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Deindustrialization became a pressing political issue and an object of research almost simultaneously in North America. This article inquires into the intellectual origins and radical roots of the deindustrialization thesis in Canada and the United States. Though the two countries share much in common, their distinctive formulations of the deindustrial problem in the 1970s and 1980s reflected key economic and political differences between them. Radical political economists in Canada and the United States turned to dependency theory and capital flight, respectively, in their theorization of deindustrialization. Barry Bluestone and Bennett Harrison's 1982 book, The Deindustrialization of America , in particular, is a founding text for the burgeoning field of deindustrialization studies. We can learn much from re-engaging with this early scholarship. In doing so, however, we need to bridge the continuing analytical divide between micro-level labour histories of working-class communities and macro-level studies of political economy and the international division of labour. La désindustrialisation est devenue un enjeu politique pressant et un objet de recherche presque simultanément en Amérique du Nord. Cet article interroge les origines intellectuelles et les racines radicales de la thèse de la désindustrialisation au Canada et aux États-Unis. Bien que les deux pays partagent beaucoup de points communs, leurs formulations distinctes du problème désindustriel dans les années 1970 et 1980 reflétaient des différences économiques et politiques essentielles entre eux. Les économistes politiques radicaux du Canada et des États-Unis se sont tournés vers la théorie de la dépendance et la fuite des capitaux, respectivement, dans leur théorisation de la désindustrialisation. Le livre de Barry Bluestone et Bennett Harrison de 1982, The Deindustrialization of America , en particulier, est un texte fondateur pour le domaine en plein essor des études sur la désindustrialisation. Nous pouvons apprendre beaucoup en renouant avec cette première bourse. Ce faisant, cependant, nous devons combler le fossé analytique persistant entre les histoires de travail au niveau micro des communautés ouvrières et les études au niveau macro de l'économie politique et de la division internationale du travail. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article investigates the causes of structural change in Brazil, through the rise and the fall of the manufacturing industry, and the consequences for total factor productivity and manufacturing labour productivity, from 1947 to 2021. Our results show that the industrialization of the Brazilian productive structure is positively associated with expansions in infrastructure investments and with the pursuit of a competitive real exchange rate, that is, with policies oriented towards economic development. Our findings also indicate that such variables exert a direct influence on total factor productivity and manufacturing labour productivity and an indirect influence through their impacts on the Brazilian productive structure. Our conclusions suggest that an important cause of the Brazilian premature deindustrialization, and then of its poor performance in terms of total factor productivity and manufacturing labour productivity, is the adoption of policies not oriented towards economic development adopted since the neoliberal reforms of the 1980s and 1990s. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Following the industrial crisis of the 1920s and the Great Depression in the 1930s, consecutive provincial governments in Nova Scotia turned their efforts toward state-led economic development. After the election of Robert Stanfield and the Tories in 1956, a wholesale industrial planning model was unveiled. Indeed, Stanfieldian economic policy in Nova Scotia was predicated upon the belief that direct state-led interventionism was necessary to offset regional inequity. State corporate entities, such as Industrial Estates Limited, and renewed interest in a state-driven industrial relations paradigm were central in the province's efforts to revitalize its flagging economy and offset predicted decline in the Cape Breton coal and steel industries. This article examines the fate of the Clairtone Sound Corporation, one of Nova Scotia's "new industries" that emerged out of these state-led development efforts. A case study of this Stellarton-based firm reveals how structural processes of deindustrialization produced crisis even within sectors that were completely distinct from the province's cornerstone industries of coal and steel. This case includes a reflection on the class composition of the modernist state in Nova Scotia and represents a convergence of the historiographical focus on state-led industrial development in the Maritimes and recent literature found within deindustrialization studies. À la suite de la crise industrielle des années 1920 et de la Grande Dépression des années 1930, les gouvernements provinciaux successifs de la Nouvelle-Écosse ont orienté leurs efforts vers un développement économique dirigé par l›État. Après l›élection de Robert Stanfield et des conservateurs en 1956, un modèle de planification industrielle en gros a été dévoilé. En effet, la politique économique « stanfieldienne » en Nouvelle-Écosse reposait sur la conviction que l›interventionnisme direct dirigé par l›État était nécessaire pour compenser les inégalités régionales. Les sociétés d›État, comme Industrial Estates Limited, et le regain d›intérêt pour un paradigme de relations industrielles dirigé par l›État ont joué un rôle central dans les efforts de la province pour revitaliser son économie chancelante et compenser le déclin prévu des industries du charbon et de l›acier du Cap-Breton. Cet article examine le sort de la Clairtone Sound Corporation, l›une des « nouvelles industries » de la Nouvelle-Écosse qui a émergé de ces efforts de développement menés par l›État. Une étude de cas de cette entreprise basée à Stellarton révèle comment les processus structurels de désindustrialisation ont produit une crise même dans des secteurs complètement distincts des industries phares du charbon et de l›acier de la province. Ce cas comprend une réflexion sur la composition de classe de l›État moderniste en Nouvelle-Écosse et représente une convergence de l›accent historiographique sur le développement industriel dirigé par l›État dans les Maritimes et de la documentation récente trouvée dans les études sur la désindustrialisation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

