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Societal constructivists argue that domestic discourses of identity influence foreign policy. After the 1984 pogroms, Pakistan began its efforts to cultivate support among India’s Sikhs. This was predicated on cultivating a shared ‘monotheistic’ identity, which made Sikhism closer to Islam, as compared to Hinduism/India. The paper analyzes how the Pakistani state crafted this narrative using the popular radio show ‘Talqeen Shah’, and also delve into its wider conceptual implications. Specifically, we illustrate how the Pakistani state, even after undergoing Islamization under the Zia regime, projected an external identity that was at odds with its dominant representation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The paper employing the critical qualitative approach attempts to analyze diplomatic legacy of Zulifkar Ali Bhutto and profound impact of his charismatic personality on shaping Pakistan's foreign policy. The paper has selected key contributions of Bhutto's regime such as the Islamic Summit Conference 1974, unity of Islamic counties under the umbrella 'Muslim Umaah'; strengthening relations with major powers (USA, Russia, China) and Islamic world; Simla agreement; and stance on Kashimir'. The Charismatic personality of Bhutto played a catalyst role in the formation of Organization Islamic Cooperation (formerly known as Organization of the Islamic Conference) in 1969. Further, he was the crux of the first summit of OIC in Rabat in 1969 and second summit 19754 in Lahore. Moreover, paper analyzing the Bhutto's visionary statesmanship and diplomatic sagacity for strengthening Pakistan's relations with world in general and major power in particular, concludes that Bhutto's personality was only Charismatic but possessed an art of persuasion, which made him successful in strengthening relations with major powers as well unification of Islamic world under the umbrella of OIC. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Taliban has taken control of Afghanistan; the US-influenced government of Ashraf Ghani has surrendered, a two-decade-long war ended, and the Taliban proclaimed their acting government on 7 September 2021 and resumed the Islamic Emirates of Afghanistan. Pakistan is in support of an inclusive Taliban-led government in Afghanistan and providing Aid to the country for rebuilding and reconstruction of the affected neighbor while hoping for recognition from the international community. Taliban's regime in Afghanistan is a game-changer for South Asian regional politics as now China, Russia, and Iran's interests lie in this area. The Study is an attempt to examine the effects of the Taliban's government on Pakistan's national security, integrity, and economy with special concern for China Pakistan Economic Corridor (CPEC), and Foreign Relations by taking the Baluchistan insurgency as an example. This research will answer intriguing questions such as how the Taliban's government of Afghanistan affects the Baluch insurgency. The purpose of this research is to determine if the Taliban-led Afghan government deepens Pakistan's woes or serves the country's national interests. This paper argues that Baluch insurgents were previously hiding in Afghanistan and unstable Afghan territory was used against Pakistan by the enemies to exacerbate of Baluch insurgency and escalate terrorism to destabilize Pakistan. This study also argues that the New Taliban Government in Afghanistan has an amalgamation of encouraging and detrimental outcomes for Pakistan as supporting the Afghan Taliban government has visible impacts on regional politics and the dynamics of Pakistan's relations with the United States, Iran, and with regional powers, Russia, and China. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Pakistan's paradigm shift in foreign policy to geo-economics, necessitates that Islamabad look for opportunities within and outside the region to utilise its geographic and economic potential. This new policy shift makes the African region a key area of significance for Pakistan, owing to the huge trade and market potential of the region. The adoption of 'Look Africa Policy' by Pakistan is a key step. This paper aims to explore the options and opportunities for Pakistan in the African region. It analyses these opportunities and associated challenges in the light of economic diplomacy framework. The paper argues that Pakistan requires active diplomatic engagement at public and private levels both, to boost trade and economic relationship with African region for the mutual economic benefit. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Each year, the Ministry of Foreign Affairs (MoFA), Pakistan issues a special 10-day hunting permit to royal family members of Gulf countries for seasonal hunting of Asian Houbara bustard (Chlamydotis macqueen). This paper attempts to systematically present the understandings on seasonal land grabbing and its political economy in Pakistan. The role of local elites and government institutions and the response of local people, as well as their resistance, is discussed in detail. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article examines Iran's policy towards its eastern neighbour, Pakistan. It argues that, despite significant differences and geopolitical challenges, cooperation between these two states is inevitable and that it will continue, regardless of international and domestic fluctuations. Iran, both as a monarchy until 1979 and then as an Islamic Republic, has considered Pakistan an important and valuable partner. However, this cooperation is unlikely to transform into a deep, strategic partnership: the national interests and goals of both states are too contradictory. Moreover, other factors – such as international sanctions, poor security, and lack of funds – hinder the development of relations. This paper covers two periods: that of Mohammad Reza Pahlavi before 1979 and of the Islamic Republic of Iran since. Three areas of cooperation have been analysed: political, economic and security. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Pakistan's defence diplomacy has undergone significant changes in the past decade. With the evolving global and regional security environment, Pakistan has adapted its strategies to protect its national interests and ensure regional stability. This research article aims to provide an analysis of Pakistan's defence diplomacy from 2013 to 2022. The study examines the key factors that have influenced Pakistan's defence diplomacy and how it has evolved over the years. The research article employs a qualitative research approach, utilizing secondary data sources such as academic articles, policy papers, and government reports. The data is analyzed through a thematic approach to identify the key trends and developments in Pakistan's defence diplomacy. The analysis reveals that Pakistan's defence diplomacy has been shaped by a range of factors, including its relationship with key allies like China and the United States as well as its ongoing conflict with India. The study identifies the major shifts in Pakistan's defence diplomacy strategies, including its efforts to diversify its defence partnerships, increase defence diplomacy, and pursue a more proactive role in regional security initiatives. The research article also highlights the key challenges faced by Pakistan's defence diplomacy, including the impact of domestic politics on foreign policy, resource constraints, and the need to balance its relationship with competing powers in the region. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Pakistan occupies an elevated role in the Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) and hosts its so-called flagship project, the China–Pakistan Economic Corridor (CPEC). Existing literature has often interpreted this project from a geopolitical perspective, as a vehicle through which a rising China projects influence on a peripheral country and advances its own centrality in international affairs. While such motivations certainly played a major role in getting the project off the ground, they are not the sole determinant of its design, or the heated controversies it triggered within Pakistan. This paper seeks to capture both dimensions by analysing the development of CPEC, and the handling of the conflicts it sparked, through a lens of overlapping centre–periphery relations: one between China and Pakistan at the international level, and one between Islamabad and peripheral regions and groups within the country. I argue that this model best captures the pivotal position and resulting agency of national governments in shaping local BRI implementations. It also shows how the BRI is not a straight case of Chinese influence radiating outwards; rather, contestation by local actors in turn forces adaptations in Chinese foreign and security policy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

CPEC, a massive economic project under BRI, focuses on the socioeconomic and political dividends in Gilgit Baltistan. It is expected to create more than half a million jobs by creating Special Economic Zones in Gilgit, imparting a boom to the tourism industry and enlarging the scope of e-commerce. Hydropower development, technical expertise, and human resources--resulting from CPEC projects--are also likely to transform the socioeconomic dynamics of the region. This paper argues that the success of CPEC--considering the importance of connectivity for local markets--is likely to transform the region's socio-economic dynamics that will help promote economic and social inclusion of the people, mitigating their sense of deprivation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper attempts to understand the dynamics of United States aid assistance to Pakistan in the light of post 9/11 security developments in the world. The analysis of US foreign policy aid instruments generally indicates three broad objectives: strategic/politico-security benefits, economic interests and humanitarian concerns. Although one consistently recurring theme in US foreign policy aid provision, both in the Cold War period and the newer post 2001 'War on Terror' period has been security. This theme has also defined US-Pakistan aid relationship in different times, with the exception of Bush administration, who unlike the Cold War period made an alteration by specifying funds for purpose-based usage in sub-fields. This paper argues that Bush administration sought to achieve US foreign policy objectives by providing strategic aid to Pakistan much at the expense of domestic public opinion. It further stresses that change in administration in the US brought obstacles in aid flows to Pakistan as President Obama not only reduced the amount of aid under specific heads, but also openly accused Pakistan of fomenting the militants (the good Taliban), which in turn hurt the US broader strategic goals in the region and raised irreconcilable issues of trust between the two countries. The new administration of Trump went a step ahead by suspending many of the aid programmes to Pakistan, bringing the all-time trust-deficit between the two countries to an all-time low. This paper primarily applies the realist and neo-realist theoretical framework to understand the aid and security relationship paradigm between the US and Pakistan. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Infrastructure has played an agential role in the securitisation of everyday life in the Karakoram high mountains of north Pakistan. Geopolitics bear heavily on this region where Pakistan shares borders with China, with whom it has aligned its foreign and security policy, and with India, with whom Pakistan remains embroiled in a long‐standing territorial dispute. Consequently, in the Karakoram, geopolitical anxieties have reflected inwards onto local populations through both security infrastructure and securitised infrastructure. In this postcolony frontier space, statecraft also frequently bypasses normative legal and administrative structures; such exceptions to normative law and administration have antecedents in colonial statecraft on the territorial margins of empire. This paper also argues that long cycles of military rule have allowed the military to acquire and project technocratic expertise, become custodians of state‐led development, and recently, to assume guardianship of, and to enter into joint financing with China on, construction projects. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper explores the factors responsible for compelling Pakistan to support the 'Operation Enduring Freedom 'led by the USA and its Allies in Afghanistan in 2001.The goals behind this operation were to dismantle the Al-Qaeda terrorist organization in Afghanistan. When the Taliban came to power in Afghanistan in 1996, Pakistan, Saudi Arabia, and UAE, were the only states who recognized their government in Afghanistan. Pakistan considers Taliban as a strategic asset for obtaining its objectives in Afghanistan. Regional and extra-regional powers such as, the India, US, Russia, Iran supported their client groups in support of their own national interest, in Afghanistan. However, keeping in view the US-India strategic partnership in the region, Pakistan changed its foreign policy, and supported the Operation Enduring Freedom in Afghanistan. This change of policy brought up economic and political, and security challenges for Pakistan. Terrorist activities, suicide killings, and bomb blasts hit the society. Since then, its security is in doldrums. The paper argues that serious internal and external security factors compelled Pakistan to change its policy towards Afghanistan in 2001. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The tribal region of the North West Frontier (NWF) of the Indian Sub-continent was geo-politically an important region for the British India. It provided a direct link to Afghanistan. During the colonial history of India, Afghanistan was used as a buffer between the expanding Russian Empire and India. So the tribal areas of the NWF were to be used as a buffer between Afghanistan and India in case Russia penetrate in Afghanistan. Beside this, controlling the tribal areas also helped in protecting the adjacent settled districts from the plunder of the tribesmen. The tribal areas also provided safe passages to the British convoys. The paper highlights colonization and administration of the tribal areas of the NWF, and the geopolitical interests of the British colonial power in this area. The paper explores all this through the lens of the colonial literature produced during that time. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Even though, national interest is one of the most developed concepts of IR scholarship, yet it remains under the debate in academic and policy circles. Various scholars and institutions contextualize and categorize national interests varyingly. There are five main issues under deliberation: first, the interplay of power and morality in formulation and pursuit of national interests; second, longevity, durability and permanency of national interests; third, the interaction between national and public interests, and the process of interest adjudication, which is the function of the political system; fourth, Islamic perspective on national interest; and fifth, the future of national interest in the wake of growing power of the non-state actors, which have started challenging the notion of national interest. This paper revisits the concept and context of national interest with strategic arguments on different debates on national interest. Important attributes of the power potential affecting national interests are considered and conceptualized by the author. The research is descriptive, explanatory, analytical and perspective in nature. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In modern times, the conventional means of warfare are increasingly becoming less usable. However, the states are involved in waging hybrid warfare to the maximum to fulfill their foreign policy goals. In nuclearized South Asia, direct war between India and Pakistan seems unlikely given that both the states know that escalation could lead to nuclear catastrophe in the region. This compels both the states to find other means of warfare to undermine each other's interests. India wants to weaken Pakistan so that it may abandon claim on Indian occupied Jammu and Kashmir. For that, India is using all tools of hybrid warfare against Pakistan. In this context, this paper aims at to unearth India's hybrid warfare in the region and its implications for Pakistan. The main focus of the paper is to explain tools and methods of India hybrid warfare. At the same time the research also tries to unravel few other case studies. It also notes how Pakistan can counter hybrid threats posed by its arch rival. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Ties between Turkey and Pakistan are believed to be long before the establishment of Pakistan. Historically, in the sub-continent Muslims had shown a softness and sympathy towards the Sultanat-e-Usmania (Ottoman Empire). Since the independence of Pakistan both Turkey and Pakistan have been enjoying cordial relations politically and economically. This paper focuses on the historically deep rooted legacy of Pak-Turkish relationship and the strengthened diplomatic and economic linkages between the two. It also covers current development in the relations of the two countries, such as the role of both states on combating terrorism across globe in general and in the Muslim world in particular. This paper is a qualitative based approach and descriptive methods have been used to develop understanding about the given topic. The facts and figures of bilateral relations between Pakistan and Turkey are concrete and accurate for the readers’ information. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The geopolitical environmentof South Asia has significantlychanged in last two decades. This change essentially poses various challenges and brings opportunities for Pakistan in the region. The prime focus of this paper is to give an insight into challenges faced by Pakistan in a historical narrationand to critically evaluate the implications of emerging geopolitical environment for Pakistan's foreign policy. Therefore, this study, by adopting realist perspective, develops "stress and strain" frameworkto analyses the impacts of regional geopoliticson foreign policy of Pakistan. Thishistorical analysisreveals that the interest of great powers in the region changes with passage of timeand thus changes their allianceswith regional states. This shifting of alliances modifies the way of interaction among regional states. The study concludes with suggestions that the articulation of national interest and foreign policy of Pakistanneeds to be reviewed continuouslyin order to overcome the emerging challenges and to find the best possible way of engagement at regional and international level. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper critically inquires into the foreign policy of Pakistan during the period (1947-51). British divided India into two sovereign states in August, 1947. Mainly, Indian National Congress spearheaded the independence movement in the Indian subcontinent on the basis of Indian [Hindu] nationalism. The Indian Muslims contested the Congress claim of One Nation Theory. The Muslims presented their own brand of counter Muslim nationalism called the TwoNations Theory. The basic assumption of Two Nations Theory was that India politically, unlike European nation states, was a heterogeneous society. There were two major nations in the subcontinent--Hindus and Muslims. Resultantly, both Hindus and Muslims had a birthright to selfdetermination and separate states. For about fifty years, the Congress seriously contested, both theoretically as well as politically, the genuineness of the validity of Two Nations Theory. The Congress never accepted the theory. It called the Muslim demand of a separate state "a vivisection" of India and would never agree to it. Fortunately, the British did not accept the Congress argument. The Congress did her best to prevent the creation of Pakistan, however, thanks to British fairness, the Indian subcontinent was divided. Then out of utter frustration and revenge, the Congress resorted to 'Policy of Strangulation' to undo Pakistan. The researcher has come up with a non-traditional concept that Pakistan in the early phase suffered from an economic existential threat rather than military. Understandably, the foreign policymakers of Pakistan overplayed the presumed military threat to its existence. However, for the better and realist foreign policy, Pakistan survived the immediate existential economic threat in the early phase. Pakistan confronted the deadly economic context during her infant years. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Xi Jinping is one of the strongest presidents Socialist China ever has seen. He revolutionized the country's foreign policy soon after he ascended to the President's Office. He revised China's foreign policy towards South Asia including Pakistan. During the 20th century, China adopted a principled policy of non-intervention in the internal affairs of Pakistan. However, Jinping's rise brought an end to the said policy. This research paper focuses on exploring and analyzing the changes brought by Xi Jinping in the Foreign Policy of China towards Pakistan along with the pros and cons related to the changed foreign policy approach. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The launch of the Saudi‐led so‐called Islamic Military Alliance to Fight Terrorism (IMAFT) in 2015 tested the strong strategic alliance between Pakistan and Saudi Arabia. In light of concerns about the positioning of the coalition of 41 states against Iranian interests in the Middle East, Pakistan's initial response to the Saudi demand to join the war in Yemen was a polite refusal by means of a unanimous decision of the parliament. However, under tremendous pressure from Riyadh and other Gulf States, Islamabad later capitulated and backtracked from its initial decision. This paper analyses the unique nature of the relationship between Pakistan and Saudi Arabia through a dissection of the various dimensions of the Kingdom's cultural and political influence on Pakistan. It also illuminates Saudi hegemonic strategies and the manner in which Islamabad adjusts and is influenced as well as coerced to revise its foreign policy choices. This paper argues that Saudi's diplomatic strategies, political pressure and pledges of generous financial assistance ensured Pakistan's participation in IMAFT. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Pakistan and China despite of their diverse cultures, religions, languages, norms and traditions enjoying strong partnership at local, regional and international level. The democratic transition in Pakistan in 2008 had provoked to create many opportunities and challenges. In the study period Pakistan’s ties with China got strengthen in many fields and expanded relations in various fields including political, economic, military and cultural spheres. This new era had created many opportunities for both the states in the study period including CPEC, huge economic aid, Gwadar port operationalization, dams constructions, power generation houses establishment, support in different international organizations, help in gaining full membership in Shanghai Cooperation Organization and provided arms, ammunitions and helped Pakistan to minimize her depend on US and overcome US pressure. Likewise, both the countries also faced many challenges due to terrorism, regional militancy and power dynamics, political instability in Pakistan, US and Indian propaganda and counterbalance strategies, and targeting of Chinese and her interests in Pakistan. But the countries through mutual cooperation had successfully managed these challenges and did not let them to affect their relations. The main objective of this paper is to study the opportunities and Challenges of Pakistan-China Relations from 2008 to 2019. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

International relations are determined by systemic and structural factors at the global, regional and state/domestic levels. Inter-state relations require common interests, shared goals, inter-related threat perception and eminent security challenges. Indo-Iranian relations have been on a progressive trajectory since the beginning of current century; their relations are focussed on political, economic, security and strategic spheres. As an emerging major power, India intends to enhance its influence across regions. This paper attempts to examine how Indo-Iranian relations have shaped up over the years. How convergence of interests by these two far-off neighbors have developed to join and cooperate in economic, political and social domains. For Pakistan, any development on its eastern and western borders holds important bearing on its national security; therefore, what new challenges are posed by Indo-Iranian relations in the changing regional environment of South Asia. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Humans have entered posthuman era where human activities, productions and cultures are being transformed by increasing enmeshment of technology. Accordingly, one of the most defining factors of contemporary Politics and Literature is the overwhelming presence of machines in their narratives. This research is an inter-disciplinary study which demonstrates that contemporary Pakistani Anglophone fiction is a political statement against the necropolitical and biopolitical usage of drone technology in underprivileged countries like Pakistan and Afghanistan. There are not many notable researched available on the interrelation between drone technology, politics and Pakistani literature. This paper is, therefore, unique and innovative in its approach towards drone warfare and its political and literary implications. By conducting a hermeneutic textual analysis of three novels by Nadeem Aslam, Uzma Aslam Khan and Mohsin Hamid from a posthuman theoretical framework, this article illustrates that technology has transformed the characteristics of international politics in the twenty-first century Pakistan. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper adopts a socio-historical perspective to explore when, how and why the eradication of poliomyelitis has become politicised to the extent that health workers and security personnel are targeted in drive-by shootings. Discussions of the polio crisis in Afghanistan and Pakistan have tended to focus on Taliban suspicions of a US-led public health intervention and the denunciation of ‘modernity’ by Islamic ‘extremists’. In contrast, this paper considers a broader history of indigenous hostility and resistance to colonial immunisation on the subcontinent, suggesting how interconnected public health and political crises today have reactivated the past and created a continuity between events. The paper explores how the biomedical threat posed by polio has become intertwined with military and governmental discourses premised on the ‘preemptive strike’. Here, the paper tracks the connections between biological immunity and a postcolonial politics that posits an immunological rationale for politico-military interventions. The paper concludes by reflecting on the consequences for global public health of this entanglement of infectious disease with terror. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

Pakistan has been a misplaced state from its birth. Created as a separate homeland for the Muslims of the Subcontinent, it considers itself to be a misfit in a multi-faith, South Asian region dominated by India. This paper analyses Pakistan's misplaced identity utilising the layered model of identity change. The model helps us focus on various foreign-policy roles that Pakistan performs. The deepest layer (most resistant to change) denotes Pakistan's identity as a sovereign and independent state, outlining the roles of an alliance partner and a nuclear power. The middle layer represents the identity of Pakistan as an insecure state with the roles of a 'chancer' state, a regional intermediary and the regional leader. The top (and least sedimented) layer points to Pakistan's identity as a Muslim state, giving birth to the hoped-for roles of the leader of the Muslim world, an Islamic crusader, and the defender of the faith. However, Pakistan has been unable to gain acknowledgement for these roles either in South Asia or elsewhere. The country's attempts to re-imagine a cognitive home for itself in the Middle East have also not come to fruition. It continues to be a misplaced state, cognitively dissociated from its geographic home. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Afghanistan is located at the convergence of Central, Middle and South Asian regions, one of the most world prime geographical locations. Its strategic location and abundant mineral resources have always attracted international community including India. Hence Indian objectives to develop relations with Afghanistan are manifold and decades old. Indian foreign policy is devised by many factors like its bitter relations with Pakistan and its desire of access route to Central Asian Republics by limiting Pakistan's reach that has serious implications for Pakistan. In view of its past experience, Pakistan perceives Indian extended desire to engage in Afghanistan as a deliberate strategy of using the later as a battleground to show its power and use influence against Pakistan. Terrorist incidents in Balochistan provide evidence and links with Indian RAW activities organized in Afghan areas. So, Indian intention to invest in Afghanistan for infrastructure rebuilding is not as simple as it is often claimed. India has covert objectives of troubling Pakistan. In hostile lunacy, India increased, dramatically, its involvement in Afghanistan when the Taliban era came to an end. India's interference in Afghanistan is a clear reflection of its desire to execute Afghan land against Pakistan. India sees Afghan war an opportunity to encounter Pakistan's influence in the region. This research paper will analyze Indian involvement in Afghanistan and its implications for Pakistan. The study is designed to unveil the hidden objectives of fast growing Indo-Afghan relations and evaluates Indian strategies in regional context. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Since the September 2016 attack in Uri, Indo-Pak relations have steadily gotten worse. India cites Pakistan-sponsored terrorism in Kashmir as the major reason for this deterioration, with the 14 February 2019 bombing at Pulwama as the most recent dramatic example; Pakistan blames Indian atrocities in Kashmir. But after every attempt to initiate dialogue, there is a return to hostility. This paper analyzes this cyclical pattern of dialogue, estrangement, and hostility in Indo-Pak relations. Further, it seeks to explain the structural, ideational, and strategic aspects of the problem and to outline a course correction in Indian foreign policy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Every year heads of different states make their speeches in the general debate of United Nations General Assembly (UNGA). They address national and international issues and suggest measures to resolve them with the help of international community and the United Nations. Muhammad Nawaz Sharif also made speeches in the UNGA. In 2013, he was newly elected prime minister and was enthusiastic to resolve issues with India. There was no internal political pressure on him at that time and the government in India was hostile towards Pakistan. But one year in power and embattled with domestic issues and international pressure, the prime minster approached the issues differently in his 2014 speech. The aim of this paper is to compare his two speeches and see what changes occurred in his stance towards India. The main focus of the analysis is: Who is the addressee of these speeches? How confident did Nawaz feel about the solution of the issues that he raised?. The Corpus tool Wmatrix has been used to analyze the data. The results show significant differences in his two speeches with regard to his stance towards India. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Objectives. This paper will explore the social history of the transnational migration of foreign-trained doctors to western countries in the post-WWII era, by examining, as a case study, South Asian-trained doctors who were first licensed in the Canadian province of Nova Scotia between 1961 and 1971.Design. This article draws on both quantitative and qualitative primary sources. First, we analyzed the 1966 and 1971 copies of the Canadian Medical Directories (CMD), the annual compendium of all licensed practitioners in the country (over 20,000 practitioners). These CMD entries were supplemented by the annual returns of ‘intended occupation’ (those designated as ‘physician’ or ‘surgeon’) of landed immigrants to Canada, as compiled by the federal Department of Manpower and Immigration. Secondly, we analyzed testimony of 26 oral histories and narrative accounts of foreign-trained doctors being compiled as part of an ongoing multiyear program of research on the immigration of foreign-trained doctors to Canada. We have interviewed 14 doctors who, at one point in their career, practiced in Nova Scotia, 8 of whom were South Asian-trained medical practitioners. These oral interviews provide personal reflections on the process of professional and social acculturation that occurred as these foreign doctors settled in Canada.Results.The results of this paper indicate that the social history of the immigration of South Asian-trained doctors to Canada in the 1960s must be seen within a larger and more complicated pattern of the international migration of health care professionals. Indeed, the demand for foreign-trained doctors in Britain was in part a reflection of the out-migration of British-born doctors who were leaving the National Health Service for Canada, the USA, and Australia. And the demand in Canada for doctors was itself a reaction to the drift of a certain number of Canadian-trained doctors for advanced training in the USA.Conclusions. In this way, this article sheds important historical perspectives on the globalization of health human resources and the complicated, multiple migrations that continue to animate international health human resources today. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Regional economic integration through highways, railways, pipelines and ports (dry and sea) leads towards interdependence which in turn develops stakes for regional states in each other stability and ultimately the goals of development, peace and prosperity are achieved. This particular paper aims to discuss the prospective role of CPEC in regional and intra-regional integration and its potential to positively influence the regional peace and prosperity. The focus is on the pattern of integration's structure which the CPEC offers and which has not been adequately analyzed in the literature so far. The paper argues that CPEC offers an open model of regional integration, increases regional security through interdependence and facilitates regional and global trade in contrast to close and tight regionalism where protectionist measures are adopted for non-member or non-regional states. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The evolution of International Relations, since the dawn of the 21st century coupled with powerful forces such as globalization and communication technology, has fundamentally changed the world around us. These changes have brought a number of challenges and opportunities for Pakistan. The main argument of this paper is that Pakistan needs review of its national interest, goals, priorities and ultimately an overall adjustment and readjustment of its foreign policy in order to cope with the opportunities and challenges that await us. Hence, this paper, by adopting a futuristic approach and keeping the national interest of Pakistan at the centre of discussion, analyzes the impact of a vast array of changes around our borders as well as in the region. After discussing the changes, the paper then raises a number of important questions and evaluates a number of policy responses and alternatives that may be helpful in the formulation of Pakistan's foreign policy in the future. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper explores Pakistan and Russia building relations at the backdrop of New Cold War in the South Asia. It argues and justifies that competing and rival groups in the present international system are forcing states to build new alliances. Hence, Pakistan's new collaborative strategy of allying itself with Russia is due to several political and economic developments amongst its immediate neighbors in the region. While Russia, a former super power is trying to revive its role in the region is also looking for new partners with converging interests to deal with its security issues at home. Both states can benefit from the new partnership if they properly use their strength and capabilities in the region. The article also argues that how certain changes are forcing both Pakistan and Russia to revisit their foreign policies, thus indicating a beginning of the "New Cold War " in the South Asia. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Historic links, economic interactions and geostrategic interests make Pakistan, India and Bangladesh vital to one another. The geographic conditions, economic interactions, trade links, ethnocultural proximity and historical linkages provide a plethora of opportunities for close, cordial and cooperative relations among the three countries. This study discusses the current rebirth of economic relations between Pakistan and India and the shift of Pakistani investors to Bangladesh. The extant literature presents a profound discussion on the political, geographical, historical, economic and legal relationships between these countries. However, this paper addresses some other theoretical and economic aspects, such as investors’ behaviour towards investment, and financial integration, which are imperative where economic and trade ties are concerned. The paper employs the archival method of reviewing related literature (theoretical and empirical) and organising and presenting some questions for future investigation. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

