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Following the establishment of the Republic of Cyprus, there have been conflicts between the Turkish and Greek communities on the island. The reason for the conflicts was the assimilation against the Turkish community and the violence to realise Greek sovereignty. As a result of the Peace Operation in 1974 the Cyprus problem turned into a different phase. The United Nations was involved in the process and proposals were presented through the Secretaries General. The proposals were based on a federative state, within the framework of a bi-communal order under the same state roof. However, the efforts resulted in failure. The problem, which has been on the agenda of the international system for many years, should now be approached from different perspective. The aim of the study is to evaluate whether the two-state proposal can be successful or not due to the failure of the proposals so far. Thus, alternative will be produced to the problem that has not been solved for years. In our study, which is prepared with the qualitative research method, one of the main research methods of social sciences, the documents, minutes, reports and statements submitted by the parties to the Cyprus Problem will be analysed. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The concept of Turkic foreigners policy is located at the significant position in Turkish Migration Policy during the Republic history. It was interpreted within the settlement policy during the construction of the nation state in the first years of the Republic that is center of migration, settlement and population policies. With the increasing foreign population in Türkiye in the 2000’s due to economic, political and geopolitical reasons, the process of harmonization with the European Union acquis has brought about the updating of migration legislation, taking into account international migration law and the European Union acquis. The concept of Turkic foreingners policy existed in the Foreigners and International Protection Law 6458, which became law in 2013, and the immigration legislation developed accordingly, criticized on the grounds that it is an elite immigration policy aimed at a privileged group in terms of international immigration legislation. In this article, in the light of these discussions, the concept of Turkic foreigners policy will be criticized in terms of its place in current legislation and international migration law. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this study, the different attitudes of the European Union towards Ukrainian and Syrian refugees in its migration policies were examined. The intellectual infrastructure of these attitudes is analyzed within the framework of international relations theories such as The English School, which emphasizes the phenomenon of international society, Social Constructivism theory which emphasizes the construction of common identity and Securitization theory, which examines the process of making a political phenomenon a security issue. In addition to these approaches, the reasons for the double standard of the European Union in their migration policies are also examined in terms of the framework of geographical proximity. It emphasized to what extent the historical memories of European countries have an impact on their migration policies in the text. The theoretical analysis of the different attitudes of the European Union in the face of basically two similar events examined how these policies evolved into xenophobia and how they are fed by the current xenophobic phenomenon in Western Europe. In conclusion, it can be stated that xenophobia is a socio-psychological phenomenon in Western Europe, and this phenomenon is effective both in the determination of daily populist politics and in the attitudes preferred in the face of refugee policies. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Turkey has implemented radical structural reforms in the field of education during its harmonization process with the European Union. In this context, in the last decades, the Ministry of National Education (MoNE) has implemented comprehensive EU projects towards integration with the European Union education policies. In the relevant literature review, it was seen that there are limited studies that evaluate the policies, strategies and practices that Turkey has been involved in and implemented in the European Union harmonization process in a holistic manner. Based on this gap in the literature, this research aimed to evaluate the European Union-supported "Strengthening the Vocational Education and Training System Project", "Basic Education Support Program" and "Modernization of Vocational and Technical Education" projects implemented by the Ministry of National Education. In this study, which was conducted based on qualitative research method, a holistic single case design was used and the data was analyzed by document analysis method. A total of ten documents were reviewed within the scope of the study. It has been concluded that the educational projects implemented based on the analysis and evaluations made significant contributions to Turkey's harmonization process with the European Union. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The issue of migration and migrants has created problems not only for national states but also for the European Union (EU). Especially in the aftermath of the Arab Spring, the problem of migration and migrants was again seriously felt in the EU. Later, the political crisis in Belarus and Russia’s attempt to invade Ukraine deepened the ongoing migration and migrant problem in the EU. Therefore, Russia has been one of the important actors in the EU’s migration and migrant problem. In addition, the migration and migrant problem has also threatened Russia’s national security. In this framework, the multipolar and interconnected structure of the international system has raised a series of internal and external security issues for Russia on the basis of both the EU and EU member states. These issues have increasingly affected the national and regional security sphere. In this context, it is important to analyse the relations and cooperation between the EU and Russia on migration and migrants. This study analyses the policies and legislation of the EU and Russia on migration and migrants. This examination was carried out through a comprehensive comparative analysis in order to identify the common and distinctive features of the policies and legislation of the two actors. Therefore, the study analyses the relations and cooperation process between the EU and Russia on migration and migrants. In this context, the documents that started with the Partnership and Cooperation Agreement (PTA) between the two actors and continued with the roadmaps in the fields of “Freedom, Security and Justice” were analysed, which led to the signing of subsequent agreements between the parties such as readmission and simplified visa regime. Differences in approaches to migrants between the EU and Russia were identified. While the EU guarantees the rights of foreign citizens and their socio-economic participation in the life of host societies, Russia has adopted a cultural, linguistic and values-based approach to migrant integration. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Integration efforts in Europe in order to maintain peace and stability have been an issue with great emphasis for a long time. Undoubtedly, the creation of an armed force that would protect this will of unity was continued in parallel with these efforts. The most fundamental attempt to establish a European Army aroused from the need to protect against the Soviet threat on the continent following World War II. This security need was met through NATO established under the leadership of the US because the Western European states were not strong enough to meet this threat after the war. The threat to Europe disappeared after the collapse of the Soviet Union, and the EU tended to develop more independent foreign and security policy in line with its own interests. However, its security dependence on NATO and the US hindered this development. On the need for help from NATO to intervene even in crises on the continent strengthened the desire to establish a European army. Nevertheless, the concern of some Union members that an army to be established will not be as strong and deterrent as NATO and will undermine the role of the US in protection of the continent causes a dilemma. In the article, the contradictions created by the existence of NATO in the European security structure with the transition to the multipolar world order and the efforts to establish a joint European army were examined and analyzed. Considering the totality of views of European political leaders, press statements and the commission reports, it seems that the formation of a European army is inevitable. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article examines the public policies implemented by the United Nations (UN), the European Union (EU), and Turkey in response to the Covid-19 pandemic. It analyzes the effectiveness of these actors in managing the pandemic and its impact on public health, the economy, and social well-being. The study provides a comprehensive understanding of public policy and its relevance in managing public health crises, as well as a historical analysis of past pandemics. It evaluates the strategies pursued by the UN, the EU, and Turkey in tackling the Covid-19 outbreak and offers insights into the strengths, limitations, and lessons learned from their public policies. The article also discusses the history of epidemic diseases, including the Covid-19 pandemic, and the public policies implemented by the United Nations (UN) in response to the crisis. The UN has played a significant role in addressing the pandemic and has implemented various policies to combat the spread of the virus and minimize its impact globally. The UN's efforts align with its broader goals of promoting health and well-being, reducing maternal and child mortality, combating infectious diseases, and achieving universal health coverage. The United Nations (UN) and the European Union (EU) both implemented various policies and measures to address the Covid-19 pandemic. The UN mobilized global assistance and implemented policies to minimize the adverse effects of the outbreak, protect public health, and restore pre-pandemic order. The EU focused on supporting and coordinating member countries in their pandemic responses, with the main objectives of minimizing the effects of [Extracted from the article]

In this study, the structure of price variability is analyzed over the inflation rates of selected countries in the Eurozone using monthly data between 2001M1-2022M11. The structure analysis is analyzed by estimating a process by which inflation rates move from stationary to non-stationary or vice versa across different periods. In addition, in this analysis, forecasts were also made to determine the change points of inflation rates for all countries analyzed. Our findings suggest that the tendency for inflation rates to revert to the mean continued before the covid19 period. This can be interpreted as a persistence and resistance to the 2% inflation rate envisaged for price stability and inflation targeting. However, according to our analysis results, there is a change in the structure of the tendency of the inflation rate to return to the average during the covid19 pandemic period. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Sustainable development is a concept created to address the awareness of relationships between important elements such as human and economic development, political structures, population, and welfare levels. The Bertelsmann Stiftung and Sustainable Development Solutions Network prepare and publish the Sustainable Development Goals Report that helps states to achieve their sustainable development goals and evaluate their progress. The relevant research report provides information on which problems countries should prioritize in achieving the sustainable development goals by the year 2030. The main objective of the study is to theoretically examine the Sustainable Development Goals Index consisting of 17 goals and to assess the changes that occurred before and after the Covid-19 pandemic using statistical methods. In the study, Multidimensional Scaling Analysis is utilized to calculate the index for European Union member countries and Turkey. For the analysis, data for the year 2019 is used for the period before the Covid-19 pandemic, and data for the year 2022 is used for the period after the Covid-19 pandemic. In the research, both countries and variables related to the Sustainable Development Goals Index are separately examined based on their similarities. Among the variables, the most prominent goals that stand out are socioeconomic goals such as poverty eradication, quality of life, and gender equality. When analyzing countries, the most prominent and leading countries before and after the pandemic are identified as Austria, Denmark, Finland, Sweden, and Luxembourg, which hold significant positions in the world economy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The phenomenon of migration, which has affected states and societies throughout history, has shaped the economic and political relations between states and questioned their power, especially in the last thirty years. European geography has also faced many migration movements from the past to the present. While the European continent was a region that gave migration until the First World War, it has turned into a region receiving migration in the post-war period until today. In the 2000s, economic and political developments at the regional and global level that cause international migration, have increased the migration mobility towards Europe in the same manner. Therefore, Europe is an important region to be analyzed regarding migration movements in the axis of international political and economic developments. In this article, migration movements towards the European Union (EU) that started with the Arab Spring process and thus have been going on since 2010 are analyzed on a political economy level. This article's main aim is to critically question the political and economic impact of migration flows towards Europe on the EU. Based on this aim, this article analyses EU migration movements using comparative historical and qualitative research methods. Current demographic and economic data and sources on international political developments are also utilized in this analysis. The article puts forward two arguments: The first one is that the political and economic effects of the migration flows toward Europe that have taken place especially after the Arab Spring cannot be analyzed separately. The second one is that the EU Member States' prioritization of their national interests in their migration policies with the pressure caused by the rise in migration flows toward Europe makes it harder for the EU to develop and implement a common migration policy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The cycle between war and peace in European history has reinforced the intellectual structure and actions of realism irreversibly for European states. The EU model opposed this realist approach and made peace possible among the member states. In this respect, the EU fulfilled its function successfully as a security system. However, the EU could not show the same success in establishing a supranational European Defence Community or a European army. Regarding this failure, the article claims that the main reasons caused the failed attempt of the idea of a European army during the Cold War has remained relatively unchanged in the post-Cold War era. To explain this claim, in this article, the emergence of the idea of a European army will be examined based on the common threat faced by Europe after WWII. In addition, the main difficulties in implementing the idea, and the developments in this subject will be examined based on the problematic attitude of France in particular. Subsequently, a detailed answer will be sought based on integration, security, military issues, foreign relations and especially sovereignty to the question of why an autonomous and operational European army couldn't be established both in the Cold War and post-Cold War era and do the EU nations want a European army indeed. Finally, a future prediction will be made about a European army by taking into account the current developments in international relations, Brexit, relations of the EU with the U.S. and NATO and the lessons learned from the historical process. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Plastics have become an indispensable part of modern life. Although plastics, which become waste after use, are recycled for the economy, they have become a critical problem because many cause environmental pollution and threaten life. It is known that the use of plastics has increased rapidly in parallel with the increase in income that has emerged from the increasing industrialization since the 1950s. According to the Environmental Kuznets Curve (EKC) hypothesis, there is an inverted U-shaped relationship between environmental pollution and economic growth. Considering the critical importance of the plastic waste problem, plastic waste should also be evaluated with the EKC approach. For this purpose, panel data analysis was applied to the plastic waste data of the European Union (EU) countries. Research findings show that the EKC validates plastic waste in EU countries from 2004 to 2019. This shows that environmental policies should be planned around the Plastic Waste EKC. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The EU, which comprises 27 countries as of 2007, is an integration with an area of 430 million hectares and a population of approximately 500 million. In this integration the GDP (gross domestic product) per capita is 25.262 € while the agriculture has a share of 2% in GDP and the share of agricultural employment within the total employment is 5.8%. As for Turkey, it is one of the candidate countries of European Union with an area of 78.3 million hectares, 81 cities and a population of about 70 million. In Turkey, the GDP per capita is 7.061 € while the share of agriculture in GDP is 8.5% and the share of agricultural employment within total employment is 27.6%. The European Union's agricultural land is 123.5 million ha, the number of agricultural businesses is 13.7 million and the average business size is 12.6 ha whereas in Turkey the agricultural land is 18,4 million ha, the number of agricultural businesses is 3.1 million and the average business size is 6.1 ha. Although Turkey has a relatively significant amount of assets compared to the EU in term of some criteria, businesses involved in herbal and animal production are considerably small-scaled and these businesses are generally oriented towards meeting family needs and sell their excess in production to the market. Businesses in the EU countries are generally large scale businesses which maintain production for the market. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Post-communist countries’ processes on their way to the European Union (EU) have extensively proceeded simultaneously with their transition from communism to democracy. The regime change led to a process of “coming to terms with the past” in the sense that these countries took transitional justice measures for the crimes and practices of the former authoritarian regimes. In this regard, Albania is a case worth considering as a part of the current EU enlargement agenda. As a country that was not involved in the ethnic wars between the former Yugoslavian countries, Albania experienced a different historical pace of a communist past with its peculiarities. This article mainly aims to analyse Albania’s coming to terms with its communist past and thus the transitional justice measures implemented in its EU process. The main argument of the article is twofold: First, EU impact was limited when Albania started its transitional justice period in the 1990s. This was due to the fact that progress in the EU process of Albania in terms of EU candidacy was enhanced in the 2000s and the impact of the strict EU conditionality became evident in these years as well. Secondly, the current international circumstances, in which the rivalry between Russia as well as China, and the West is at its peak in the so-called Western Balkans region, could allow Albania to be more closely aligned with the EU, which in turn may provide the necessary conditions for deeper reforms to come to terms with its past. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Although the European Union (EU)’s Common Foreign and Security Policy (CFSP) is extremely important to the Union, it is one of the slowest and most difficult areas of Union harmonization. The most important reason for the slow harmonization in the CFSP areas is the unanimity principle that prevails there. For this reason, this principle has been criticized by many EU politicians in recent years and they claim that the voting principle should be changed as in some other areas. This study aims to draw attention to how the voting principle, which is extremely important for the EU, can represent an obstacle to EU harmonisation. For this reason, the development process of the CFSP from its beginnings to the present has been examined and an attempt has been made to highlight the importance of the subject by analyzing the votes taken in this process. To this end, an attempt was made to draw a conclusion by analyzing press releases shared by the EU, statements by politicians and secondary literature sources. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The increase in greenhouse gas emissions poses a serious threat to the environment ve public health. Therefore, the importance of renewable energy sources has been increasing in recent years in order to prevent environmental degradation due to the consumption of fossil fuels. In addition, more use of clean energy is expected to contribute to the improvement of the environmental quality of countries, while reducing health expenditures due to environmental pollution. In this study, the effect of renewable energy consumption on health expenditures was investigated by using panel data analysis by considering 13 EU countries for the period 2001-2019. In empirical findings; It has been determined that there is an inverse relationship between renewable energy consumption ve health expenditure variables. In other words, the increase in renewable energy consumption reduces health expenditures; On the other hve, it has been determined that the decrease in renewable energy consumption increases health expenditures. It was observed that the economic growth series included in the model as a control variable had a positive effect on health expenditures. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The European Union (EU), which had to adopt a security and defense policy dependent on the United States of America (USA) and North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO) during the Cold War, could not find the opportunity to implement the idea of developing an independent security and defense policy, which it had been focusing on for a long time. However, after the cold war, the change in the structure of international system, alteration of threats and internal and external crisis that EU went through during the last decade increased the attempts of the member states to develop an independent security and defense policy. The aim of this study is to investigate at what level the EU implemented the security policy announced the idea of developing an independent security and defense policy. The study reveals that the EU can realize an independent security and defense policy not in spite of the USA and NATO, but in cooperation with the USA and NATO. To support this assumption, the study emphasizes the new approach described in the recently announced Strategic Compass. This study, which uses document/text analysis of the qualitative data collection method, finally reveals that the new understanding announced by the Strategic Compass can advance the EU's idea of developing an independent security and defense policy in cooperation with the USA and NATO. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Financial markets tend to be affected by political developments. As analysts' forecasts, market announcements, political and corporate news shape the expectations of investors, affect the stock markets. Reports prepared by international organizations are reviewed by investors and taken into account in investment decisions. The European Union, evaluates positive and negative developments in social and individual issues by presenting various progress reports on countries where the membership process. In today's communication age, it is expected that the positive and negative developments in the reports will affect the financial markets and investment decisions. Türkiye is in the category of developing countries and makes reforms to continue the process. Throughout the EU negotiation process, the European Commission publishes reports evaluating the performance of the candidate countries in the autumn months within the scope of the Copenhagen criteria. Are European Union progress reports taken into account by capital markets like financial reports? In study, the answer to the question mentioned was sought. The purposes of the study are to investigate whether the European Union progress (country) reports are priced in the Turkish capital markets. By using the daily MSCITürkiye stock index data, the reaction of the investors to the reports in the 2005-2022 periods was determined by the event analysis method. According to the findings of the paper, while 8 reports did not have a significant effect on the stock market index, statistically significant abnormal returns were observed in 9 reports. Therefore, the result of the study shows that progress (country) reports are taken into account while making investment decisions and priced in Turkish capital markets. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The aim of this study is to determine the status of European Union countries (EU) and Türkiye, Ukraine, Switzerland and Norway, which are likely to join the EU, based on 6 criteria (Inflation, consumer prices (annual %), High-technology exports (% of manufactured exports), Patent applications (residents), Patent applications (nonresidents), Labor force with advanced education-female (% of female working-age population with advanced education), Labor force with basic education-female (% of female working-age population with basic education)) using the model of Multi-Criteria Decision Making, one of the analytical methods. For this purpose, the models of entropy and gray relational analysis were used. The result of the analysis is the weighting of the criteria according to the findings obtained with the entropy models: Patent applications by foreigners 51.38%, patent applications by nationals 34.22%, inflation 10.11%, high technology exports 2.76%, female labor force with basic education 1.48%, female labor force with higher education 0%. From the results of the gray relational analysis of the 6 criteria analyzed, Germany is the most successful country. France is in the second place, Italy in the third place. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The struggle against COVID-19 (coronavirus disease), which turned into a global health crisis, has been conducted by actors at various levels. During the pandemic, regional organizations have attempted to enhance the ability of their regions to fight COVID-19, which has crossed borders and brought about adverse consequences for societies. Regional organizations have also sought to pursue coordinated policies against the virus and provide support for reducing the social effects of the pandemic through interregional cooperation. In this context, this study examines the interregional relationship process between the European Union (EU) and the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) during the COVID-19 global pandemic period. The EU and ASEAN, significant regional organizations in international relations, contribute to establishing peace and stability in their respective regions. Moreover, the EU-ASEAN interregional dialogue is among the oldest interregional dialogues in international relations. Therefore, the EU-ASEAN interregionalism during the COVID-19 global pandemic period provides a substantial case for evaluating the functions of interregional relations in times of crisis. This study seeks an answer to the question of which dimensions of EU-ASEAN interregionalism have appeared during the pandemic period within the scope and functions of interregional relations specified in the literature. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Institutions are very important for economic and social development since they directly affect individual behaviors. Institutional economists argue that the effectiveness of institutions accelerates economic growth. There are many historical, social and economic factors that determine the level of institutional development. In this study, the effect of the geographical location of the countries on the level of institutional development will be empirically examined. In this direction, the effect of geographical location on the level of institutional development will be analyzed by using 2018 data from 27 European Union (EU) countries. The Rule of Law Index was used as an indicator of institutional development in the analysis. The distance of the countries to each other was taken as a geographical factor. In addition, as control variables, education index, real national income per capita and unemployment rate were included in the model. The analysis revealed that there is a positive interaction between the institutional development levels of the countries and the institutional development level of the neighboring countries. Similarly, as per capita income increases, the rule of law index also increases. It was determined that the level of unemployment was not in a statistically significant relationship with the level of institutional development. Institutional development increases as the level of education increases. As a result, institutional development is increasing in EU countries, geography, countries neighboring countries with a high level of institutional development. In addition, the increase in income and education level increases the level of institutional development. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article aims to analyze the evolution of Poland's behaviour in the EU over the years. Such an analysis reveals that the Polish position as a member of the EU is not static and formed once and for all but is rather subject to a continuous reconstruction process. This article argues that the identity of Poland within the EU is not constructed once and for all but is rather subject to changes - specifically between Euro-enthusiasm and Euroscepticism - also affecting the interplay between Polish and European foreign policies. In the process of its candidacy to become a member of the EU, Poland endeavoured to adjust itself to EU standards and adopted EU norms and values. In the first decade of its membership in the EU, Poland had effectively downloaded the EU norms and standards and by behaving according to the logic of appropriateness it gained the necessary trust and approval from the EU. However, the current situation in Poland demonstrates that Poland has retreated from its previous course and has become Eurosceptic. This article further explores the factors behind the current distancing of Poland from the EU. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The European Union (EU), which is the only unique example, has today's supranational structure with the spread of cooperation areas that started in the technical field after the 2nd World War to other sectors. This process, which started with a neo-functionalist perspective in the coal and steel sectors, made it possible to evaluate historical competition areas (such as Ruhr and Saarland) as an area of cooperation, and served as a triggering parameter in the construction of a collective and supranational structure. So much so that the customs walls that were lifted between the members of the European Coal and Steel Community (ECSC) accelerated the economic integration by showing the Spill Over effect and resulted in the establishment of the European Economic Community (EEC) and the European Atomic Energy Community (EURATOM). In this direction, increasing dialogue, trust and communication among the members brought these communities together under a single roof, and with the Fusion Treaty (1967), it was named European Communities (EC). The increasing welfare and earnings of the members of the community, the developments in the international system made it rational for other actors to participate in the EC, and the integration spread to political areas with the effect of Take Off. Finally, with the Single European Act (SEA), a new arrangement was made to solve the obstacles to integration (internal market, competition conditions, legislation, etc.), infrastructure preparations for monetary and political union began, 1980 was the cornerstone of integration and deepening for the Community. This process, which started in a sectoral area, showed a branchingeffect with the Maastricht Agreement and the EC succeeded in establishing a unity in the common security and foreign policy, monetary and political fields by taking the name of the EU. Despite the opposition to the integration arising from the nation-state structures of the EU members in the process, the EU gave priority to the construction of the European identity (EU citizenship), and tried to develop harmony among the members with initiatives such as a flag, anthem and constitution that would resemble a nation-state in the constitutional context. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The Catalans are the minority within the European Union (EU) that has most strongly expressed its demands for secession. The Catalans' demands for self-determination, which began with demands for autonomy, have evolved throughout history into demands for secession. It is certain that a possible secession of Catalonia from Spain will create some uncertainties for the EU. Therefore, it is important to investigate how a possible secession will affect EU integration, especially with regard to the impact on minorities within the EU. In this context, this study aims to determine how a possible Catalan secession will affect EU integration by looking at the change and transformation of Catalan secessionist demands in the historical process. In order to determine these implications in detail, it is important to conduct a situational analysis. One of the ways to achieve this is through the analysis of SWOT. For this reason, the SWOT analysis was used in this study. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The Mediterranean, in addition to its geostrategic importance throughout history, is witnessing a power struggle in which regional and global actors involved over the hydrocarbon resources discovered in the region in recent years. The Mediterranean is an important region for European security. On the other hand, Turkey, which maintains its relations with the European Union (EU) at the stage of full membership negotiations, is also a Mediterranean country in historical and geographical terms. The main objective of this study is to put forward the position of the Mediterranean as a region in Turkish foreign policy and to understand how Turkish foreign policy has conceptualized the Mediterranean and whether or not Turkish foreign policy has built the Mediterranean as a different region. In this study, as one of the factors affecting the approach of Turkish foreign policy towards the Mediterranean as a whole, Turkey's reaction to the EU's cooperation initiatives towards the Mediterranean is discussed. The article argues that the discomfort and suspicion of presenting the EU's Euro-Mediterranean Partnership initiative as an alternative to Turkey's EU membership is one of the important factors preventing Turkey from developing a systematic and holistic policy towards the Mediterranean. Rather than developing an integrated and institutional Mediterranean policy, Turkey has pursued a foreign policy with a view to contributing to the security and welfare of the region through bilateral relations and multilateral platforms. Due to the recent developments in the region, it is observed that Turkey's focal point is the Eastern Mediterranean rather than the whole of Mediterranean basin. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This study aims to examine the new cooperation model accepted between the European Union (EU) and the United Kingdom after Brexit to Turkey-EU relations, applicability through the modernization of the Customs Union. Two basic questions are asked in this study. The first one is "What were the effects of the Trade and Cooperation Agreement (TCA) signed between the EU and the UK after Brexit on the imports and exports of the parties?" Secondly, "Can the Customs Union Decision accepted between Turkey and the EU in 1996, which had a negative impact on Turkish exporters and businesses, be transformed into the Trade and Cooperation Agreement signed between the EU and the United Kingdom?" Basically, mixed (qualitative-quantitative) research method is used in the study and an evaluation is made on secondary data. In this context, with the modernization of the Customs Union within the scope of the "Trade and Cooperation Agreement", it is estimated that Turkey's exports to the EU from 41% to 70%, and its imports from the EU will increase from 31% to 40%. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Turkey, especially as many policies implemented within the scope of EU adaptation efforts in the 2000s and began to lose its influence legislation today. In this study, The State Planning Organization (DPT), which is an effective institution in the development of regions, eliminating inequalities between regions and determining future policies and activities, and the Development Plans prepared by it, and the institutions established to ensure regional development such as Development Agencies and Regional Development Administrations have been examined, and these institutions today point has been evaluated. Within the framework of harmonization with the EU in Turkey, the Statistical Regional Units Classification (IMM) was implemented in 2002. Development Agencies, on the other hand, continue to exist in 26 different Level 2 regions in line with the said IMM application. As a result of the study, it has been seen that the main reasons for this are the reservations about the concept of region due to Turkey's unitary state structure, the loss of importance given to local governments in the 2000s within the framework of harmonization with the EU, the increase in the tendency of centralization with the laws enacted, and the lack of adequate resource allocation to eliminate regional development differences. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Today, Albania, which is a candidate country for the European Union (EU), is facing difficulties on the road to full membership. This situation has reasons related to Albania as well as the EU. This study aims to discuss whether the integration model of the Approach of Variable Geometric Europe can be an option for Albania, by examining those reasons. The method of the literature review was employed, and written sources were analysed in the study. There are some theoretical explanations concerning how European integration can be realized. When contributions of policy makers are examined, it is seen that flexible and differentiated integration models were suggested beside classical integration theories such as functionalism, intergovernmentalism, institutionalism, and constructivism. Academic studies, on the other hand, show that the Approach of Variable Geometric Europe constitutes a subclass of the concept of differentiated integration. This approach has importance in fast and easier integration, and in solving the problems of the countries which have serious challenges and are lagging behind the core and other member countries. Consequently, our study analysing Albania in this context, claims that the Approach of Variable Geometric Europe, as a suitable integration way, can contribute to Albania while it is struggling to overcome political and economic difficulties in its integration process. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The Black Sea has been an important region for the international actors to consider with its countries with diverse backgrounds, complicated relations, and attempts to its region-building. European Union has been involved in Black Sea dynamics, yet the effectiveness of its role in the region is questionable. This study aims to show European Union's limitations on a more significant role in the Black Sea region. The article explains three main limitations: seeing its role mainly from a trade perspective, the clashing interests of several international actors, and differences among member states. At first, the article focuses on European Union's involvement in the Black Sea to acknowledge these limitations. The specific focus on the Russian-Ukrainian war provides a fresh look at the European Union's role. How these limitations are reflected in this context can give a chance to the European Union for a more significant role while presenting new challenges to tackle. However, this study argues that current European Union policies do not provide a comprehensive approach. The article suggests that having a security dimension in its Black Sea policies, establishing more comprehensive relations with other international actors, and providing unanimity among member states about the Black Sea policies can help the European Union to overcome its limitations. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The debates between the UK and the European Union since the time of former Prime Minister David Cameron ended with the Brexit referendum held in the second quarter of 2016, so the United Kingdom left the European Union membership and had to continue in the global arena on its own. The alliance between parts has also included many conflicts and disagreements since the start of membership, 1973, till now, and the series of conflicts have mostly resulted from economic, political and social reasons. In this direction, the aim of the study is to evaluate the developments after Brexit and the expected possible situations in the upcoming period, both in terms of the United Kingdom and the EU, from the point of (1) economic, (2) legal rights and (3) foreign policy by analyzing the Brexit process of the UK under two sub-headings as political/social and economic reasons since the time of Conservative Party leader David Cameron. The main argument of the study is based on the fact that both actors have been adversely affected in terms of economic and legal rights after Brexit, on the other hand, they have a desire to create new strategies and maneuvering areas for themselves in order to become dominant in the international system in terms of foreign policy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The year 2021 was a critical juncture for European Railways. Not just the deadline for full implementation of the Fourth Railway Package, but the EU also advertised the whole year as "the year of Rail" to accelerate mobility on rail and aid member states to speed up their compliance with the norms of highly anticipated "Single European Railways". Nevertheless, both goals seemed pretty ambitious to achieve when member states were still coping with the pernicious effects of the pandemic and the war. This research evaluates EU nations' current performance towards the EU's railway regulations. Through a machine-learning model, the analysis suggests three classes of states. It assumes a significant differentiation in member state performance, which causes the EU to fall behind the assumed schedule immensely. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