• There is no evidence supporting invariant tendencies in deindustrialisation. • Sectoral technological opportunities and learning regimes matter. • A diversified employment structure fosters catching-up. • Globalization accelerates deindustrialization and hinders development opportunities for most. Contrary to the notion of a natural tendency in deindustrialization, this paper, performing a cross-country long-term analysis, documents the existence of a variety of patterns of deindustrialization. Looking at industrial sectors and their technological characteristics, categorised on the ground of the Pavitt (1984) taxonomy, we do find a markedly uneven process of deindustrialization with Science Based and Specialised Suppliers not presenting any inverted U-shaped pattern, neither in employment nor in value added. The heterogeneity holds both for the four Pavitt aggregates and under further disaggregation at industry level. We then study whether the uneven sectoral composition had an impact on the timing of deindustrialization. Overall, our analysis supports the notion that "microchips" are not "potato chips" in their influence on the patterns of long-term economic development of different countries. Moreover, during the phase of globalization the probability for low-income countries to be stuck to produce "potato chips" has increased and that of transition toward the production of "microchips" has been reducing. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The frustration in Latin America with neoliberal economic reforms has reawakened a number of debates, especially about inequality (Palma, 2019a) and productivity growth --in 2018, the region's average productivity was just 8% higher than in 1980, equivalent to an annual average growth rate of just 0.2%--. Meanwhile, in the previous cycle, from 1950 to 1980, productivity levels more than doubled, with an annual growth rate of 2.8%. One of these debates is related to the problem of deindustrialization --in particular, the question of whether it is "premature" or if it includes a component of "Dutch disease"--. This paper analyses the role of manufacturing in economic growth, and shows the dynamics of that deindustrialization in high-income as well as middle-income countries. It concludes that the success of emerging Asia is rooted in its ideological pragmatism, which led it in the 1980s and early 1990s to use reforms as a mechanism for strengthening and accelerating their already ambitious processes of industrialization --not for carrying out a "non-creative destruction" of their manufacturing, as happened in almost all of Latin America--. This in spite of the fact that many of the industrialization processes in emerging Asia suffered, in its time, from similar problems to those experienced by Latin American industrialization, if not worse. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Recent research by economists has shown that deindustrialization is more severe in Sub-Saharan Africa and Latin America than it ever was in the Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development (OECD). Nevertheless, most research on deindustrialization is focused on the former centres of Fordist manufacturing in the industrial heartlands of the North Atlantic. In short, there is a mismatch between where deindustrialization is researched and where it is occurring, and the objective of this paper is to shift the geographical focus of research on deindustrialization to the Global South. Case studies from Argentina, India, Tanzania and Turkey demonstrate the variegated nature of deindustrialization beyond the North Atlantic. In the process, it is demonstrated that cities in the Global South can inform wider theoretical discussions on the impacts of deindustrialization at the urban scale. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article examines Brazil's economic experience between 2003 and 2016, its limits in promoting development and structural change while analyzing the policies adopted and their consequences. The economic growth model based on the conciliation of competing interests and the maintenance of liberal orthodoxy proved unsustainable in the medium term. Maintaining the overvalued exchange rate and high-interest rate hindered industry and national development. The timid attempt at developmentalism could not contain the process of deindustrialization and financialization. The neoliberal agenda was maintained, which prevented structural changes and deepened financialization. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The construction works of the Ignalina nuclear power plant as well as the town of Visaginas for plant employees (former Sniečkus) were started in Lithuania in the 1970s. As informants still remember, most construction crews of the town and the plant came from other parts of the former Soviet Union. The majority of Visaginas' inhabitants are Russians (Lietuvos statistikos departamentas 2002: 166). The plant is the major employer of Visaginas' population (Kavaliauskas 1999: 314-315). The first reactor of the nuclear power plant stopped operations in 2004, the second in 2009 (on the history of the plant and the town of Visaginas see Kavaliauskas 1999; Kavaliauskas 2003). This paper discusses how Visaginas' inhabitants interpret the closure of the Ignalina nuclear power plant and how people cope with unemployment, as well as social and economic difficulties. The author discusses whether deindustrialization in Visaginas, Lithuania, differs from similar processes in other socio-cultural contexts. Most data come from the fieldwork conducted by the author in 2000-2004 in Visaginas: more than 50 in-depth interviews conducted with inhabitants of Visaginas and empirical material gained by participant observation. The author worked as a volunteer at a local NGO and participated at some private and public events (for more see Sliavaite 2005). It is argued that the town of Visaginas and the nuclear power plant are important categories in identity construction for the inhabitants of Visaginas. The biographies of many of the town's population and the history of the town are closely interconnected (for more see Sliavaite 2005, see also people's memories in Kavaliauskas 2003). The plant itself was sometimes referred to by the informants as kormilica (in Russian, a food provider). The plant and the town were perceived by the informants as one interdependent unit and, therefore, the plant closure was usually perceived as negatively affecting not just the lives of its employees and their families, but the general Visaginas population as well. The anthropological studies of East and Central Europe are of key importance in discussing the ethnographic material from Visaginas and a number of parallels were pointed out when comparing Visaginas' material with other investigations conducted in the post-Soviet space (Ashwin 1999; Humphrey 1996/7; Kideckel 2002; Kideckel 2008; Klumbyte 2004; Klumbyte 2006a; Klumbyte 2006b; Klumbyte 2008; Nilsen [Nielsen] 2004; Verdery 1996, etc.). The researchers argue of a specific patronizing relation between soviet enterprise and its employees (Verdery 1996; Ashwin 1999; Nilsen [Nielsen] 2004; etc.). I argue that the Ignalina nuclear power plant, even in the post-Soviet period, could be characterized as preserving certain features characteristic of a Soviet enterprise as suggested by anthropologists. Even while under a threat of closure, the plant was still an "island" (terminology after Nilsen [Nielsen] 2004) of social and economic stability. Consequently, people on this "island" (terminology after Nilsen [Nielsen] 2004) did not have an opportunity to gain certain skills, experience, or the flexibility necessary for them to adapt to the post-Soviet social and economic transformations that have occurred in Lithuania. Visaginas' inhabitants in 2000-2004 expressed uncertainty about the future, argued of social insecurity. Similar feelings were reported by a number of researchers who studied economic decline, deindustrialisation in the post-Soviet space (see Ashwin 1999; Buyandelgeriyn 2007; Kideckel 2002; Kideckel 2008; Klumbytė 2006a, etc.) As we have seen, individuals, households, and the civic sector employ different strategies to resist present and future social and economic difficulties and the theoretical model developed by Albert O.Hirschman (Hirschman 1972) was applied in analysing them. As is demonstrated, in Visaginas, the strategies range from "exit" to "voice" (terminology after Hirschman 1972). Emigration is a clear sign of "exit" (terminology after Hirschman 1972). "Voice" (terminology after Hirschman 1972) is expresed by such activities