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This paper analyses the working practices of several feminist creative and cultural enterprises in London (which I term 'feminist CCIs'). In particular, it shows how pandemic precarity has driven feminist CCIs towards more entrepreneurial, self-promotional, and self-branding practices in order to sustain their work. Drawing on both digital ethnographic material and interviews with 12 workers in feminist CCIs conducted online between 2020 and 2022, the article provides insights into the landscape and contemporary realities of arts and cultural funding within these fields. It considers how decades of austerity measures and cuts have forced some feminist CCIs to operate independently outside of the UK public sector funding models. Survival tactics include adopting corporate funding models, subscription and membership schemes, platformisation and digitalisation. Focusing on funding, money and subjectivity, it unpacks the contradictions these imperatives bring to feminist politics: tensions about which some feminist CCI workers themselves are aware of and critical of. In the process, this paper considers how activism, feminism, entrepreneurialism, and precarity are fused together and negotiated in this form of 'freelance feminism'. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The linking of school choice and charter schools to the legacy of Black alternative education and civil rights initiatives is a central discursive galvanizing and organizing tool for charter proponents, as it aims to provide legitimacy to the charter movement, while simultaneously coopting Black critiques of the institution of education to advance neoliberal restructurings of the state. In this paper, I posit there exists a conceptual and political distinction between school choice and efforts of Black educational self-determination, an approach to challenge white dominance and supremacy. The paper engages in a historical analysis exploring the history of school choice and Black educational self-determination. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Street theater is historically a form of political performance art used to foster social change and is characterized by unscheduled performances in public spaces, interactive audience participation, and short performances often repeated in the same spot for passersby. Long used as a creative tool within social movements, street skits not only entertain but are used to educate and build awareness on pressing issues. It is an art form for the people, by the people, making theater available for all ("on the streets") rather than solely for those who can afford it. Street theater also has its uses in public health education and organizing and has been used globally as an effective method of health promotion, especially in rural and low-literacy areas. This paper looks at a street theater project that university students at Clark University in Worcester, MA participated in as part of a "Health Rights: Advocacy and Action" course. Students were tasked with developing a street theater skit that educates on a public health issue and publicly perform the skit on campus. Three skits were produced: (1) "Deadly Derailment": raised awareness on industry deregulation and the 2023 toxic chemical spill in East Palestine, OH; (2) "Harm Reduction Saves Lives": addressed humane and non-victim blaming ways to address substance use; and (3) "End the STIgma": educated on sexual health on a college campus. Teaching street theater as part of public health pedagogy is a creative approach to inspire students to use their voices and link health promotion and activism. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Structural race-based inequalities in Mexico cannot be denied. Anthropologists and social scientists have thoroughly documented racism at both personal and systemic levels. Following I.M. Young's framework, this paper identifies two possible pathways for the anti-racist movement in Mexico: the liability and the social connection models. The former uses guilt to assign responsibility —it requires an agent to be voluntarily and causally connected to injustice; the latter does not isolate perpetrators but assigns responsibility to all agents who contribute (voluntarily or not) by their actions to the structural processes that produce injustice. After examining the trajectory of the Mexican anti-racist movement, this paper demonstrates that activists are relying too heavily on the liability model. Furthermore, drawing from ethnographic material from Brazil and the United States, the paper suggests that this model is not only unnecessarily confrontational and ineffectual, but potentially counterproductive for the anti-racist movement, as it is prone to provoke a defensive response. In turn, this paper suggests focusing on the structural nature of racism in Mexico and developing ways to communicate this effectively, in order to foster the positive prospects of successful anti-racist activism. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

College students across the United States are engaging in protests, sit-ins, and walk-outs, but when do these political acts result in tangible institutional policy changes? This paper draws on qualitative data from interviews and focus groups with 502 participants across the United States to examine when and why college student political behaviors influence institutional changes on college campuses. Findings from this study suggest that higher education institutions present different political opportunity structures for students to engage in activism. These political opportunity structures provide policy windows at the institutional level to affect campus wide change. To the extent that these changes promote diversity, equity, and inclusion though also depends on these varying structures. In this paper, a typology of these structures is presented to explain when student activism shapes institutional change and for whom. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In the becoming of neoliberal cities, consumption can play an important role in the process of marking who is human, that is, fit for consumption, and who is not. This paper explores such processes as affective becomings and focuses on the workings of comfort and discomfort to highlight how some bodies are delegitimized in order for others to become legitimatized. Using an ethnographic approach with affective methodologies, I trace the process of erasing activism collectives that were resisting gentrification in São Paulo and advocating the 'right to the city'. The contribution of this paper is threefold. Firstly, it highlights how the becoming of the neoliberal city follows a neoliberal normativity in tandem with a colonial one. By exploring how spaces, bodies, and norms are always related to one another in this process, I highlight how 'the consumer' has become the body who counts (i.e. the human). Secondly, this paper shows how activism work refracts the dynamics of the neoliberal-colonial normativity, as it (re)acts to its mechanisms for sorting out bodies. Thirdly, this paper highlights the political dimensions of (dis)comfort that mark the splitting of legitimate and illegitimatebodies in a social reproduction for consumption. Consequently, it explores how discomfort has been used as a political-affective tool of delegitimization, subjugation, and oppression. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper explores the shifting dynamics of what constitutes a contemporary social movement and the pros and cons that emerge after movements have gone online. This paper is premised on in-depth interviews with twenty-nine interviewees regarding how social media has brought changes to the contemporary LGBTQ + movement in New Zealand among both Māori and Pākehā (white New Zealanders) communities. The interviewees testified to the shifting nature of the contemporary LGBTQ + movement after the emergence and inclusion of the Internet and social media platforms on movement messaging and participant engagement. This research found that social networking sites have led to greater awareness and better coordination among movement actors to organise LGBTQ + movements in New Zealand (NZ). The paper concludes that the Internet and social media have led to more visibility and acceptability of information within contemporary movements. The Internet was a facilitator of movement organisation even before the emergence of social media platforms; however, online activism has amplified and has taken a new meaning with the advent of several social media platforms. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Background/Context: The United States invests in STEM education, but this investment is racialized and political. The country wants to maintain global economic domination, but there are also calls to diversify the STEM workforce (Baber, 2015; Basile & Lopez, 2015; Vakil & Ayers, 2019). This context leaves Black and Brown people to navigate racially hostile, toxic, and oppressive STEM learning and working environments (Bullock, 2017; Erete et al., 2020; Wright & Riley, 2021). Purpose/Objective/Research Question/Focus of Study: This conceptual paper offers strategies for institutionalizing equity ethics in STEM higher education. The paper attends to the core components of equity ethics and its possibilities while identifying structural constraints. Equity ethics is an equity-minded perspective that focuses on leveraging the multiple forms of knowledge associated with understanding and engaging the natural world to foster an oppression-free society that specifically enhances the lives of Black and Brown people. We also examine specific cases of STEM education and research scholars and practitioners who are committed to engaging and uplifting racially minoritized communities through the intersection of STEM and justice. Research Design: This conceptual paper takes a qualitative approach. It uses the existing literature to review the current state of diversity in STEM, the major components of an equity ethic, the structural and institutional barriers people of color face in STEM higher education, and how equity ethics may be institutionalized. In particular, we highlight examples of equity ethics in action to provide models for action and policy change. Conclusions/Recommendations: Institutionalized equity ethics at the mid-institutional level (e.g., departments and units) would require all faculty to mentor Black and Brown STEM students through critical transitions. We also recommend revising department- and unit-level policies and practices around access to resources that are critical for STEM achievement and knowledge production. Although expanding and sustaining financial investments in equity-focused endeavors is required, these investments must also come with the power and agency to transform institutional structures around STEM access, learning, and innovation. Transformation of top-level policies and practices could include changes to institutional admissions processes and ensuring that racist gatekeeping mechanisms are removed, while also requiring senior-level administrators to have training in racial justice ideologies and praxes. Building equity ethics into STEM higher education is essential to creating a more just and equitable STEM ecosystem. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper explores how a global health crisis affects the causes and consequences of social movements. Drawing on media coverage, press releases, emails, and other available primary data sources, we examine how the pandemic changed the opportunities and conditions for activists on the right and left and those they challenge. We begin by considering the nature of the COVID-19 pandemic and the concomitant government response, which alters the structure of political opportunities activists face. We then look at the development of a range of protest campaigns that have emerged in response, assessing changes in opportunities for activists to reach and mobilize target constituencies, the construction of grievances, nature of alliances, as well as innovation in tactics and organization. Finally, we consider the potential outcomes of these protests during the pandemic and extending afterward. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Professional athletes increasingly use their popularity to speak out about political topics off and on the field. However, only few studies explore how audiences react to political speech in elite sports. Existing research has tended to focus on very few high-profile cases, usually in the United States, such as Colin Kaepernick's anthem protest. Going beyond single cases, this paper investigates factors that systematically influence public support for elite athletes' political activism. We integrated a vignette experiment into a survey of the German population (N = 1002). Using multi-level regression models, we analyze how public support for athlete's political acts varies with political topics, the specific political action carried out as well as the local reference of the issue in question. Moreover, we also compare the level of public support for political actions between athletes and non-athlete celebrities. Findings indicate that support is subject to conditions: Athletes receive more support when their critique refers to political topics abroad (as opposed to domestic topics) and when non-disruptive actions are chosen, for example, expressions of opinion instead of boycotts. The specific message has the strongest influence on support: actions and statements that express a progressive political claim for stricter environmental protection receive more support compared to a rather conservative claim for border security. Findings add to the state of knowledge by showing which forms of political activism meet with broad acceptance and which are likely to polarize audiences. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

That civil society activism can strengthen accountability and limit government corruption is theoretically compelling and popular in policy circles. Whether civic engagement can limit grand corruption, and if so in what types of settings, remains an open question. This paper presents the first large-N study of societal accountability with respect to grand corruption. Using objective indicators of procurement corruption from 173 EU regions, the study finds that civil society strength is associated with lower levels of corruption but that the association is not monotonic. Civil society strength seems to constrain procurement corruption where accountability conditions are the least favorable. Where accountability conditions are well-functioning, we find no evidence that societal accountability constrains corruption. The findings help to adjudicate between competing expectations from research on horizontal and societal accountability. Moreover, they confirm that societal accountability can complement horizontal accountability where institutional conditions function sub-optimally, even limiting grand corruption. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Young people's ongoing, necessary confrontation with painful and distressing realities exacerbated by ecological precarity in diverse contexts has profound implications for formal education systems. Additionally, educational policy in many contexts has been slow to respond to the urgency of addressing climate change, nor has most policy robustly conceptualized a vision for climate justice education. Centering the voices of three young climate justice activists (ages 16–20) in Canada through a qualitative study, this paper explores possible educational responses that recognize the embodied consequences of climate injustice and inaction on youth mental health and well-being. Through their encounters with activism in collective, justice-centered movements, these young people articulate how their commitments to creating more life-affirming and equitable realities by challenging current economic and political structures and discourses are integral dimensions of their efforts to be and feel well (hopeful and purposeful) in a context of pronounced uncertainty and distress. Despite these possibilities, youth participants describe the overwhelming and complex emotions they are grappling with as they face dispiriting projections for the future. These growing challenges are an opportunity to reconsider common "apolitical" and individualized approaches to citizenship, climate and environmental education. Findings suggest that supporting youth to act thoughtfully and impactfully in transforming cultural, economic and political structures and systems that reproduce harm can be a way to nurture meaning, purpose and hope. Additionally, youth participants advocate for integrating robust resources and support within formal education institutions to assist in collectively processing the emotional and psychological impacts of climate injustice. At the same time, findings suggest that the participating youth did not yet integrate conceptions of ecological interrelationship or interconnection in their approaches, offering possible avenues for further pedagogical development. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Premiered in 2020, and although representing a grim story to narrate the Khashoggi story – a Saudi prominent journalist – who was ambushed, killed, and his body dismembered in his own country's consulate, The Dissident is more than simply a documentary. It is arguably a narration of the need for freedom of expression and political reform in the Arab world generally and Saudi Arabia in particular. This paper highlights the struggle to disseminate The Dissident documentary publicly as none of the major media corporation streamers (HBO, Netflix, Amazon, and Apple) offered to carry it. The way giant media corporations treat the information in this case not only as a commodity but as a means to avoid political tensions affecting their revenues in the markets. The article addresses this case study from a freedom of expression and the right to communicate perspective arguing for the need of an actual media reform within the middle east media system so journalists, like Khashoggi. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper examines the southern influence and litigation around carceral logic in public education, as evident in the racialized disciplinary codes and police presence in schools that led to the criminalization of youth during desegregation through the 1960s and into the 1970s. Southern school districts and state legislators worked in tandem with law enforcement to increase discipline and surveillance in newly desegregated spaces, changed laws to swiftly prosecute and remove youth from schools, and increasingly targeted youth with harsh disciplinary policies grounded in racist assumptions categorizing Black students as inherently violent. This form of disciplinary power and control presaged federal legislation including the Law Enforcement Assistance Act of 1965 and the Juvenile Justice and Delinquency Prevention Act of 1974, and shaped the foundations of today's anti-Black school discipline policies and police presence in schools. This article explicates how southern schools contributed to a burgeoning carceral logic that shared commonalities across the nation but at the same time were distinct from other regions. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

How does collective identity form in virtual spaces and what role do hashtags play? This paper takes advantage of a unique dataset that includes surveys from activists who organized the nationally coordinated climate strikes in the US that began in spring 2019 to answer these questions. Building on the research about collective identity formation online and the role that hashtags play, we employ social network analysis to assess how collective identity forms online over three waves of protests. In particular, we analyze how activists involved in the youth climate movement used hashtags to project their collective identities and create collective narratives. Our findings show how hashtags use varied over the period of our study, in some cases indicating the formation of a thin collective identity. They also show that there are patterns in the ways hashtags are employed by activists in the movement that suggest the formation of subaltern narratives among those affiliated with youth-led groups. Our paper concludes by considering how this finding helps us understand collective identity in virtual spaces and the role that hashtags play more specifically within social movements. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper considers the negotiations around walking in Finland in the 1960s and 1970s as a symbolic struggle. Quickly changing urban environment and high traffic fatality numbers brought pedestrians into the focus of public discussions during this era. Two major groups making claims over pedestrians were the traffic safety organisation Talja and its successor Liikenneturva as well as the traffic policy association Enemmistö. Traffic safety actors highlighted pedestrians' responsibility as a traffic mode among others, but also framed them as reckless and weak. Traffic policy activists used pedestrians as a lens to the unfairness of the car-centred traffic system and urban environment. Both tried to steer away from the simple antagonism between cars and pedestrians, but with little success. Whereas pedestrians were difficult to govern, due to their non-vehicle flexibility, they were also difficult to advocate for. The struggle ended in a compromise that rendered pedestrians invisible. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Even the seemingly liberal Czechoslovak political elites were anxious about the notion of depopulation, and feared the death of the nation, which led them to disregard the societal need for modernizing family planning. At the same time, Czechoslovak women experts were significantly involved in debates on conceptions of the family. They fueled debates on the sexual liberation of women in Czechoslovakia not as a matter of ideology or morality, but as a matter of public health, social justice, and reproductive rights. This paper aims to look at these women experts and their active role in academic debates on Czechoslovak policies on family and reproduction. Looking at the case of Czechoslovakia, as a non-Western country, this article then discusses the issues of the marginalization of women's activism and feminism in the East. The article suggests that, by applying a decolonial lens, a broader inclusion of the history of feminism of non-Western women can be achieved. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Recent scholarship on Thoreau's thought has pushed in two opposing directions: some have maintained that Thoreau's withdrawals from political engagement were actually intended to serve democratic ends, whereas others have argued that Thoreau's political engagement was a lapse in his better judgment. In this essay, I contend that neither interpretation of Thoreau's thought fully captures the roles that political engagement and disengagement played in his life as a dissident. Instead, via an examination of Thoreau's "Walking" and his reform papers, I argue that Thoreau modeled a dialectical approach to dissent, where the "antithesis" of withdrawal served as a specific antidote to the personal toll of the "thesis" of political action. As I show, Thoreau's attention to the potential costs of radical dissent makes his dialectical model especially relevant for those for whom the costs are highest, including contemporary women activists of color. For these women, normalizing a practice of continual disengagement from activism might benefit them in ways that collaborative solidarity cannot. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Introduction: This paper explores what praxis is and its importance for catalyzing social justice. Statement of the Problem: At times, psychologists have articulated the importance of bridging the researcher-activist divide via praxis, but progress in creating these bridges has been slow. Literature Review: We examine how praxis can be rooted in decolonial pedagogical approaches and a tool that can bridge scholarship and activism. Building on previous work by teachers of psychology, we review small, medium, and large-scale praxis assignments that have been used in university courses. Teaching Implications: We discuss our own versions of praxis assignments used in four different psychology courses (three of which took place during the pandemic). We reflect on the ways we see students motivated by an assignment with relevance to the real world and potential for creating social change, the ways that students are able to integrate course material more deeply through action, and some of the challenges with these assignments. Conclusion: We conclude by providing recommendations for educators interested in assigning praxis projects in their psychology courses. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper explains the origins, features and impacts of 'knowledge activism' as an emergent form of collective OHS resistance. Coupling labour process theory with Pierre Bourdieu's concepts of capital, the analysis connects transformations in production, management, technology, and neoliberal governance to shifts in labour/management power relations, both within the joint committee and the workplace more generally, as defined by the relative social, cultural and symbolic capital accumulated and mobilized by worker representatives. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

While the shackles of austerity continue to shatter the remnants of once dignified, and now, mostly dehumanising lives, for most Greeks who have suffered decades long of economic and social crises, the rapid rise of the far right and its incipient racist and xenophobic discourse has had a profound impact on the country. This paper attempts a twofold objective: on the one hand to contribute to the global feminist dialogue by making visible and vocal the case of Greece, and, on the other to advance a plea for a current consciousness raising era in Greece as regards particularly contemporary youth who can transform instances of despair into action and social change by adopting feminist principles in their everyday lives. I draw on the representational politics of far-right fascist discourse and individual behaviour articulated and depicted in contemporary Greek films, and its gendered and xenophobic normalisers, to contextualise an interdisciplinary feminist analysis of such phenomena in contemporary Greece. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The Psychology of Women and Equalities Section (POWES) of the British Psychological Society (BPS) accounts for much of the feminist action in British psychology and beyond. In this qualitative study, we use discursively informed thematic analysis to examine a set of eleven in-depth interviews to explore the everyday experiences of feminists within academic spaces in and around the discipline of psychology in the United Kingdom. Three research questions addressing the boundary between activism and academia; the provision of support; and differing approaches to knowledge production were investigated. Our findings highlight the role of POWES as a feminist community as well as the conceptual importance of notions of home, work, and fun. Moreover, the paper examines the ways traditional conceptions of scientific rigour continue to haunt feminist spaces, as does the invisibility of emotional labour. Overall, our findings indicate that the place of feminist academic communities remains vital to sustain critical thought and action: having an intellectual "home" is pivotal to the survival of feminist psychology as well as feminists in psychology. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Thirty years after communism's demise, Polish civil society is, decidedly, self-sustaining, and wide-ranging, with activism focused on various issues, from the natural environment to education reform to reproductive rights. This paper uses data from interviews and a nationally representative survey to explore the evolution of activism in Poland and specifically the claim that Polish citizens are more likely to engage in civic action when these efforts concern everyday social problems, rather than abstract political ideals. We argue that since 2015, the Polish government is, indeed, attempting to direct civil society's growth and development, thereby shrinking the space for activism, especially for liberal, progressive organizations. Yet, this is only a part of a more complex and interesting picture of activism that is also shifting, with individuals focusing on new issues and mobilization tactics, and strengthening through the creation of networks, and groups that work on different sectors but join forces. Thus, although some citizens are mobilizing around local, social concerns, intangible, political issues remain important, with Poles participating in activities online and in person to defend the rule of law and judicial freedom. Polish citizens are also regularly protesting limitations on reproductive rights and in support of gay rights. Thirty years of change and democracy in Poland have produced a dynamic and diverse civil society that is, simultaneously, shrinking, shifting, and strengthening. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In the present paper, we join the current dialogue in the field of vocational psychology regarding how neoliberal economic trends across the world have influenced the development of theory and approaches to vocational psychology. We propose an alternative perspective, that viewing career development from an economic justice lens, can provide an alternative to the existing neoliberal influence. An economic justice lens may aid us in moving from solely focusing on individual interventions and outcomes to those that help to create community-level change which in turn help create a more just economy for all. This is more than simply providing interventions to individuals in a community but requires shifting the locus of change to the community level. We detail four proposed career outcomes that center community-level change: Networking, Conscientization, Participation, and Liberation. Opportunities to utilize participatory action research, social network analysis, and other practice methods are encouraged. Finally, we offer examples of how vocational psychologists can take active roles in an economic justice approach to vocational psychology. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper highlights Latinx youth's community engagement and activist identities during their participation in CHANCE (Campamento Hispano Abriendo Nuestro Camino a la Educación), a college access program at UNC Greensboro. We examined Latinx youth's activist identities using critical qualitative inquiry. Findings reveal collective consciousness and responsibility to the Latinx community. Implications and significance for higher education demonstrate how college access pathway programs, such as CHANCE, reinforce Latinx students' scholar-activist identities. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Oscar Correas has been one of the promoters and main references of the Crítica Jurídica movement in Latin America due to his theoretical contributions and his permanent activism to develop the movement. In this paper, we firstly review his vast academic and intellectual career, and then we go through and analyse some of Correas's main contributions to the study of the law and the Marxist thought. Special focus will be given to: (a) his approach to Marx's works and its extension to the analysis of modern law; (b) his understanding of Hans Kelsen's theory; and (c) Correas's critical contributions to the debate on human rights. We aim to highlight the originality and wit of Oscar Correas's work, and its importance for the development of the legal critical studies and debates on legal and human rights challenges from a critical perspective. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper contributes to the literature by examining gender inequalities in political participation and political engagement among young people from a comparative perspective. By analysing data on young people from nine European countries collected in 2018, we examine gender inequalities in participation in various modes of conventional and unconventional activism as well as related attitudes, broader political engagement and key determinants, cross-nationally, in order to provide a detailed picture of the current state of gender inequalities in political activism among young people in Europe. Our results allow us to speak to extant theorising about gender inequalities by showing that the extent of political inequality between young men and women is less marked than one might expect. While the gender gaps in political participation for activities such as confrontational types of protest are small or absent, we find that young women are actually more active in petitioning, boycotting, and volunteering in the community. Young men instead are more active than young women in a majority of the nine countries analysed with respect to more institutional forms of participation linked to organizations and parties, various types of online political participation, and broader political engagement measures, such as internal political efficacy and consumption of political news through various channels. However, young men also appear to be more sceptical at least of certain aspects of democratic practice relative to young women. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

One model for engaging young people to be more civically minded and to help them develop a critically conscious sociopolitical identity is through youth organizing and participatory action research. Over the last 3 years, I have worked with Leaders Organizing 2 Unite and Decriminalize (LOUD) members—a majority of which we system-involved—who have worked toward creating a more socially just and humanizing juvenile justice system through youth activism and youth participatory action research (YPAR). Through this process, youth have developed their sociopolitical identity by finding their voice, speaking out against injustices, and raising awareness on critical issues that are needed to reform the juvenile justice system, where minoritized youth are overrepresented, sentenced longer, and face more severe punishments. Thus, this paper seeks to address the processes of YPAR that empower system-involved youth to advocate against racist policies and challenge the oppression found in the juvenile justice system. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this paper, we find that higher levels of in-migration dilute multiple dimensions of a community's social capital, with some measures of a community's social capital being negatively impacted more than others. Using a spatial model and restricted-access microdata from the US Census Bureau, we employ an instrumental variables strategy to account for the endogeneity of migration. Our results suggest that political activism, overall, is most negatively impacted by in-migration, and that religiosity, trust, and community involvement are impacted more negatively in rural communities compared to non-rural communities. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article is based on a distinctive study that seeks to analyse the nascent role of teenagers' activism and protests for climate change action. With the increasing realisation of children's rights to participation, the past few years have marked the rise of the new dispensation of climate activism and protests in which teenagers have occupied the centre stage. We pay specific reference to Greta Thunberg, a Swedish child climate activist, in as much as she can set a framework upon which Africa can draw parallels, lessons and insights for climate activism and protests. Even though the context may be different, the paper attempts to inform vibrant climate action through activism by children and ultimately climate policies, laws and management for environmental sustainability in Africa. We engaged document review and thematic approaches, and it emerged that children climate activism and protests in Africa are not as vibrant as they should be given the prevalence of climate inaction across the continent. Therefore, there is much to learn from Thunberg by pushing national governments and regional organisations to increase the decision-making space of children in the fight against climate change. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper draws upon oral history interviews and archival work carried out to examine the history of the LGBTQ+ student society at the University of Sussex. It reflects upon the significance of the Society's name change over time (from GaySoc in the 1970s to its contemporary formation as the LGBTQ+ Society) and considers the role of the Society and its members as an active political and sociable group, concerned with a broad range of political and social justice movements, both on campus and across wider society, locally and nationally. It demonstrates how the experience of student societies relates to individual and group identity and how they help shape national and international politics. It looks at how the groups were positioned as political through their location and in relation to activism beyond LGBTQ+ issues and the University. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper will explore how individuals employ imagination through collective action. First, I will outline a definition of imagination, focusing on how the dialogic nature of imagination provides an overarching framework for individuals focused on producing change. Next, I will discuss symbolic resources as a way to link one’s imagination with another’s. Qualitative interviews from The Harry Potter Alliance will be examined as a case where collective action is taken through shared resources. It will highlight how placing real-world issues in dialogue with imaginary constructs can assist in sharing imaginations toward worlds of what-if. Discussions around the relational aspect of collective imagination will end the paper. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Competitive sport is often a gender-segregated activity underpinned by binary thinking that associates sporting talent with masculinity. In response to political, internal and grassroots activism, the English Football Association conducted a series of pilots to ascertain whether they should raise the age limit for competitive mixed football from Under-11 to Under-14. This paper presents an analysis of these trials using the concepts of accountability, doing and undoing gender to explore participants' support for policy change, and the ways that normative notions of gender were negotiated, reproduced and disrupted during the trials. Typical rationale for segregating sports which constitute gender accountability frameworks such as physical differences between boys and girls, perceived differences in ability, and concerns about risk of injury for girls were undone as girls demonstrated they could make the team, enjoy the experience and develop their skills in a safe environment. Key arguments in favour of mixed football included the benefit to female players, the importance of friendships between boys and girls, and the similarities in boys' and girls' footballing skills. Support for mixed football and policy change reflected participants' expectations that girls should be assessed on their capacity to play football and 'fit in' rather than expectations of gender difference. This article contributes to the limited research on mixed competitive youth sport and provides unique insights into gender-based policy change. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Brazilian society has frequently been described as polarized during the country's recent political and economic crisis. In 2018, a wave of opposition to the centre-left Workers' Party culminated in the election of Jair Bolsonaro, a right-wing populist who portrays the political left as a malevolent force in Brazilian society. In this paper I explore this polarization through drawing on ethnographic research with the Homeless Workers' Movement (Movimento de Trablhadores Sem-Teto, MTST), a large urban social movement that develops settlements on underutilized land in the city, and a prominent civil society opponent of Bolsonaro. More specifically, I examine a key site of socio-spatial tension in São Paulo, Paulista Avenue, as a new political right came to predominate on the city's main thoroughfare during the campaign to impeach the Workers' Party President, Dilma Rousseff. I show how the perceived intolerance of the mobilized right helped to establish new normative codes that regulated the political symbolism which could be displayed in public spaces. Lastly, I consider how the vilification of the MTST in particular and the political left in general by the new right is embedded in broader structures of stigmatization. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this paper, we explore how youth participatory action research methods serve as a means of uncovering and addressing hidden curricula in schools. To illuminate, we present an example of one school-based youth participatory action research project in which high school students examined racism and sexism in their school. We discuss both the successes and challenges of youth participatory action research as a methodological approach to address inequity in schools. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Animal liberation activists' visual output invites reflection on the relationships our society has with other animals who live, suffer and die as objects of human exploitation. This paper presents the results of 60 interviews with vegan animal liberation activists in Sweden, Denmark and Spain. The main goal of this research was to consider the effectiveness of different visuals and audiovisuals (particularly violent images producing moral shock) in 1) promoting change in speciesist attitudes (the adoption of veganism), 2) promoting action against speciesism (involvement in activism) and 3) sustaining both veganism and activism in the long term. A second goal was to examine how activists used visual materials in their own efforts to promote anti-speciesism. The third goal was to validate the author's classification of violent images of farmed exploited animals. The findings suggest that exposure to moral shock was decisive in the adoption of veganism and involvement in activism in most cases. They also show that activists use these visuals to sustain their moral values and practices over time. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Most efforts to promote gender equity in sub-Saharan Africa have been rooted in a Western heteronormative framework inherited from colonialism that aims at 'balancing' gender rather than deconstructing it. Dismantling this entrenched, though exogenous, binary is a daunting task, especially since, over time, it has become widely accepted as 'authentically' African, while the more radical initiatives of African trans* activists are seen as foreign. African trans* activism is theoretically sophisticated, deeply committed, and highly skilled, but its impact has been confined largely to an 'Afropolitan' elite. Based on interviews with leading trans* activists, this paper examines some of the key challenges to deconstructing the imported binary at grassroots levels. It looks at how linguistic and cultural particularities affect trans* activism in Africa and proposes new strategies, using lived cultures as a basis, that will be more appropriate and effective in a postcolonial context in which both indigenous and exogenous elements legitimately interact. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Epidemiology for and by Indigenous peoples uses quantitative and statistical methods to better document Indigenous health concerns, and is oriented around providing data for use in advocacy to promote Indigenous health equity. This advocacy-oriented, technoscientific work bridges the often distinct social worlds of Indigenous communities, professional public health research, and public policy-making. Using examples from a multisited ethnographic study in three settings (Aotearoa New Zealand, Hawai'i, and the continental United States), this paper examines the forms of expertise that researcher/practitioners enact as they conduct research that simultaneously harnesses epidemiology's persuasive power in social worlds like public health and public policy, while also critically challenging legacies of colonialist erasures and misrepresentations of Indigenous health in population statistics. By demonstrating how these continual translations across multiple social worlds enact expertise, this analysis offers a new integration of discussions about both coloniality and expertise within science and technology studies (STS). By focusing on the experiences of technoscientific professionals themselves, this study's findings also pose new questions for broader STS conversations about how activism is shaping the production of knowledge about health in the twenty-first century. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this paper we grapple with the ways in which real-world issues directly impact children's lives and ask what else gets produced through encounters with children's global news media, specifically within the contexts of the United Kingdom and Norway. Our aim is to experiment with storytelling and worldling practices as a means to open up generative possibilities to encounter and reconfigure difficult knowledges. We take two contemporary events, the 2017 Grenfell Tower fire tragedy in London and the 2018 Marjory Stoneman Douglas High School shooting massacre in Florida, as a means to attend to ways in which affects are materialised across multiple times and spaces. News reports of these harrowing events, alongside what they produced in terms of child activism, racism and toxic masculinity, provided a catalyst for a feminist new materialist experiment in generating other knowledges through material-affective-embodied encounters. Newspapers, glue, sticky tape, string, torches, bags and a cartridge for a firearm were used in important work within a speculative workshop, where a small number of early childhood researchers came together to be open to multiple and experimental ways of (k)not-knowing to formulate collectively shared problems. Following Manning (2016), we recognise that to avoid getting stuck in familiar ways of thinking and doing we need to undertake research differently. We wondered how the re-materialisation of these events (through objects, artefacts, sounds and images) might shift our thinking about childhood in other directions. We dwell upon the affective work that these high-profile news events perform and how they might become rearticulated through affective encounters with materiality. Attending to how these events worked on us involves staying with the trouble (Haraway, 2016) as it becomes reignited, mutated and amplified across time and in different contexts. Our goal is to generate other possibilities that seek to reconfigure the 'image of the child'. By resisting comforts of recognition, reflection and identification, we reach beyond what we think we know about how children are in the world and instead argue for their entanglement with difficult knowledges through our and their world-making practices. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Birding has long been associated with environmental activism, from its origins as a scientific hobby in the nineteenth century to today's citizen scientist birders. My research with birders shows that despite their political activism, personal actions, and ecological beliefs, many disidentify as activists or environmentalists. Using data from 30 in-depth interviews and three years of ethnographic research with birders, I argue their disidentification comes from two interrelated sources. First, these birders followed the Audubon Society's approach of strategic centrism, espousing a centrist identity and strategy of conservation. Second, these birders disidentified with the identity of "environmental activist" because of negative cultural stereotypes about environmental activists, which was bolstered by the Audubon Society's strategic centrism. These mutually reinforcing phenomena create a situation that doubly discourages these birders from identifying as environmental activists. This paper contributes to sociological understandings of the interplay between culture, identity, and environmental activism. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper identifies some key underlying assumptions of critical political analysis by examining two moments that have brought these assumptions to the fore: the Klaus Croissant affair in West Germany and France in the late 1970s, and Edward Snowden’s revelations in the 21st century regarding the activities of the US National Security Agency. Interesting parallels can be identified between ‘distinction-collapsing discourses’ prominent in the two contexts. The core argument of the paper is that understanding Michel Foucault’s critical stance toward the description of West Germany as ‘fascist’ in 1977 and 1978, and more broadly, toward what he called ‘state phobia’, can help us resist undifferentiated condemnation of state representations under the sign of ‘post-politics’ today. An account of the 1977 Croissant affair, the critical discourses prominent at the time, and Foucault’s critical stance toward the notion of fascism provides an historical parallel for a critical reading of Badiou’s discussion of the state in Being and Event and other works. The final section briefly surveys a number of recent forms of epistemic activism that illustrate the shortcomings of a one-sided reading of state knowledge such as that offered by Badiou and seemingly confirmed by the NSA scandal. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this paper I examine the practices of encountering of Occupy London, and argue that they provide a means for rethinking the production of territoriality. Specifically, I argue that boundary making not only involves hierarchical relations of power-over but also the articulation of bottom-up power-to. I first examine literature on boundary making, and propose encountering as a more appropriate vocabulary to represent this practice in the context of urban activism. I then conceptualise encountering as the articulation of powerto, a moment in the production of territoriality from below, bringing together Holloway's dialectical understanding of power and Lefebvre's writings on territorial autogestion and urban encounters. In the remainder of the paper I examine practices of encountering in Occupy London on the basis of militant research with the movement that combined ethnography, interviews, and archive analysis. The paper focuses on the spaces of the General Assembly and the protest camp, exploring how encounters were productive of new social relations and highlighting key tensions. In particular I note the inevitable ephemerality of activist encounters and tensions over institutionalising encounters, and I end by calling for greater attention to the power relations involved, warning against assumptions that encounters of power-to necessarily lead to positive outcomes. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper explores the relationship between cultural production and insurgent political activity. The specific context for the study is the urban cultural movement of Macao, in Milan. Macao is an urban social movement that aims to challenge neoliberal cultural production and neoliberal urban politics through alternative cultural production models. The overarching argument is that Macao pursues its subjectification process through aesthetic tactics: the process of the formation of a political subject passes through arts and creative expressions to impact and reconfigure the sensible domain. This collective subject is created by: first, reappropriating urban spaces; second, enacting alternative practices of cultural production; and third, guerrilla branding tactics. Ultimately, the paper explores the potential of alliances between urban struggles and struggles over commodification and exploitation of culture. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Despite covering most of the Eurasian continent and recently reclaiming its position as a geopolitical heavyweight, the (world) heritage agenda of the Russian Federation remains relatively unexplored. In an effort to fill this gap, this paper seeks to uncover some of the main threads that define the politics of historical sites in Russia through contextualising Russia’s most recent addition to World Heritage Site: the archaeological site of Bolgar (Federal Republic of Tatarstan). Within this exercise, specific attention will be given to the ideological pathways, asymmetric power relations and shifting geopolitical alignments that define the sociocultural dimensions of the site. Popular heritage themes such as ethno-nationalism, post-colonialism, neo-liberalism, representational practices and branding will be scrutinised. Besides contributing to the globalisation project that is expediting the theoretical maturing of heritage studies, at the end of the paper some theoretical opportunities will briefly be explored. This paper concludes that heritage in Russia is far from neutral, and that international heritage organisations and researchers involved in Russia have more consideration for foster reflexivity about their actions and particular position in relation to governmental institutions. Cultural remains are important political commodities in Putin’s asymmetrical federation. Especially now that the sector has evolved into a multi-million business, the integrity of heritage practitioners is threatened. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The 'reflexive turn' transcended disciplinary boundaries within the social sciences. Feminist scholars in particular have taken up its core concerns, establishing a wide-ranging literature on reflexivity in feminist theory and practice. In this paper, I contribute to this scholarship by deconstructing the 'story' of my own research as a white, genderqueer, masculine-presenting researcher in Ghana. This deconstruction is based on thirteen months of field research exploring LGBT activism in the capital city of Accra. Using a series of ethnographic vignettes, I examine questions of queer subjectivity, embodiment and self/Other dynamics in the research encounter. Specifically, I interrogate what a reflexive concern for power relations means when researchers share moments of commonality and difference with research participants, here in relation to axes of gender, sexuality, race and class. Finally, I explore the challenge of theorising resistance in light of feminist postcolonial critiques of the politics of representation. I conclude that it is only by locating these tensions and dissonances in the foreground of our inquiries that reflexivity becomes meaningful as a way of rendering knowledge production more accountable and transparent, of practising feminist solidarity, and of excavating our own queer research journeys. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The mainly poor and lower-caste caddies who carry the golf sets of wealthy members at exclusive golf clubs in Bangalore, India, are not employees. Still, they must hand over personal identification to the clubs, sign an attendance register, wear uniforms, attend training sessions, and submit to managerial oversight. Despite laboring under conditions that mimic regularized employment, however, the caddies are ambivalent about prospects of formalizing ties with the clubs. The paper interprets this position as a rational response to the indiscriminate and arbitrary application of disciplinary measures outlined in minutes to meetings, annual reports, and other documents. In practice, not all caddies, all of the time, are subject to the same strict rules regarding when to work, and with whom. This leaves most caddies open to develop working relationships with individual members who provide wages and tips at the end of a round, plus additional support in paying children’s school fees, medical costs, and other expenses. Though wages, tips, and extras still only amount to a paltry sum, a majority of caddies prefer the status quo over initiating a struggle to win low-wage formal employment that would further restrict their autonomy. These findings challenge scholarship and activism that assumes formal employment is a universally desired, if not always viable, objective among precarious workers in the global south. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The politically-oriented Anglo-American popular music of the 1960s was notable for its ability to inspire activism in cultures around the globe. In this paper I focus on the relationship between popular music and political activism in Wales, and suggest that 1968 was but one brief point on a much longer timeline: an arbitrary marker in local political terms, but part of a larger global motion toward radical social change. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Over recent years, young feminist activism has assumed prominence in mainstream media where news headlines herald the efforts of schoolgirls in fighting sexism, sexual violence and inequity. Less visible in the public eye, girls’ activism plays out in social media where they can speak out about gender-based injustices experienced and witnessed. Yet we know relatively little about this significant social moment wherein an increasing visibility of young feminism cohabits a stubbornly persistent postfeminist culture. Acknowledging the hiatus, this paper draws on a qualitative project with teenage feminists to explore how girls are using and producing digital feminist media, what it means for them to do so and how their online practice connects with their offline feminism. Using a feminist poststructuralist approach, analyses identified three key constructions of digital media as a tool for feminist practice: online feminism as precarious and as knowledge sharing; and feminism as “doing something” on/offline. Discussing these findings, I argue that there is marked continuity between girls’ practices in “safe” digital spaces and feminisms practised in other historical and geographical locations. But crucially, and perhaps distinctly, digital media are a key tool to connect girls with feminism and with other feminists in local and global contexts. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The current US undocumented population is large and settled. As a result, millions of US-born citizens are growing up with undocumented parents or siblings. In this paper, we use original survey data to study the politics of the US-citizen offspring of undocumented migrants. We test theories of parental political socialization, which imply that having undocumented parents may have chilling effects on political engagement. We also test theories of social activism, which predict that the offspring of the undocumented may be motivated to make use of their rights as US citizens by protesting on behalf of their parents. We find no evidence of lower political engagement among those with undocumented parents. Instead, we find that the offspring of the undocumented are more likely to protest on immigration issues, and more optimistic that popular protest can induce political change. We use an instrumental variables design to test whether these differences warrant a causal interpretation, and find tentative evidence that having undocumented parents does indeed have mobilizing political effects. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Emergency as a descriptor, technique and legal-political device has become a taken-for-granted way of apprehending and governing events and situations. In this paper, I explore the temporality of emergency, through reflections on the use of declarations of emergency in relation to US-based Black Lives Matter protests. I do so in the context of claims and counter-claims about contemporary transformations in what Rheinhart Kosselleck (2004: 241) terms the ‘expected otherness of the future’. Arguing for changes in the form of the ‘expected otherness of the future’ rather than its simple loss, disappearance or absence, I describe how emergency operates around a temporality of exceptionality, urgency and interval. Formal and informal declarations of emergency are, in addition, imbued with hope: the hope that time remains and action can make a difference to events. What the use of declarations of emergency by Black Lives Matter activists does is disrupt the geo-historically specific divide between the everyday and emergency by naming conditions that mix the endemic and the evental as emergencies. In the spark of hope that is the act of declaring that ongoing conditions should be treated as emergencies, the ‘otherness of the future’ folds into and becomes part of the present. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]