According to the functioning mechanism and legal system of the European Union (EU), the health policies of the member states are under their national authorities. The lack of a common EU health policy makes the EU unprepared in the case of any unexpected health crisis and leads to the ignorance of European solidarity and prioritisation of the national interests at the expense of the European ones. This is what the EU experienced especially in the first wave of the COVID-19 pandemic in early 2020. Then, the EU suffered from the lack of coordination and solidarity among the member states leading to delay in the management of the whole process. This study aims to discuss the EU's attempts to deal with COVID-19 pandemic within the framework of the EU solidarity. The discussion shows that the EU member states moved away from their nationally-oriented attitudes in the early stages of the pandemic in a relatively short period of time and tried to manage the process with the spirit of EU solidarity. However, health policy which is under the member states competence still poses a serious obstacle to achieve collective European solidarity. This obstacle can only be overcome by expanding the scope of the EU's exclusive competence areas which would also strengthen the EU spirit and solidarity. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The Covid-19 pandemic in a short time has brought a deep destruction on all the world's economies, and therefore, recession tendencies appeared in the countries. In fact, the world economy contracted by nearly 3.6% in 2020. The impact of the crisis on industrial production was similar. In the second quarter of 2020, when the effects of the crisis were felt more intensely, the economy shrank by 11.3% across the European Union and by 10.5% across the Organization for Economic Co-operation and Development (OECD). World manufacturing output decreased by 6% in the first quarter of 2020 and by 11.2% in the second quarter. This decrease reached 19% in Europe and 23% in emerging market economies. In this study, the effect of the Covid-19 pandemic on the industrial production of the European Union member countries and candidate countries was analyzed using panel data methods, covering the period between March 2020 and December 2021. The findings revealed that the increase in both the number of Covid-19 cases and the number of deaths from Covid-19 in the relevant countries decreased industrial production. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this study, the relationship between natural gas consumption and economic growth in 25 EU countries for the period of 2000-2020 was analyzed with the help of two different econometric models using a two-way panel data model. In the results of Model 1, where economic growth is a dependent variable and natural gas consumption is an independent variable; It has been observed that as natural gas consumption increases, economic growth increases, whereas natural gas consumption decreases, economic growth decreases. Dependent on economic growth; In the findings of Model 2, where natural gas consumption, physical investments, exports and population series are independent variables, it was determined that all independent variables had a positive effect on the dependent variable. If we express it in terms of the subject we discussed; Similarly, in the findings of Model 2, it was observed that economic growth increased as natural gas consumption increased, whereas economic growth decreased as natural gas consumption decreased. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The European Union has undergone many changes and transformations since its establishment in 1952 as the European Coal and Steel Community. The economic policies of the Union are at the root of the transformations experienced, but these economic policies, combined with political arguments, also govern the enlargement policy. The majority of the studies on the enlargement of the European Union generally focus on why the candidate countries want to become a member of the Union. The number of studies on why the member countries of the Union support the candidates or do not want their membership is very few. The political and economic reasons for the membership of the candidates in terms of the internal dynamics of the Union and the interests of the member states were put into the background. This study aims to reveal the reasons behind the driving forces of the enlargement policy and the steps taken by the countries that restrain the enlargement. At the same time, it proceeds from the argument that the interests of driving forces and brakemen countries also shapes the negotiation processes of the candidate countries. In this direction, all enlargement waves will be examined, how the candidate countries are affected by the drivers and the brakemen and the reflections of this effect on the enlargement process will be examined. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This study analyses graduate theses in International Relations (IR) discipline indexed with migration. As of 30 June 2020, 190 graduate theses indexed with migration in 10,251 graduate theses in International Relations subject in 1983-30 June 2020 period are analysed based on type (Master's/PhD), language (Turkish/English/French) and words in title with content analysis. It aims to evaluate how much and in which areas migration is studied in graduate studies in IR in Turkey in order to take general picture of the area. Considering impact and role of migration in domestic and foreign policy of Turkey, the study aims to contribute in determining the weight of migration studies, highly studied areas, prioritised areas, potential areas, and overstudied areas in the discipline through content analysis of the graduate theses in IR subject indexed with migration. It addresses that in IR discipline, number of graduate studies on migration should be increased, specifically, the number of PhD theses should be increased, emphasis should be given on theoretical studies, and more studies should be conducted on migration to Turkey from surrounding geography influencing Turkey directly in graduate theses on migration in IR discipline. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This research aims at analysing the nature and transformation of the European Union Common Security and Defence Policy since 2014. Having been founded in the post-Cold War peace environment, the Common Security and Defence Policy had an expeditionary characteristic compatible with the European Union's soft/normative power. However, this peaceful security environment changed after the Ukraine Crisis in 2014. With new security parameters, the transformation of the Common Security and Defence Policy needs to be analysed in an academic context. In this regard, the research question of the article has been conceptualized as "To what extend has post-Ukraine Crisis security perception affected Common Security and Defence Policy transformation?". There are two main findings of this research. First, the characteristics of the Common Security and Defence Policy have evolved from being expeditionary to territorial/collective defence in nature. Second, the fragmentation in the European Union is deepening in terms of defence and security policies. This research concludes that the European Union cannot develop an effective and integrated policy and instead will choose to conform to the United States' NATO policies in order to deter the Russian Federation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Public diplomacy (PD) is a topic that is handled with many aspects today. In recent years, it has been handled under various sub-titles such as cultural diplomacy, exchange diplomacy, education diplomacy in connection with soft power, both in academic studies and in foreign policy. This interest in PD, which started in the middle of the Cold War, still continues. Considered as a policy tool of soft power, PD contributes positively to foreign policy making by increasing the attractiveness of countries. For this reason, states are increasing their activities within the scope of PD. The European Union, which aims to increase its influence as a global actor, also focuses on its activities within the framework of PD. It is known that the Erasmus+ Programme of the Union gathers many programmes under one roof, such as Erasmus, Leonardo da Vinci, Comenius, Grundtvig, Jean Monnet, Erasmus Mundus, Alfa, Edulink, which were implemented before 2014. Today, the Erasmus+ Programme has entered a new period to be implemented between the years 2021-2027. In this context, firstly, a conceptual analysis of soft power and PD is made and discussed in the historical process in the study. Then, European Union's public diplomacy is evaluated in terms of soft power. Finally, within the framework of the official documents of the Union, especially the Programme Guide published in 2021, the Erasmus+ Programme is discussed and scrutinized from the perspective of PD. The aims, priorities, scope, budget and expected impacts of the programme until 2027 are evaluated in terms of PD. As a result of the study, it is found that the European Union instrumentalized the Erasmus+ Programme as a PD practice with the general aim of becoming a global actor. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The world economy is faced with various extraordinary situations. The financial crises experienced and the covid-19 process create shocking effects on the world economy. With the invasion of Ukraine by Russia on February 24, 2022, the energy problem is the new agenda of the world economy. Energy is of great importance for the industry of developed EU countries. Ensuring the uninterrupted and secure transfer of energy is seen as an important element for the survival and growth of the EU. Oil and natural gas, which is frequently preferred by both individual use and various sectors, has a different position compared to other types of energy. In this study, the possible effect of oil and natural gas consumptions on economic growth in EU countries for the period 2000-2020 was investigated by panel data analysis. For this purpose, two different econometric models were established. In the first model, 26 EU countries, and in the second model, 25 EU countries are considered. As control variables in both models; fixed capital investments and export series are used. The aim of the first model is to determine the effect of oil consumption on economic growth. In the findings of the first model, it has been observed that an increase in oil consumption has a positive effect on economic growth. The purpose of the second model is to determine the possible effect of natural gas consumption on economic growth. The findings of the second model show that natural gas consumption does not have a statistically significant effect on economic growth. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The Regional Comprehensive Economic Partnership Agreement (RCEP), which is seen as the world's largest free trade agreement among ten ASEAN countries from the Asia-Pacific region and five non-regional countries, was signed on November 15, 2020. On the other hand, the European Union (EU) and China are the two most important countries in international trade. China and Europe trade on average over 1 billion Euros per day. The EU-China Comprehensive Agreement on Investment (CAI), signed on December 30, 2020, has provided the parties with the opportunity to open their markets to each other, and the Chinese side has granted quite extensive concessions to the EU. As a result of the pandemic period, China's joint ventures with Asian countries and the EU are important for both parties in terms of reducing the economic cost of uncertainty. It is possible to say that with the agreements, China aims to provide alternative commercial partnerships to the United States of America (USA), and the EU aims to create an alternative commercial space vis a vis the USA in the growing Asian market. Also the new administration of the USA will take a stand against the possible contraction in world trade and the competition from China and / or the EU. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article attempts to portray how the representation of the European Union (EU) as a model of peaceful regional integration helps legitimize the Union's imposition of a disciplining power on -what it refers to as-"conflict/fragile zones". With such legitimacy, the EU imposes its "best practices" on others, projects its own values and norms, and, thus, practices a European type of governmentality. While doing so, the EU pays little attention to the specific cultural, political, economic and social characteristics of "conflict-prone" societies and overlooks local/grassroots agency. This article thus argues that representing the EU as a model of peaceful integration contributes to its construction as an "ideal power" and legitimizes its peacebuilding efforts in other regions and countries. Its major conclusion is that the "ideal power Europe" meta-narrative produced and reproduced by EU researchers and policy-makers feeds into the Union's governmentality, helping it discipline recipient societies through its peacebuilding. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The "border control" and "refoulement" policies implemented in the face of human mobility towards Europe after the Arab Spring point to a move away from immigrant focus and constitute the body of EU migration governance. These policies are at the center of the criticisms directed to the EU on this topic. As an extension of these policies, certain processing centers have been established in Greece and Italy, into which immigrants are heavily entering, to identify the newly arrived immigrants and to evaluate their asylum applications by taking their fingerprints with the "hotspot approach" included in the European Agenda on Migration in April 2015. The afore-mentioned criticisms have intensified as migrants are kept under poor conditions in these centers, and are often deprived of their right to asylum. In this study, which has been constituted based on the data from the related governments and nongovernmental organizations and the hotspots in Greece and Italy, as of dramatic examples in this concept, 'the hotspot approach' which is used as an externalization tool in migration governance is discussed in the frame of normative human rights and asserted as one of the most crucial setbacks in EU migration governance. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The most deadly of the threats to maritime security is terrorism at sea. Despite the fact that the number of attacks is less than on land, the possibility of a terrorist attack taking place in maritime areas should always be considered, given the few serious attacks that have occurred. Otherwise, these attacks will produce dire consequences that cannot be compensated. Today, one of the seas with the highest probability of a terrorist attack at sea is the Mediterranean. In the recent past, especially the civil wars in Syria and Libya, the political turmoil in the Arab countries and the emergence of radical terrorist groups such as DAESH, the crisis and instability have significantly increased the possible terrorist threat in the Mediterranean Basin. In this context, the EU, as a regional security actor, has taken some measures to strengthen maritime security and prevent the possible terrorist threat in the Mediterranean. In the article, it is aimed to determine the level of the terrorist threat in the Mediterranean region and to analyze the EU's counter-terrorism measures. The analysis is bidirectional. First of all, the actual terrorist attacks reported in the Mediterranean are analyzed in detail in the article. Then, the measures taken by the EU to combat terrorism and sort out the problem are analyzed in detail. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Technological progress and digital transformation have created new competitive conditions for the global economy. This development process, which is named as the Fourth Industrial Revolution, provides important opportunities for humanity and causes the change of all balances and the reshaping of competition conditions at the level of countries. European Union countries aimed to establish a common market for the community, develop economic activities within the community, strengthen stability and improve the standard of living. The European Union follows common policies in many areas such as agriculture, industry, competition and foreign trade. Against the new world order emerging with the rapidly developing technology, the European Union has started to need to strengthen its economic and social structure and increase its competitiveness. In this study, the current high technology policy of the European Union is tried to be examined in outline. In the first section, it deals with the concept of high technology. In the second section, high technology investments in the European Union are evaluated. In the third section, the goals of the high technology policy of the European Union and the tools used to achieve these goals are discussed. In this context, Lisbon strategy, R&D policies, Europe 2020 strategy as well as Framework Programs are evaluated. In addition, entrepreneurship policy and, in this context, policies applied to improve the environment for small and medium enterprises in the high technology of the European Union are discussed. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article covers Turkey-Armenia relations as well as internal and international developments of Armenia in the period of December 2021-May 2022. The Karabagh war led to a substantial change in the region, opening new horizons for establishing peace, stability, cooperation, and neighborly relations in the region. The first step to activate this huge regional potential will be the signing of the Peace Treaty between Armenia and Azerbaijan. Despite mutually expressed constructive rhetoric to this end, no concrete development could be achieved during the period under review. Meanwhile, the peace treaty process with Azerbaijan caused heated arguments in internal politics in Armenia. As the work of the Minsk Group co-chairs was adversely affected following the war in Ukraine, initiatives by the European Union to fill the void has come to the fore. Russia appeared to note this development favored by Armenia with circumspection. Another noteworthy development has been the initiation of a process of normalisation of relations between Turkey and Armenia, both sides designating special representatives for negotiations. The special representatives have met three times, first in Moscow and twice in Vienna. Turkey's insistence on holding the talks directly in respective capitals could not be realized due to Armenia's preference to conduct them with a third party involvement. Regarding regional cooperation, the proposal promulgated by the Presidents of Turkey and Azerbaijan to establish a platform of six, convened for its first meeting in Moscow, with one absentee, Georgia, on political bilateral differences with Russia. As was to be expected, this regional approach has received a cool reaction by non-regional parties with interest in the region. Lastly, the month April was again an occasion to bring into agenda the unfounded Armenian narrative and allegations. It was again the US administration that went to extremes, with the President repeating the very biased, baseless allegation of "genocide" multiple times. This accusation that is used by the US and the West in general clearly reveals that it is employed as a political tool to exert political pressure. However, it is this rhetoric is in fact casting a shadow to their own credibility, trustworthiness, neutrality, and influence. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this study, it is examined how the green economy approach is implemented by the European Union and how these practices can affect the EU's climate goals in 2050. In order to find a valid answer to this question, the study focuses on the future energy scenarios of the European Union's energy institutions and international energy organizations, which the European Union Commission announced in 2019 with the European Green Deal and in this direction, the goal of being the world's first climate neutral continent by 2050. During the research process, the future energy scenarios of 15 different energy reports were examined. Future energy scenarios have been obtained from the reports published by international organizations such as the European Union, the International Energy Agency and the International Renewable Energy Agency. Findings were created by interpreting the information obtained as a result of the research process. According to the results of the research; If the European Union continues to implement policies in line with the Paris Climate Agreement along with the action areas it has planned in line with the European Green Deal, it will be possible to approach the 2050 targets. However, with current policy practices and targets, no scenario is 100% sufficient for the European Union to be a climate neutral continent. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This study is held in order to determine whether some Middle Eastern countries have converged to EU countries in terms of economy and politics as dimensions of globalization. Existence of any convergence is tested via Harvey and Leybourne (2008) linearity tests. As a consequence of the fact that series are non-linear, the existence of any convergence is analyzed via Enders and Granger unit root test. It has been deduced that Kuwait has converged EU-27 average from the point of economic globalization and the country also has converged EU-15 average from the point of social globalization. Similarly, Saudi Arabia has converged EU-9 and EU-15 averages from the point of social globalization. Egypt and Jordan have converged both EU-9 and EU- 15 average from the point of political globalization. Turkey has just converged EU-9 from the point of political globalization. And Iran has just converged EU-15 average from the point of economic globalization. It hasn't been detected any convergence for other countries analyzed. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

There are two Irish countries on the Island of Ireland, one is independent and the other is dependent on the United Kingdom (UK). These two countries have been integrated for half a century to the extent permitted by the integration opportunities provided by the European Union (EU) membership. However, after the Brexit referendum held in June 2016, the UK has finally decided to withdraw from the EU. The Brexit referendum has produced a result that reflects the will to remain within the EU for Northern Ireland, which is affiliated to the United Kingdom, and therefore to maintain the status of integration within the Union with the Republic of Ireland. This result was the beginning of a new era for the British countries, which have been together under the roof of the EU for a long time. As a result of the referendum, as the Scottish people's decisive will to remain in the EU rather like the Northern Ireland, displayed a trend that contradicts the withdrawal decision that emerged with a slight difference across the UK. Thus, the longstanding independence debates in these two countries came to the fore again. The fact that the Brexit referendum was carried out with a centralist tendency and an imposing propaganda process reflecting the British hegemony has been a factor that fueled these discussions. In the case of Northern Ireland, this process is also supported by the driving force of the will to remain in the EU and makes the option of uniting with the Republic of Ireland that would put an end to the historical division in the Island of Ireland, more possible and predictable than ever before. However, it is not possible to consider this option independently of the establishment and multilayered political dynamics in the UK. Taking the historical background of the Irish Question and the new conditions created by the post-Brexit process into account, the possibility for the unification of the two Ireland is discussed in this study, within the context of both the future of the UK and the dynamics affecting this possibility through the EU level. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The Luxembourg Compromise is known as an important turning point in the history of the EU. In this research, the developments in the Community before the compromise and their effects on today are discussed. The first basic question is why France is the country that created the crisis before the compromise. The second question is why and how France, which came to the point of breaking away from the Community after the crisis, was persuaded. In the study validity of the compromise and its effects on today are also discussed. For the research books, book chapters, articles, theses, reports, and official archive records were examined, and secondary sources were used. In the first and second chapters, after briefly mentioning the first structure of community institutions, these prehistoric developments are discussed with reference to 1963. Afterwards, the period included crisis and the compromise was examined and its effects on the present were discussed. What is wanted to be achieved with this research is the validity of the idea that political actors have a role in France being responsible for the empty chair crisis before the compromise. In addition, it is desired to conclude that the understanding of politics that puts national interests at the forefront does not prevent integration. The mission of the Luxembourg Compromise continues, although it is not official, it still maintains its effectiveness. Even though it is called as compromise, this agreement operates a kind of blocking mechanism in the consultations while taking decisions within the Community. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This study, which examines the fundamental transformation points in German foreign policy from 1871 to the present, deals with the factors that are effective in the political transformation of Europe's most populous, richest and most politically influential country. Most important topics of this study are nation building, basic political goals in the First and Second World Wars, and Germany‟s foreign policy orientations during and after the Cold War, which has an important place in the political and economic history of Europe. This study was written in order to evaluate the consequences of major social changes on foreign policy and to provide an overview of German foreign policy rather than a theoretical analysis in the context of German political history. In addition, the political roles of Germany in international politics before and after the Second World War are analyzed in this study. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]