as development of projects of economic re-orientation, participation and articulation of local people's opinion at various national and international meetings, etc. One more strategy, referred to as "waiting" (term used by Crapanzano 1986), could be suggested in order to understand the particular aspects of the local context. "Waiting" refers to the behavior when informants wait for final decision regarding plant closure and / or allocate the responsibility for one's future to "others" - authorities, government, etc. Discussing the case of the Ignalina nuclear power plant, we have to bear in mind that any industrial plant was heavily loaded by ideology during Soviet times (Ashwin 1999; Hohnen 2001; Kideckel 2002; Kideckel 2008; Klumbytė 2006a, etc.). The Ignalina nuclear power plant was a provider of jobs, services, and served as a gatekeeper to certain resources under the Soviet regime, as well as a symbol of development of Soviet society. The decline of such a structure affects not just the economic and social situation of local people, but their life-worlds and worldviews. However, as was pointed out by K. Newman (Newman 1988), a successful enterprise in Western societies could also be percieved as a guarantee of social and economic stability, supplying people's lives with meaning, as a kind of patron of local community (see Newman's 1988 analysis of the Singer plant decline). The question whether there are any substantial differences between de-industrialization in the post-Soviet space and closure of any capitalist enterprise and people's attitudes towards it, still remains without a clear answer and needs further investigations and cross-cultural comparison. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

large part of the work in economic geography and other social sciences has focused on new growth prospects due to the establishment of global production chains and the rise of new clusters of industrial activity. Much less attention has been paid to former growth industries and regions that have recently experienced shrinking processes due to internationalization. This paper will explore the cases of two chemical regions, i.e. southern Hessen, Germany and Rhone-Alpes, France. These two areas have both undergone drastic restructuring since the mid-1990s, due to the merger of the prominent chemical groups Hoechst and Rhone-Poulenc into Aventis. Instead of investigating the development of the core activities at Aventis, we will focus on the operations that were considered less important and consequently split off. In addition to the negative consequences produced by these activities, in our analysis we also emphasize regional opportunities which arise from competence building, reorientation and new firm formation. These processes can be viewed as re-bundling existing and new knowledge bases with other resources to help overcome economic crises and develop a new competitive edge. As such, the paper aims to contribute to a relational understanding of economic globalization and regional restructuring. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Compared to Western European or North American countries with developed market economies, the formation and acceptance of brownfields in post-socialist countries was delayed by approximately 30 years. For the Central European and partly Eastern European countries, the fall of the Iron Curtain and the transition after 1989 from a planned and state-controlled economy towards a market economy was unique for its time consistency. Yet, it was also specific for the distinct statuses of main sectors of national economy of individual countries, which got hugely manifested during the formation of spatial and functional connections concerning the problems of brownfields of all types (post-industrial, post-agricultural, post-military etc.). In the Czech Republic, there is a long history of industry; from the middle of the 19th century (the boom of the Industrial Revolution), it was regarded the most industrially developed country of Central and Eastern Europe. The massive deindustrialization of the 1990s caused increased concentrations of brownfield localities, with the local people and public administration becoming more familiar with them, and it also led to initial efforts for their systematic regeneration. The cities of Brno and Ostrava (Czech Republic), as well as other big cities in the Central European area, are typical examples for their finished intensive process of deindustrialization. Yet, regarding their economic preferences, and thus the existence of brown- fields, they are highly distinct -- in Brno there are more textile and engineering companies together with military and agricultural facilities; in Ostrava abandoned coal mining and metallurgical industry sites prevail. From the perspective of humangeographical methods and approaches, this contribution deals both with the functional-spatial consequences of brownfield existence in urban space, as well as with the results of research focused on the perception of the given issues by the residents of Brno and Ostrava. The research itself tries to demonstrate how the groups of selected respondents perceive and evaluate the brownfield problems from the perspective of their everyday experience. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article compares two recent expositions held in Nagasaki, Japan, in 1990 and 2006. Both expositions responded to structural economic changes related to deindustrialization that prompted reidentifications with the city's history as a maritime trade hub in early modern Japan. To compare two temporally laced identities that emerged from this turning point, I distinguish each exposition's dominant chronotope. The 1990 Journey Exposition is characterized by Tabi (Journey)-time, which departs from a distant past to transit through a disappearing present towards a utopian future where Nagasaki has once again become an international port. The 2006 Saruku Expo is characterized by Saruku (Strolling)-time, which introspectively rediscovers Nagasaki's local heritage within the present while imagining a changeless future, erasing the temporal divisions formative of Tabi-time. If Tabi-time is national time derived from national expositions, Saruku-time is local time derived from heritage and memory. These chronotopes are characterized by different arrangements of exposition grounds and different mobilities that visitors were expected to perform on their fairgrounds. The Journey Exposition spatially delineated Nagasaki into future and past zones, whereas the Saruku Expo featured a series of wandering strolls that drew no clear temporal boundaries. Visitors in Tabi-time engaged in epic, romantic voyages across national borders, whereas visitors in Saruku-time displaced themselves locally in an inquisitive, slow-paced manner. The article draws from exposition documents like guides and official records as well as a local town magazine to argue that the formal organization of time can be practically utilized for economic and identity-building purposes as well as politically contested between different parties. It also develops recent scholarship in Theory of History such as Hayden White's concept of the 'practical past' and recent theorizations on the disorder of postmodern time. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

An introduction is presented in which the editor discusses articles in the issue on topics economic impact of deindustrialization in the U.S., declining legitimacy of the International Monetary Fund (IMF) & the World Bank, & an economic development planning in Kenya and Ethiopia.