This paper is to analyse the process of Turkey's accession into the European Union (EU). This new change in the status of the country would also bring a new change in its relations with other countries in general and Pakistan in particular. Recently, the European Union has granted Generalised System of Preferences (GSP) Plus status to Pakistan. This status will enable Pakistan to export its products in European markets. However, it can be argued that Ankara's accession into the EU will further increase trade opportunities for Pakistan in EU markets. Thus, this paper will also look at the ways in which Islamabad would benefit from its cordial relations with Ankara. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Afghanistan presents a compelling case study in the discipline of international relations as over the past few centuries, the dynamics of major power rivalries, international systemic changes, geopolitics, energy politics, insurgencies and the phenomenon of terrorism have not only affected the Afghan society but also left its lasting imprints on regional and global security. This Research Paper explores the relevance of the structure of International system; identifies the stakes and interests of the key international, regional and local actors in the Afghan End-Game; evaluates the international system and its relationship with the interests and behaviour of these actors, both in the inter-regional and intraregional contexts. In addition, a way forward is recommended to help achieve a viable Afghan state and a stable society along with defining a stabilizing role, which Pakistan can play in this respect for both itself, this region and towards promoting international security. The paper also identifies the opportunities and emerging challenges for local, regional and global players and compares their convergences and divergences of interests. Lastly, it also suggests ways of contributing towards the security and stability of both the Afghan nation and this volatile region, at a time when major and long-term shifts are underway in the 21st century political and security architecture of the world. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Historically, the development of cooperation among Bangladesh, India, Nepal and Pakistan with respect to the Indus and the Ganges-Brahmaputra-Meghna river basins, South Asia's major transboundary rivers, has been a cause of tension, apprehension and ongoing disputes. This paper draws attention to the hydro-politics on transference and allocation, along with the diverging positions and unique concerns of the riparians on bilateral, multilateral, national as well as regional fronts. While examining the official water discourses and the evolution of different international legal instruments applicable to the governance of water relations among the riparians, the paper also sketches the emerging concerns in their relationships, as well as their efforts to cooperate and collaborate to avert disputes and manage water sharing and governance. Citation Uprety, K. & Salman, S. M. A. (2011) Legal aspects of sharing and management of transboundary waters in South Asia: preventing conflicts and promoting cooperation. Hydrol. Sci. J. 56(4), 641-661. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Kashmir issue, a source of tension between Pakistan and India has numerous aspects and is termed by many an international dispute. The conflict not only hampered Indo-Pak relations but also precipitated regional instability. This is the reason that foreign policy of Pakistan since her inception remained India centric. Although both states share borders but never remain on same page when it comes to the viable solution of Kashmir dispute. Interests of Kashmiri population will have to be respected to make any decision long lasting. This paper by adopting narrative approach explains number of conflict management techniques to find any feasible solution but all efforts ended with the beginning of new conflict. With the indigenous freedom movement and India's massive military response, Kashmir dispute has entered a new phase. The paper finds that possible viable solution of Kashmir disputes is impeded by Indian stubborn and uncompromising attitude; therefore, mediation by third party is essential. The paper argues that any approach to settle this multifaceted conflict necessitates different but interconnected trajectories or unending interactions and negotiations. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

While the history of political Islam is intricately connected to southwest Asian geopolitics, there is evidence that the emergence of the religious right as a political force in Pakistan is an outcome of state patronage. Following the 'War on Terror', corporate media and official western representations of revivalist trends in Pakistan have been almost completely de-contextualised. This representation has provided both the dominant military state oligarchy and the religious right an ideal opportunity to reinforce an old alliance previously supported by western imperialism, while eroding the organising capacity of progressive social and political forces in Pakistan. This paper traces the historical contours of the mullah - military alliance in Pakistan, arguing that the political and social survival of both its armed forces and the religious right is based on the persistence of a dialectic relationship between a secular modernity and Islamic ethos that can be traced back to the country's creation. The evolution of this state ideology since Partition demonstrates how the religious right has emerged as a social and political force under state patronage. The paper examines how two critical junctures in this mullah - military alliance—namely, the Afghan jihad (struggle) of the 1980s and the post-9/11 War on Terror—have allowed the state and the religious right in Pakistan to overtly consolidate this historical alliance. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The India–Pakistan relationship, after the overt nuclearisation in May 1998, the Kargil Conflict of 1999, the border mobilisation of 2002 and the continuing insurgency in Kashmir, remains tense. This paper explores the possibility of economic cooperation—including both trade and common infrastructure projects—taking place and spilling over into security cooperation. It analyses why past economic cooperation was so minimal, and why the only major agreement, that on the Indus basin waters, did not lead to deeper economic or security cooperation. Viewing the India–Pakistan relationship through the concepts of cumulative relative gains sensitivity, trade expectations and common projects, drawn from recent international relations theory literature, the paper argues that economic cooperation between the two depends on either prior security cooperation or, as a substitute, de facto deterrence. Nuclear deterrence now being a reality, the paper argues that, contrary to what may appear to be the case on the surface, the cumulative relative gains sensitivity of both sides, especially Pakistan, can now be reduced to enable economic cooperation that has the potential to create positive security spillovers. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Although Afghanistan shares a common religion, race, history, ethnicity and geography with Pakistan, yet the relations between both have never been smooth and remained estranged. The nature of Pak-Afghan relations saw many ups and downs in past decades and has always been flimsy and they are found in murky waters. Since Pakistan's independence, there have been concerns and determination to have jovial and friendly relations between both the countries. The relationships between the two neighbors can be described as challenging and complex. The detriments that mainly manipulate these relationships have been questionable and experienced ebb and flow for historical and geopolitical reasons with the exception of brief interludes. This distrust at times bordering on hostility continues to date although some has been done to improve the working relationship by third parties i.e., US and EU. In the changed regional context of post 9/11 developments carry hallmark significance in the world history as it has brought both the countries at the brink of major national disasters. The post 9/11 scenario provided an opportunity to Pakistan to renew its diplomatic ties and political relations with Afghanistan and to reconsider her Afghan policy. This paper aims at discussing the core problems and highlights the future prospects of Pak-Afghan relations in post 9/11 scenario, as it brought a drastic change in world in generally and in this region particularly. It is a turning point in history when Taliban government was ousted as a result of American military action in Afghanistan. The study will explore and reveal its overall impact on both the countries with the existing diplomatic relations, areas of hostility and economic relations with making suitable recommendations for strengthening political stability in the region. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In the backdrop of War on Terror in Afghanistan, Pakistan abandoned its two decade long Afghan policy of supporting Taliban, Islamic Jihad, Islamic fundamentalists, and became an ally with US in conducting operations against Al-Qaida and Taliban network in Afghanistan. This change in Pakistan's Afghan policy had deep impacts on country's peace and security, particularly on Pakistan's bordering region with Afghanistan, Federally Administered Tribal Areas (FATA). Consequently, Pakistan's military conducted several operations from 2002 onwards in FATA. During this period, several peace agreements were conducted between the military and militants in FATA. But such operations and the subsequent agreements failed to prevail peace in border region. Instead, spreading conflicts to other areas of Pakistan. This paper attempts to examine Pakistan's Afghan policy since 2001, and analyze its impact on FATA's peace, security and social fabric. It also critically analyzes the strategies adopted by Pakistan's military in dealing with Pakistan based militant groups and foreign insurgents in FATA. The issue of peace and conflict in FATA needs to be carefully addressed because this is a porous and fragile area that exists between Afghanistan and Pakistan. FATA's volatile geography makes it more violent and resistant to international aid, Counterinsurgency (COIN) tactics, and development, which has direct impact over peace and development of Pakistan. The methodology employed is qualitative and analytical. First half lays out the independent variable by describing US, Pakistani and militant action post 9/11. Second half lays out the dependent variables by describing sociopolitical and economic changes in FATA. This study concludes with recommendations regarding prevailing peace in FATA. The finding of this study shall help in framing future Pakistan's Afghan policy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper examines the short-run behaviour of migrant remittances in the face of terrorism. Using monthly data for post 9/11 terrorist attacks in Pakistan, the study finds evidence of increase in the volume of remittances sent from abroad. This increase is evident in the aggregate, as well as for the three main source regions of North America, the Persian Gulf and Europe. The positive association holds for all the top five migrant-hosting countries of Pakistan. The findings point in favour of an altruistic behaviour of migrant remittances at the macroeconomic level. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Violence against women is a problem around the world. Addressing the issues of physical and sexual violence against women has been a complicated endeavor for criminologists. Much of the traditional criminological research on violence against women has frequently focused on rape as a crime of power between individuals. However, this framework has been expanded to incorporate the analysis of rape during times of war and rape as a state crime. In these cases, rape serves a broader purpose within the military and social structure. By focusing on the specific case of the gang rape of Mukhtar Mai, the goal of this paper was to demonstrate and analyze the role of the state in many of these crimes. Mukhtar Mai’s case should not be understood in isolation, but as a way to illuminate the role of the state in these numerous crimes. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]