speculations. In recent years, however, Darwin's period in Australia has received more attention, most notably a series of studies detailing the observations and connections Darwin made while in New South Wales, Tasmania, and King George Sound. While much of this literature has provided an important corrective to previous Darwin scholarship that had largely ignored Darwin's period in Australia, it has also worked to perpetuate a romantic and heroic view of scientific discovery by suggesting that Darwin's key "evolutionary revelation" was made not in the Galápagos Islands but in the Blue Mountains, a claim that has been recently made in print and online. This paper therefore examines the historical literature on Darwin Down Under, focussing in particular on this recent romantic turn that seeks to situate Australia as the key site of inspiration for Darwin's theory of evolution. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

During the mid-nineteenth century, the eminent British zoologist Alfred Newton recognized that some of the ideas embedded in Origin of Species provided new scientific rationales for the preservation of endangered species. He then embarked on a twenty-five-year-long campaign for law reforms and successfully lobbied Parliament to enact three new statutes for the preservation of endangered wild birds that gave priority to the scientific value of rare species. The account of Newton's campaign presented in this article helps to locate Newton in the nineteenth century conservation movement, while also shining a side light on the relationship between conservation science and policy-making more generally, including the variety of voices and approaches taken to conservation in the UK and US. Today, as we pursue new regulatory responses to critical environmental issues, such as biodiversity loss and climate change, the history of Newton's campaign offers an early example of a successful approach to science-based law reform. It also shows how some of the issues that Newton and his contemporaries confronted at the science-policy interface in the nineteenth century are enduring and remain relevant today, including debates about; the role of scientist-advocates in policy-making, the criteria that make science advice effective, and whether the "democratization" of science leads to better policy decisions. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Thomas Henry Huxley and Charles Darwin discovered in 1857 that they had a fundamental disagreement about biological classification. Darwin believed that the natural system should express genealogy while Huxley insisted that classification must stand on its own basis, independent of evolution. Darwin used human races as a model for his view. This private and long-forgotten dispute exposes important divisions within Victorian biology. Huxley, trained in physiology and anatomy, was a professional biologist while Darwin was a gentleman naturalist. Huxley agreed with John Stuart Mill's rejection of William Whewell's sympathy for Linnaeus. The naturalists William Sharp Macleay, Hugh Strickland, and George Waterhouse worked to distinguish two kinds of relationship, affinity and analogy. Darwin believed that his theory could explain the difference. Richard Owen introduced the distinction between homology and analogy to anatomists, but the word homology did not enter Darwin's vocabulary until 1848, when he used the morphological concept of archetype in his work on Cirripedia. Huxley dropped the word archetype when Richard Owen linked it to Plato's ideal forms, replacing it with common plan. When Darwin wrote in the Origin of Species that the word plan gives no explanation, he may have had Huxley in mind. Darwin's preposterous story in the Origin about a bear giving birth to a kangaroo, which he dropped in the second edition, was in fact aimed at Huxley. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

It's tempting to think of evolution as just happening, just like sunrises and sunsets day after day. Naturally and obviously. But if in these times it is rare that there is someone who thinks of a supernatural being to explain the appearance of each new morning, there are many people who maintain that all species were created by God and will remain so, without any change, until the end of time. In fact, practically all the enlightened people believed it, following the model of the narrative of the Bible until almost two centuries ago, in 1859, the British Charles Darwin opened a new path towards what the biological sciences are today. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Edward Dinker Cope (1840-1897) was one of the most influential naturalists of the nineteenth century, who led the development of American paleontology and the popularization of Lamarck's theory of evolution. One of the overlooked threads in his biography is his philosophical views. According to Cope, theology should be reformed with the introduction of new philosophical assumptions in line with the emerging theory of evolution. Cope proposed the formulation of a new "theology" based on his own theory of evolution. This article examines Cope's philosophical views and shows how he reinterpreted the mechanism of natural selection by incorporating it into his own teleological account of evolution. According to Cope free will enables man to control evolution, but there is no guarantee that man will survive. According to Cope, this is a theological thesis as he considers maladaptation as equivalent to sin, which in turn was eliminated by natural selection. As a result, belief in God becomes the only way to guarantee survival. However, this conclusion also led Cope to rationalize racism as he saw in the exploitation of other races the effects of their degeneration. Cope's views reflect problems in contemporary sociobiology and evolutionary psychology. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Kurt Vonnegut's Galápagos is his most studied novel after Slaughterhouse-Five. A considerable number of the studies produced on the novel investigate it using a posthumanist theoretical framework, for its unprecedented narrative spans a million years, employs a ghost for its omniscient narrator, and depicts human extinction and the evolution of a post-Homo sapiens species. This article questions scholarly claims that Galápagos is a truly posthumanist text. It begins with an account of the anthropocentric and humanist thought originating in the Western tradition and then touches upon the many strands of posthumanism that strive towards decentring the human and promoting inter-species equality and justice. Next, it dissects in detail the flaws of Vonnegut's posthumanism and his incorrigible humanist bent in Galápagos, and goes on to identify the novel's plot as echoing the archetypal trope of the creation myth—a humanist construct. The article thereby concludes that Galápagos, despite its depiction of the post-human in the form of an evolved post-Homo sapiens species, suffers from Vonnegut's ever unstable humanist and posthumanist impulses and thus manages to remain a humanist–posthumanist concoction at best. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

After considering why pragmatism should constructively treat issues of sexuality and erotic love and why it traditionally failed to, this paper examines the sexual views of classical pragmatism's leading figures. Focusing primarily on the canonical, heterosexual, white founding fathers—Peirce, James, Dewey, and Mead, it then examines sexuality in Jane Addams and Alain Locke, whose difference of gender or race is complemented by alterity of sexual attitudes. While exposing the shortcomings of these pragmatist sexual theories, the paper conversely shows the resources that classical pragmatism has for a more constructive and fulfilling treatment of sexuality and erotic love. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Proponents of Alvin Plantinga’s evolutionary argument against Naturalism (EAAN) often quote Charles Darwin’s 22 April 1881 letter to William Graham to imply Darwin worried that his theory of evolution committed its adherents to some sort of global skepticism. This niggling epistemic worry has, therefore, been dubbed ‘Darwin’s Doubt’. But this gets Darwin wrong. After combing through Darwin’s correspondence and autobiographical writings, the author maintains that Darwin only worried that evolution might cause us to doubt (a) particularly abstruse metaphysical and theological beliefs, and (b) beliefs arrived at by ‘intuition’ rather than evidence-based reasoning. He did not worry that unguided evolution should lead us to doubt all of our beliefs in the way Plantinga and others have implied that it does. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The phrase "Darwin's abominable mystery" is frequently used with reference to a range of outstanding questions about the evolution of the plant group today known as the angiosperms. Here, I seek to more fully understand what prompted Darwin to coin the phrase in 1879, and the meaning he attached to it, by surveying the systematics, paleobotanical records, and phylogenetic hypotheses of his time. In the light of this historical research, I argue that Darwin was referring to the origin only of a subset of what are today called angiosperms: a (now obsolete) group equivalent to the "dicotyledons" of the Hooker and Bentham system. To Darwin and his contemporaries, the dicotyledons' fossil record began abruptly and with great diversity in the Cretaceous, whereas the gymnosperms and monocotyledons were thought to have fossil records dating back to the Carboniferous or beyond. Based on their morphology, the dicotyledons were widely seen by botanists in Darwin's time (unlike today) as more similar to the gymnosperms than to the monocotyledons. Thus, morphology seemed to point to gymnosperm progenitors of dicotyledons, but this hypothesis made the monocotyledons, given their (at the time) apparently longer fossil record, difficult to place. Darwin had friendly disagreements about the mystery of the dicotyledons' abrupt appearance in the fossil record with others who thought that their evolution must have been more rapid than his own gradualism would allow. But the mystery may have been made "abominable" to him because it was seen by some contemporary paleobotanists, most notably William Carruthers, the Keeper of Botany at the British Museum, as evidence for divine intervention in the history of life. Subsequent developments in plant systematics and paleobotany after 1879 meant that Darwin's letter was widely understood to be referring to the abrupt appearance of all angiosperms when it was published in 1903, a meaning that has been attached to it ever since. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This essay outlines the significance of understanding the relationship between Islam and science, particularly from the twentieth century onward. It mainly revolves around the viability of Darwin's evolutionary thought in the Muslim world, which is confronted by various groups of Muslim commentators and scholars. This study goes through various original sources, official documents, former unpublished theses, and Qur'ānic commentaries in Islamic languages from north Africa to the Malay‐Indonesian world to display the uninterrupted challenge of Muslims with European science in general and European evolutionary thought in particular; an act which is not going to stop now, nor tomorrow. Finally, this essay aims to inform readers how a philosophical reading of Islam and science would be crucial before approving or rejecting any form of connection between the two, particularly in future. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Like other aspiring geologists in the 1830s, Darwin focused heavily on the rising and falling of the earth's crust. I use his time in the Andes to underscore the importance he placed on larger questions of vertical movement, which mountains helped to solidify in his mind. His most impressive ramblings occurred in 1835 on two high passes in the Andes. Prior to his upland journey, he was well prepared to see the gradual movement of the earth's crust, but his time in the mountains honed his vertical vision. His actual travels up and over enabled him to think more clearly about rise and fall, and how corresponding geographies could link the past to the present. Mountains were instructive backdrops to his theorizing, partly because he traveled through them, but also because his time there, linked with other geographies, became a means to foster his thinking both spatially and temporally. He did not think about mountains, but with them and through them. He is a good example of the broader vertical consciousness that directed many sciences at this time. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Just So Stories for Little Children (1902) enjoyed a phenomenal reception. Accompanying Kipling's affection for children was a pronounced desire to experiment in the creation of fiction and poetry, leading to originality through inventiveness, the continuing legendary appeal of which argues forcefully for this being Kipling's most successful book. The most enduring impression that Kipling wanted to leave on his beloved child audience is that these stories are magical, the purpose being not to teach children morality but to transport them to the realm of magic. But this is not just "children's literature." Adults are Kipling's intended audience, too, and the elusiveness of truth is a major theme, which the criticism to date has not clearly understood. In a world where truth fades before us, what can humankind do that is truly uplifting? This article delves into Kipling's answer, which may well prove surprising to many. [146 words] [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The project Pelos Caminhos de Darwin has given rise to a portal titled The Bigou's Diary and a digital book using the YouTube digital video distribution platform as an educational device in order to get its reader to approach most effectivelly the climatic phenomena described by Darwin in his diary, through the serie named Living Atmospheric Weather. In order to be aware of this pedagogical possibility, the videos were evaluated by a group of pedagogy students of the Faculty of Education of the University of Brasília, in the context of a course about Education, Technologies and Communication. In this article we evaluated the impressions of these actors who demonstrated excellent acceptance of didactic material. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Recent scholarship on The Time Machine has changed in emphasis, critics departing from the traditional perspective on the scientific romance as utopian satire or class parable, instead emphasizing the more self-conscious aspects of the text, whether this is its enacting of anxieties about the purpose and permanence of literature or presenting a skepticism of empiricism and science and embrace of a kind of idiosyncratic aestheticism. This article follows this tendency in interpretation of The Time Machine but rethinks its contours, focusing on the novel's narrative and aesthetic characteristics, particularly as these interact with Wells's scientific preoccupations by reading it in another way, in light of the practice of the scientific thought experiment. Reading Wells's novel in this light shows that the interactions between science, narrative and imagination in his work are deeper, more intricate, and perhaps even more disquieting, than has previously been appreciated. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]