This article examines Brazil’s industrial trajectory, beginning with an analysis of the process of import substitution industrialization and its role historically. This is followed by an analysis of industry after the transition to neoliberalism. The resulting evidence implies a clear process of deindustrialization, and upon examining the pattern of exports, a process of re-primarization as well. The paper concludes with a discussion of these troubling trends for the current trajectory of the Brazilian economy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The main purpose of this study is to show if the Peruvian manufacturing industry maintains its leadership in the process of economic growth and in the increase of labor productivity, after twenty-five years of reforms and neoliberal policies. The theoretical basis of this study is Kaldorian-Keynesian, according to which economic growth is determined primarily by demand factors. Kaldor's laws, according to which the growth of manufacturing drives growth in GDP, the growth of labor productivity in manufacturing itself and in the economy as a whole, are statistically and econometrically evaluated. The period of analysis covers 65 years from 1950 to 2015, incorporating both the period of state-led industrialization and the twenty-five years of neoliberalism also led by the State. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

• Hazard-based duration model is used to investigate the association of the occurrence of the turning point of environmental Kuznets curve (EKC) with the process of differ types of (de)industrialization. • The speed to reach the turning point for the deindustrializers is 1.96 times faster than for the industrializers. • The countries experiencing nonpremature and positive deindustrialization are around three times faster than the industrializers to leave the state of environmental deterioration. Given the inverted U-shaped relationship between environmental quality and economic development, there exists a turning point which implies a transition from the state of environmental deterioration to the state of environmental improvement. We provide an investigation on the association of the occurrence of the turning point of environmental Kuznets curve (EKC) with the process of (de)industrialization. Hazard-based duration model is employed to study whether and when the turning point occurs from different perspectives of the (de)industrialization process. The results show that the speed to reach the turning point for deindustrializing countries is 1.96 times faster than that for industrializers. With regard to different types of deindustrialization, the speed to reach the turning point for countries experiencing nonpremature deindustrialization and positive deindustrialization increase by 3.57 times and 2.60 times respectively compared to the industrializers. Moreover, technological progress is positively related with the speed to reach the turning point. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This study looks at some specific questions involved in the discussion surrounding deindustrialization in Brazil and delves into aspects of the theoretical-historical debate on deindustrialization found in literature on economic development. The first part emphasizes some elements of this debate in specialized literature, discussing theoretical aspects of the Kaldorian formulation and stressing the role of industrial growth and structural changes in the growth of capitalist economies. The second organizes and analyzes some recent performance indicators for the Brazilian industrial sector. Finally, this study offers some brief conclusions. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

There has been considerable concern in Latin America over the implications of increased competition from China for local industry. These concerns include the possibility of “deindustrialization,” the increased “primarization” of the region's exports and the difficulties of upgrading manufactured exports into higher technology products. This article examines the impact of Chinese competition both in the domestic market and in export markets on Brazilian industry. It documents the increased penetration of Chinese manufactures in the Brazilian market and the way in which Brazilian exports have lost market share to China in the US, European Union and four Latin American countries. Brazil, because of its more developed and locally integrated industrial sector, is not typical of other Latin American countries and the article also discusses the relevance of the Brazilian experience for the region as a whole. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

La literatura sobre estructura productiva y crecimiento económico muestra la relevancia de la industria en la expansión del PIB en países desarrollados y en desarrollo. Estudios recientes indican que el sector de los servicios modernos (servicios profesionales) contribuye a la innovación, al aumento de la productividad y, en consecuencia, al crecimiento económico. Este artículo plantea una discusión teórica sobre la importancia del sector de los servicios modernos para América Latina a fin de actualizar la tesis central del enfoque estructuralista latinoamericano. Los datos indican que, aun en el contexto de una transformación productiva caracterizada por una menor participación de la manufactura y el auge del sector terciario, se perpetúa la división internacional del trabajo, sobre la base de la relación centro-periferia. Los resultados muestran que el pensamiento estructuralista resulta adecuado para explicar el persistente subdesarrollo de los países latinoamericanos desde una perspectiva centrada en la economía de servicios. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper explores migrant Black African youths' experiences of looking for and finding work in Newcastle, a deindustrializing Australian city. Data for this paper were drawn from interviews conducted with young people who migrated to Australia as temporary and permanent residents. Drawing on concepts of coloniality, racialization, bodywork, and hidden labor, this paper demonstrates how, when looking for work, participants' names get attached to their racialized bodies—a situation which deems them as suitable or not for specific kinds of work. Their strategies of finding work differ according to their migration status; that is, temporary residents draw on their personal networks, whereas some permanent residents with full citizenship rights rely on social welfare support services to find work. However, irrespective of the different strategies used to find work, they all end up doing jobs that they described as "work which others do not wish to do." I argue that these experiences re‐articulate the coloniality of labor because, as workers in these jobs, they play a crucial role in the economic transformation taking place in the city due to deindustrialization. This is not merely because they form part of the workforce responsible for working in unwanted jobs, but because they are also consumers of Newcastle's emerging welfare support and educational services sectors. The paper contributes to an understanding of how race shapes the labor market experiences of racialized youth in deindustrializing labor markets. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Nova Scotians understand economic hardships at both the personal and community levels. This is especially true for the residents of Pictou County. With the eclipse of coal, steel, and heavy manufacturing, successive governments looked to tourism to augment an eroding economic base and to commemorate the working lives of Nova Scotians. This article offers an analysis of the initial decision to construct and maintain the Museum of Industry in a region of the province subjected to sequential phases of deindustrialization. The venture, officially opened to regular attendance in 1995, is the largest facility in the province's impressive system of 28 regional museums. The creation of the museum, however, was fraught with uncertainty and narrowly avoided financial collapse and plans to disperse the collection of artifacts. The project was subsequently left straddling an uneasy divide between celebrating industrial heritage and tempering controversies of economic and environmental development. Despite Nova Scotia's proud heritage of worker resistance and union activism, visitors may exit the museum with the ambiguous message that while working lives are often harsh and riven with uncertainty, optimism for the future must prevail. The implication is that the appropriate response is selective anodyne forms of nostalgia, even resignation, but not resentment of the human and environmental costs of deindustrialization. Les Néo-Écossais comprennent les difficultés économiques tant au niveau personnel que communautaire. Cela est particulièrement vrai pour les résidents du comté de Pictou. Avec l'éclipse du charbon, de l'acier et de la fabrication lourde, les gouvernements successifs se sont tournés vers le tourisme pour augmenter une base économique en érosion et pour commémorer la vie active des Néo-Écossais. Cet article propose une analyse de la décision initiale de construire et d'entretenir le Musée de l'Industrie dans une région de la province soumise à des phases successives de désindustrialisation. L'entreprise, officiellement ouverte à la fréquentation régulière en 1995, est la plus grande installation de l'impressionnant réseau de 28 musées régionaux de la province. La création du musée, cependant, était semée d'incertitudes et a évité de justesse l'effondrement financier et les plans de dispersion de la collection d'artefacts. Le projet a ensuite été laissé à cheval sur un fossé difficile entre la célébration du patrimoine industriel et la modération des controverses sur le développement économique et environnemental. Malgré le fier héritage de la Nouvelle-Écosse en matière de résistance des travailleurs et d'activisme syndical, les visiteurs peuvent quitter le musée avec le message ambigu que même si les vies professionnelles sont souvent dures et déchirées par l'incertitude, l'optimisme pour l'avenir doit prévaloir. L'implication est que la réponse appropriée est des formes anodines sélectives de nostalgie, voire de résignation, mais pas le ressentiment des coûts humains et environnementaux de la désindustrialisation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article examines the outcomes of brownfield site redevelopment integration with economic development and urban design in Georgia. As a result of the U.S. 1980 Comprehensive Environmental Response, Compensation, and Liability Act (CERCLA), the brownfield redevelopment problems exist. To solve the problems created by deindustrialization, the Environmental Protection Agency's (EPA's) 1995 Brownfield Action Agenda was implemented with the aim to promote economic development that fostered a sophisticated brownfield industry including specifications in environmental consulting, finance & investment, and remediation. Details related to the failures of redevelopment projects in Georgia are discussed.

A comparison of two German cities responding in the 1980s to deindustrialization directs our attention toward factors that explain how leaders build governance and strategic capacities: a "crisis" situation, higher level government aid, party ties and low party competition, solidarity, friendship, and momentum. Factors that do not explain variation in these cases include the formal resources of strong-mayor city charters and the existence of a governance coalition. Mayors ate in a unique position to increase governance capacity through informal means, and if they do, they often also increase strategic capacity. This effect is, however, short term at best. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this article the author provides critical accounts of current world economic trends. It addresses contemporary upheavals in Latin American nations, particularly the region's longstanding condition of economic and political subordination. The author proposes a Latin American regionalization model built upon development policies employed by world powers and characterized by highly interactive and effective relations between public and private sectors. Economic growth has never been achieved by bowing to market forces, free enterprise and laissez-faire policies which effectively have kept regions like Latin America underdeveloped. This article discusses complex topics and issues related to patterns of industrialization and deindustrialization present in Latin America as it approaches third millennium. It also addresses the nature and extent of the transformations of the capitalist state and its economy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Has China's economic success brought about Brazil's economic failure? Or should we look elsewhere for the causes behind the disaster into which the South American nation is currently sinking? There is a path out of the rentier trap, but it is narrow. Brazilian administrations have preferred not to pursue loans, convinced that raw materials prices would keep rising, and that even without making structural changes, it would be possible to enact policies designed to reduce the wage gap and mitigate poverty, with no concern for declining competitiveness, and a blind eye to the top 1%, which is becoming wealthier. An increasingly asymmetrical relationship with China has made room for crisis, but not growth. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Oceanspan was a grand design for Scotland's economic, industrial and social regeneration. It attempted to position Scotland as a land bridge between the Atlantic Ocean and Continental Europe: raw materials would flow in from the west, utilising the deep water of the Firth of Clyde, and be converted into finished goods for export across the North Sea. The chief architect of the plan was William Lithgow, the Port Glasgow shipbuilder, and it was publicised by the Scottish Council for Development and Industry, an organisation that encompassed representatives of local authorities and trade unions but was dominated by business interests. The plans were geared to assisting new industries notably electronics, but implied special privileges for the older heavy industries with which Lithgow and Lord Clydesmuir, chairman of the Scottish Council, were associated. Substantial public investment was required, which was resisted by both Labour and Conservative governments. Only the political sympathies of the Scottishcouncil leaders, nurtured further by the various social and industrial difficulties facing the Conservative government in 1971 and 1972, notably the miners' strike and the work-in at Upper Clyde Shipbuilders, averted a substantial public row. Oceanspan nevertheless represents an important episode in the longer history of the emergence of devolutionary or nationalist impulses in modern Scotland, for the plkans linked Scotland's apparent economic and industrial stagnation with the alleged problem of remote administration of policy in Scotland from Whitehall, and incorporated demands for enhanced policy powers for the Scottish Office. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article discusses the importance of the exchange rate in the economic development process. After a brief discussion about this issue, the paper presents a historical vision of the exchange policy adopted in Brazil from 1995 until now. This policy took part in the stabilization macroeconomic program implemented in the country since then. Thus, we are discussing the main effects of the economic exchange policy over the industrial sector, highlighting the fact that there are some empirical evidences about the deindustrialization process in Brazil nowadays. What could explain it is the behavior of the share of technological content of the products that compose the international trade of the country. Recently one can observe that there is an expressive growth in the share of the nonindustrial products, which could characterize the deindustrialization process in the country. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This study attempts to explore the determinants of interprovincial income inequality in Indonesia from 2005 to 2013 by using a bi-dimensional inequality decomposition method. It tries, particularly, to analyze how economic tertiarization and concurrent output deindustrialization have affected interprovincial inequality. The bi-dimensional inequality decomposition method decomposes interprovincial inequality as measured by the squared population-weighted coefficient of variation in two dimensions, namely, by regional groups and industrial sectors. While deindustrialization has lowered the relative importance of manufacturing in determining overall interprovincial inequality, manufacturing activities are still very unevenly distributed among regions and provinces. The government needs to implement policies that are conducive to the balanced development of non-oil and gas manufacturing industries based on regional comparative advantages and disadvantages, where further development of economic infrastructures and human resources, particularly outside Java-Bali, is essential. Meanwhile, economic tertiarization has raised the importance of service activities in determining overall interprovincial inequality, particularly inequality within Java-Bali. The tertiary sector accounts for more than half of total GDP in Java-Bali, and many service activities, such as IC, banking, business services and private services, are concentrated in Jakarta and neighboring districts. Particularly, with the advancement of IC technologies, the IC sector has been expanding rapidly. Together with banking, business services and private services, further development of the IC sector is likely to increase interprovincial inequality in Java-Bali unless policies that could facilitate geographical dispersion of these service activities are implemented. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This study attempts to explore the determinants of interprovincial income inequality in Indonesia from 2005 to 2013 by using a bi-dimensional inequality decomposition method. It tries, particularly, to analyze how economic tertiarization and concurrent output deindustrialization have affected interprovincial inequality. The bi-dimensional inequality decomposition method decomposes interprovincial inequality as measured by the squared population-weighted coefficient of variation in two dimensions, namely, by regional groups and industrial sectors. While deindustrialization has lowered the relative importance of manufacturing in determining overall interprovincial inequality, manufacturing activities are still very unevenly distributed among regions and provinces. The government needs to implement policies that are conducive to the balanced development of non-oil and gas manufacturing industries based on regional comparative advantages and disadvantages, where further development of economic infrastructures and human resources, particularly outside Java-Bali, is essential. Meanwhile, economic tertiarization has raised the importance of service activities in determining overall interprovincial inequality, particularly inequality within Java-Bali. The tertiary sector accounts for more than half of total GDP in Java-Bali, and many service activities, such as IC, banking, business services and private services, are concentrated in Jakarta and neighboring districts. Particularly, with the advancement of IC technologies, the IC sector has been expanding rapidly. Together with banking, business services and private services, further development of the IC sector is likely to increase interprovincial inequality in Java-Bali unless policies that could facilitate geographical dispersion of these service activities are implemented. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Decoupling economic growth from energy consumption is a wide spread attempt to decarbonize economic activities and increase energy security. Almost all members of the European Union have decoupled the two since 2005 as measured by a steady decline in energy intensity, the ratio of final energy consumption and gross domestic product. Economic growth, energy efficiency and structural changes have all contributed to changes in energy intensity of economic activities at the national level. In this article, the authors analyze to what extent decoupling can be attributed to each of these three factors and in particular structural effects, namely deindustrialization and tertiarization, which shifts energy consumption abroad and re-imports it as embodied energy in products. We quantify the effects of structural changes, economic growth and energy efficiency measures as well as embodied energy in trade at the level of economic activities. The methodological approach combines decomposition and input-output analysis to address boundary cases where monetary trade surpluses meet energy trade deficits. Switzerland provides a case in point with the added hurdle of low data availability per economic activity over time. The results show that the share of embodied energy in imports has reached 81% of final energy consumption in economic activities. A comparison of energy intensities with and without embodied energy in trade shows that decoupling is more virtual than actual. Shifting energy intensive activities abroad improves domestic performance but worsens both overall energy use and security by relying on more indirect energy consumption. Energy indicators should therefore be adjusted to avoid potentially conflicting policy objectives between energy intensity and security as well as trade. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Highlights • The imported inputs are incorporated into a structural decomposition analysis (SDA). • This approach is important in evaluating the net impacts of trade liberalization. • Brazilian high-tech exports growth was compensated for by imported inputs growth. • Agriculture, mining, and transportation were the most benefited sectors in Brazil. • The Korean, Chinese, and German high-tech sectors benefited the most. Abstract This study extends structural decomposition analysis (SDA) to consider the substitution between domestic and imported inputs. The approach provides a detailed investigation of the consequences on economic growth following changes in countries’ supply chains. We apply the method to data from Brazil and other countries. The results suggest that the substitution of imported for national inputs is a key factor in SDA, assuming that the impact of technological change is underestimated if this substitution is not taken into account. The findings also show that the substitution of imported inputs is essential to understanding the Brazilian growth path in the 2000s. The positive impact of export growth on total output was offset by the increase in imported inputs, especially in highly technological sectors. The results in Brazil stand in contrast with those in Korea, China, and Germany, where high-tech sectors benefited the most from the substitution. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The novelty of this study is that it empirically tests four hypotheses of the Dutch Disease in the Azerbaijan economy while systematically controls for other possible explanations of the observed processes over the period 2000-2007. The study concludes that an "absolute de-industrialization" has not taken place in Azerbaijan, rather the country suffers from a "relative de-industrialization" in the non-oil tradable sector. Additionally, the paper shows that the non-tradable sector has substantially expanded during the 2000-2007 period. Analysis also presents that the government expenditures have created a "spending effect", which is more crucial than the 'resource movement effect". Furthermore, it was found that rapid increases in the wages and the non-tradable prices have led to appreciation of the real exchange rate in Azerbaijan. Finally, the study reveals that foreign direct investments inflow to the oil sector is harmful for non-oil exports and therefore, it contributes to deepening of resource, or oil, dependence. Findings in this paper support the view that to obtain a diversified economy with a long-term balanced growth development of the non-oil tradable sector should be of the major focus for the policymakers. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper presents a methodology for calculating the industrial equilibrium exchange rate, which is defined as the one enabling exporters of state-of-the-art manufactured goods to be competitive abroad. The first section highlights the causes and problems of overvalued exchange rates, particularly the Dutch disease issue, which is neutralized when the exchange rate strikes the industrial equilibrium level. This level is defined by the ratio between the unit labor cost in the country under consideration and in competing countries. Finally, the evolution of this exchange rate in the Brazilian economy is estimated. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

A change in economic structure influences the total energy consumption as well as CO2 emissions of a country, given the inherent difference in levels of energy intensity and energy fuel mix of different economic sectors. Its significance has been recognized in recent literature on China’s emission mitigation which could arguably raise China’s mitigation potential and thus the possibility of keeping the 2-degree trajectory on track. This article utilizes the past trend of economic structural change of five East Asian developed economies to project the energy consumption and CO2 emissions of China in the coming decades. A special delineation of the economic sector is made, putting private consumption together with the three typical economic production sectors, to resolve the mismatch between the statistical data of energy consumption and economic production, in that residential energy consumption is typically merged into the tertiary sector, although it does not directly correspond to gross domestic product (GDP) output. Results suggest that the level of CO2 emissions would be lower if China followed a development pathway emphasizing the development of the tertiary sector and continuously shrinking her secondary sector, making it possible for China to contribute more to global carbon mitigation. The impact from the rise of private consumption would be relatively insignificant compared to deindustrialization. In addition to continuous improvement in technology, economic structural change, which reduces carbon emission intensity, would be essential for China to be able to achieve the carbon emission level pledged in the Paris Agreement. Key policy insights For China, significant economic structural reform, particularly deindustrialization, is necessary to achieve the goal of ‘peak emission by 2030’. Any additional contribution from China to the global effort to maintain a 2-degree trajectory would be limited - from a ‘fair-contribution’ perspective based on share of population or GDP - because the implied mitigation targets would be almost impossible to achieve. If developing countries follow the pathway of developed economies, particularly in developing energy-intensive industries, energy consumption and CO2 emissions would significantly increase, reducing the possibility of keeping global temperature rise within the 2-degree Celsius benchmark. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

As a result of a rapidly changing global political economy, deindustrialization, and neoliberalism, a new form of racialized urban poverty has become concentrated in the inner cities of innumerable North American urban centers. In response to these material conditions, various nonprofit organizations, corporate-sponsored initiatives, and underfunded municipal recreation departments continue to provide a range of sport-for-development programs for the 'urban outcasts' of the global economy. While sport scholars have widely critiqued these initiatives, little is known about how people experience these programs against the backdrop of actually existing neoliberalism (Brenner & Theodore, 2002) and the new conditions of urban poverty. As part of a three-year urban ethnography in Edmonton, Alberta, this paper examines how a group of less affluent and often homeless young men experienced and made use of a weekly, publicly funded floor-hockey program. In so doing, we explore how this sport-for-development program existed as a 'hub' within a network of social solidarity and as a crucial site for marginalized individuals to negotiate, and, at times, resist conditions of precarious labor in a divided Western Canadian city. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The implications of climate change for economic development strategies in developing countries are explored, in particular whether industrialization still represents a viable development strategy in the context of climate change. Synthesizing the relevant literature and drawing insights from a comparison of Chinese and Indian experiences, it is argued that industrialization still represents an effective and, to some extent, indispensable development strategy, especially for those low- and low-middle- income countries that are affected by deindustrialization. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article, based on the inaugural Andrew Isserman lecture, explores whether regional science has lived up to its founder’s aspirations to create an interdisciplinary and international field to tackle key societal problems with reasoning, evidence, and sound policy recommendations. I distinguish methods-driven research from problem-driven research and illustrate the pitfalls of the former with the emergence and use of economic base multipliers from export base theory. Then, beginning with Walter Isard’s bold vision in the first issue of the International Regional Science Review, I follow the evolution of the Review under Andrew Isserman’s three decades of editorship, exploring the difference between methods-driven and descriptive research articles and those addressed to regional problem solving. Editor Isserman actively sought out scholars and special issue editors with an interest in policy and a willingness to work across disciplines and borders. He raised funding for themed conferences that would yield exciting new articles, a practice his coeditors and successors have continued. In his own research, despite his love of methods and facility with them, Isserman often chose to work on important regional problems such as whether the Appalachian program had produced real personal income gains, how the Soviet Union should pursue regional development under perestroika, and in recent years, rural poverty and agriculture and biotechnology. From work on deindustrialization and military industrial conversion, I argue that exposure to the intricacies of real-world policy making strengthens both theory and empirical research. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The productive restructuring of the Brazilian economy, which occurred from the 1990s, together with the industrial decentralization and greater inclusion of Brazil in international trade gave rise to a controversy facing the national economy on whether or not there is a deindustrialization process in the country after 1990. In order to contribute to this debate this paper aims to examine the topic from a different perspective, which is to observe the importance of sectors from the perspective of economic indicators calculated from the national input-output matrices estimated for the years 2000 and 2007. Thus, the production, employment, added value and imports multipliers were estimated, together with the Rasmussen-Hirschman linkages indexes. The main result is that the discussion about deindustrialization and the Dutch disease can be overcome by an even more worrying debate, namely the need to resume the strategic planning the productive structure of the Brazilian economy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Abstract: While psychologists and ecologists have identified many factors that increase the odds of resilience in a person or an ecosystem, economic development officials and planning scholars do not yet have a firm grasp on how economic development planning relates to regional resilience. This study explores how two regions – Buffalo, New York and Cleveland, Ohio – have adapted and responded to deindustrialization using economic development. Interviews were conducted with past and present planning and economic development leaders and historical and current economic development plans were analyzed in order to increase our understanding of how regions respond to challenges, how economic development planning shapes these responses, and how both economic development planning and the larger response relate to adaptive resilience in distressed regions. [Copyright &y& Elsevier]

This article provides an overview of the Colombian economic history from the 18th to the 21st century, identifying booms in the export of commodities and their relationship with the structural transformation of the economy. For this, coffee growing was a determining factor since it represented the primary basis for this development; this activity not only streamlined an incipient manufacturing sector in the context of import substitution but also established the domestic market. Using secondary sources, it is concluded that after a fairly unpopular internal development model, with trade liberalization in the 1990s the new economic development model has relied on mining exports and oil & gas --which favor deindustrialization-- and focused the country's economy on the production of export commodities. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article argues that economic growth relying on commodity-based exports – combined with domestic market expansion for consumption, an overvalued exchange rate and high interest rates – constrained national development as much as it did Brazil’s status as a regional power, particularly in the 2000s. The Brazilian ‘neo-developmentalist model’ – pursuing export surplus in the balance of trade and foreign investment – was based excessively on government incentives for the export of natural resources. With regard to agrarian issues, Brazil again played an uncertain role as a regional power during the governments of both Lula (2003–2010) and Rousseff (2011–2016), despite important differences between the two administrations. On the one hand, the country encouraged the transfer of family farming policies to other Latin American countries. On the other hand, the government’s ‘national champions policies’ were also paramount in forging the expansion of agribusinesses and other multinationals across the continent. The very nature of this ambiguity rests on the contradictions between the narrative of a national development project and the reality of deindustrialization and commodity-based economic surplus. By drawing on aggregate data and secondary sources, this article explores the limits and contradictions of the Brazilian development path in becoming a more influential regional power in the 2000s. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

An accurate estimation of GDP for sub-state divisions is needed for studies on the overall size and growth of smaller economies, assessment of the industrial composition by subdivisions and the impact of economic policies, among other reasons. In this paper, I review two popular methods to infer GDP in counties, both of which rely heavily on payroll, without controlling for labor productivity differences between subdivisions. By considering labor productivity heterogeneity across counties, I propose a new methodology that appears to provide a better map of the GDP of counties. For forecasting, my approach uses payroll statistics, but to a lesser extent. The new method is tested with data from Puerto Rico, a suitable jurisdiction given its significant heterogeneity between counties. I am able to map changes in economic geography associated with changes in the state's economic structure. Like many other jurisdictions, Puerto Rico has undergone a deindustrialization process that ended up concentrating GDP in one geographical cluster. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Summary Manufacturing has traditionally played a key role in the economic development of developing countries. In recent years, it has been argued that the importance of manufacturing has diminished over the last 20–25 years, resulting in premature deindustrialization or non-industrialization in developing countries. This study explores whether the low levels of industrialization in developing countries are attributable to long-term changes in opportunities available to the sector around the globe. The study’s findings show that the manufacturing sector’s value added and employment contribution to world GDP and employment, respectively, have not changed significantly since 1970. The declining manufacturing value added and manufacturing employment share in many developing countries has not been caused by changes in the sector’s development potential but has instead resulted from a shift of manufacturing activities to a relatively small number of populous countries, thus resulting in a concentration of manufacturing activities in specific developing countries. As was the case in the last millennium, industrialization has continued to play a key role in the growth of developing countries, which have sustained rapid and long-term growth for the last 25 years. Achieving economic development by following the path of industrialization will likely remain important for low-income countries because they are able to take advantage of their backwardness relative to those countries which have already experienced rapid industrialization with a disproportionately large share of manufacturing activities, and could soon enter a mature stage of industrialization. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article focuses on the history of economic scenario and community of the Village of Brown Deer in Milwaukee, Wisconsin. It discusses the impact of deindustrialization and the Great Recession on residents of Brown Deer. It highlights their efforts and proactiveness, which include self-inflicted tax increase, creation of a School District Campus Master Plan and being racially integrated suburb, which has helped them to redeem the Village from challenges of unemployment, crime and blight faced by Milwaukee.

This article explores the relationships between land-use planning, property and economic development, with a focus on the changing attitudes towards employment land in post-industrial cities. Drawing on case study data from two London local authorities, it finds that planning authorities are moving away from protecting employment land to actively promoting the mixed-use redevelopment of employment sites, even when there are thriving businesses on these sites and a shortage of supply of employment premises and land, relative to demand. We examine the drivers for changing policy including the national and regional policy contexts, housing targets, the influence of austerity measures, rise of Neighbourhood Planning and changing conceptions of regeneration and the role of housing therein. The article highlights the complex task faced by local planners and the tensions involved in simultaneously finding sites for housing, fostering economic development and promoting mixed-use redevelopment in planning policy and decisions. We find that changes in policy are fuelling speculation for housing development on sites occupied by viable businesses, supporting rather than responding to deindustrialization. This is leading to a gap between aspirations for delivering mixed-use environments on hitherto employment sites and realities on the ground. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

Unlike conventional energy analyses, exergy analysis considers the quality of energy flows and efficiencies in their conversion. Additionally, conventional energy analyses focus on the primary and final stages of energy flows, and do not capture the last stage of energy transformations to useful end-uses. We further develop previous useful work accounting methodologies by considering the sectoral breakdown of electricity end-uses and efficiencies. Also, this paper is the first accounting for useful work covering a full agricultural-industrial-services economic transition, taking Portugal 1856–2009. Portuguese aggregate final-to-useful efficiency remains constant until 1920, slightly increases between 1920 and 1950 due to heating uses, soars between 1950 and 1980 due to electrification and industrialization, and stabilizes afterwards due to an increase in motorization and deindustrialization. Strikingly, along this period the ratio useful work/GDP varies by no more than 20% around its average and ends in 2009 at a value quite close to is 1856 value, around 1 MJ/2010€. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Much of the economic and other historiography of post-war Britain is shaped by the perceived failure of Britain to consistently match the growth rates of GDP experienced in other rich countries. These declinist narratives are commonly coupled to tendentious and ideologically driven analyses of economic, social and political developments. This article seeks to displace this declinist narrative by one focussing upon de-industrialization and its consequences. The argument is that de-industrialization, beginning in the 1950s, brought about such a range of profound changes, that it provides the best underpinning narrative for understanding late twentieth-century Britain. After suggesting why 'growth' and 'decline' are not the best terms for understanding this period, the article sets out the case for seeing the employment changes brought about by de-industrialization as crucial to many changes in economic welfare. De-industrialization not only increased wage inequalities and job insecurity, but also re-shaped the social security system and the pattern of public employment. In addition, deindustrialization has seriously compromised the aim of neo-liberalism to free the labour market from the influence of government. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper analyzes Joan Robinson's growth model, and then adapted in order to provide an exploratory taxonomy of Growth Eras. The Growth Eras or Ages were for Robinson a way to provide logical connections among output growth, capital accumulation, the degree of thriftiness, the real wage and illustrate a catalogue of growth possibilities. This modified taxonomy follows the spirit of Robinson's work, but it takes different theoretical approaches, which imply that some of her classifications do not fit perfectly the ones here suggested. Latin America has moved from a Golden Age in the 1950s and 1960s, to a Leaden Age in the 1980s, having two traverse periods, one in which the process of growth and industrialization accelerated in the late 1960s and early 1970s, which is here referred to as a Galloping Platinum Age, and one in which a process of deindustrialization, and reprimarization and maquilization of the productive structure took place, starting in the 1990s, which could be referred to as a Creeping Platinum Age. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The economic and demographic changes currently manifest in many Western cities—referred to as urban decline or urban shrinkage—are receiving increased attention in public and academic debates. Although the general processes driving these changes have been identified, such processes cannot explain why regions and cities which have been exposed to similar processes still differ in their economic and demographic developments. This Western European and US-based literature review attempts to answer the question of how this interregional and intraregional variation in levels of economic and demographic decline can be understood. It is argued that the degree to which wider societal forces (such as deindustrialization, changes in international and domestic migration and changing fertility levels) impact on a particular area depends on how these forces are filtered, first, through the institutional and, second, the spatial context that the region or city is located in. To understand the differences between the cities within one region (being part of the same institutional and spatial contexts), we need to descend to the city level and take account of the local (dis)amenities, comprising its physical, social and economic assets, and the influence of (the place characteristics of) other cities in the vicinity and the socio-political framework. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper examines the dynamics of economic change in the City of Paterson, New Jersey, from the time of its founding in the late eighteenth century to 1990, with emphasis on the post-1945 era. Analysis shows that from the time of its founding to the first half of the twentieth century, Paterson experienced a period of economic growth followed by economic decline in the 1960s, characterized by major changes in its principal industries of cotton, locomotives, and silk. Economic growth in Paterson up to the early part of the twentieth century is attributable to several locational factors, including the availability of water resources, transportation, labor supply, and markets. Its decline in the post-1945 era is attributable to a combination of local, national, and global economic factors including periods of depression, labor discord, product substitution, decentralization of economic activities, and deindustrialization. Economic decline resulted in a high rate of unemployment, poverty, and urban decay. The most significant effort to reverse urban decline in the city is the urban enterprise zone (UEZ) program. The impacts of this program on economic growth in the city, however, remain inconclusive. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]