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This study explores the role flags (mainly, the Senyera and the Estelada) have when constructing national identity in a diasporic context in relation to the Casal Català of New South Wales in Australia. Dialoguing with Michael Billig’s theorization of nationalism as “banal”, the study examines how that Casal makes use of the flags differently in both the organization’s digital platforms as well as in its most important public event, the annual celebration of the Diada. This investigation identifies a tension between the symbolic representation of Catalan independentism online and its public ritualization in person following the codes of banal nationalism; and, with the help of Victor Turner’s work on rituals and shared symbolic meanings, the investigation argues that that tension results in the practice of Catalan identity in Australia distanced from an independentist proselytism, which is nonetheless sustained in theory. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The study of usages and functions of flags remains underdeveloped, and particularly in the Iberoamerican sphere. This monograph establishes empirical and theoretical foundations to give impulse to this area of research and to move forward in the analysis of the reasons why the presence of flags in the public sphere fluctuates — very abruptly on occasion. Beyond the relation this may have with the contested concept of nationalism, the fluctuating public prominence of flags constitutes an intriguing phenomenon that raises substantive questions about social dynamics, political communication, and individual and collective behaviours in diverse cultural spheres. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article shows the process of gestation, consolidation, and transformation of document appraisal in Colombia, based on a review of archival regulations. It is organized in four stages; the first one presents the background of the process related to the government's interest in the documentary heritage as a source of national identity; the second deals with the gestation of the process and the creation of its archival instruments; the third one responds to the consolidation as a result of the modification of procedures and instruments with the General Law on Archives as a framework; and the fourth focuses on the transformation of the process as a result of the impact of ICT on the production of archival documents. This journey allows identifying the relationship between the appraisal process and the interests of society, highlighting procedural issues in its application, to recognize the growth of the discipline over time and to emphasize the importance of studying the process continuously. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The immediate task of the Mexican post-revolutionary governments in the twenties was the creation and consolidation of institutions that would build the ideological program of the new state. In this task, intellectuals played a prominent role, particularly in the debate on the definitions of culture and national identity, which fostered an atmosphere of exchange of ideas, as well as tensions between different artistic and intellectual groups. This article analyzes two specific groups: the first headed by José Vasconcelos and the second by Pedro Henríquez Ureña. Both characters shared an intellectual bond and common purposes, but different ways of fulfilling those goals: on the one hand, as a maker of institutions, directly linked to the governmental structure and government actions and on the other, as a social critic. Thus, through the comparative analysis of two publications in particular: La falange. Revista de cultura latina, as organ of the group linked to José Vasconcelos, and Vida Mexicana. Revista mensual de ideas de interés, by those who followed Pedro Henríquez Ureña, analyzes the trajectory of two ways of understanding the social role attributed to intellectuals, the points in common of these groups, as well as the differences in the projects and trajectories that followed later. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Objective/context: The decade of the 1920s witnessed a significant transformation in Peruvian political culture with the widespread recognition of the indigenous problem as a socioeconomic phenomenon, which paved the way for new political languages. This article aims to recover the role of myth in the Peruvian indigenista debate during this period. Specifically, it delves into the literary polemic of indigenismo in 1927, focusing on how intellectuals from Lima, Cusco, and Puno bestowed their arguments with legitimacy, effectively intertwining literature and history through the incorporation of mythical elements. Methodology: The study proposes an examination of the arguments put forth by indigenista intellectuals using the tools of conceptual history, drawing heavily from Hans Blumenberg's work on myth. This theoretical framework helps uncover the semantic foundations of Peruvian indigenist's language and sheds light on the historical temporalities of their political projects. Originality: This article advances a novel analysis of the intellectual field by reinterpreting primary sources related to the 1927 indigenismo polemic, reconstructing synchronic languages on national identity, and highlighting the role of myth as a significant rhetorical device. By exploring how supporters of indigenismo creatively employed myth to imagine the past and mobilize politically, this study uncovers previously overlooked conceptual shifts and their mythical underpinnings. Conclusions: The study argues that myth played a crucial role in shaping the political language of a new generation of Peruvian intellectuals. Indigenismo facilitated the emergence of novel conceptual frameworks that interrogated national identity, accelerated expectations of change, and incorporated mythical elements from indigenous experiences, including rebellions in the south and the activities of the Comité Pro-Derecho Indígena Tahuantinsuyo. Concepts such as nation and socialism were democratized and imbued with mythical significance, reflecting the diverse temporalities within the indigenista movement. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The recent identification of an Epitome del descubrimiento de la tierra de la Florida A Summary of the discovery of the land of Florida) as part of Garcilaso's promo- tional campaign for his Florida, ten years before its publication, provokes ques- tioning the multiple ways in which the need of patronage marks all his life and works. The eventual publication of La Florida in Lisbon under the protection of the House of Bragança, a surprising solution to his long patronage problems, can be read in conjunction with the 1557 Evora publication of the Relação verdadeira, as both result from analogous political environments. Both works are notorious cases of the rich trans-border Iberian culture of the time. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In the transition between the 19th and 20th centuries, Brazilian national identity and social thought were shaped considering the spatial and symbolic dichotomy of coast-sertão, with active involvement from psychiatry. However, in the realm of racialist theories studies, these aspects have not been adequately correlated by social sciences and remain generally absent in the interdisciplinary field of mental health. In this article, we explore the significance of the sertão subregion in the Northeast in Brazilian scientific research concerning the history of mental health from the late 19th century until 1940. This specific time frame was chosen considering the relevant period of the violent epistemologies prevalent during that period and the scarcity of scientific literature on this subject. Three academic repositories from two leading institutions in the field of health were analyzed, the Oswaldo Cruz Foundation and the University of São Paulo, while the method and analysis were inspired by postcolonial perspectives, collaborative and non-extractive methodologies of southern epistemologies, and critical social psychology. As a review study, a thematic matrix was developed with three categories of analysis--postcolonial studies, Northeast and sertão; racialism and mental health; epistemic justice--and ten topics, in addition to a documentary matrix. The results indicated a scarcity of scientific productions on the Northeast and its sertão subregion, which we refer to as an epistemic invisibility, configuring it as an epistemic south. The originality of the study lies precisely in the method used to analyze academic productions on the sertão, shedding light on intersectional and interdisciplinary debates in health. It brings this territory to the forefront beyond the southeastern axis (Rio de Janeiro-São Paulo, the epistemic center of the history of mental health), and thus democratizing the understanding of the construction of Brazilian identity by emphasizing the role of psychiatry and its lasting effects to generate epistemic justice. Finally, impactful and collaborative actions were recommended to promote studies in this field, updating the relevance of the sertão and highlighting the racist and regionalist foundations ingrained in the construction of knowledge. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Where, when, and how was "malinchismo" born? This has been a recurring problem since the noun and its adjective "malinchista" appeared in the country in 1938 to disqualify Mexicans who prefer the foreign over the national. Our objective in this article, supported by Burke's (2006, pp. 35-38) assumptions about the transit of words, is to follow its trajectory through 54 entries in 15 Mexican newspapers, from the 19th century and three decades of the 20th, and obtain a sampling of its semantic variations, its reception, and the ideological and political uses to which it has obeyed. As a "sequel", we refer to the stigma that has marked Malinche, the character on whom she is inspired, as a "titular" traitor of Mexico's history. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Because of the lack of reliable sources we cannot reconstruct the possible beginnings of philosophical thought in the Prehispanic cultures of the Andean area. During the Spanish colonial time the usual philosophical activity had a theoretical foundation which was composed of classical Thomism, natural law according to the Salamanca School and concepts derives from so-called Indian Law. During the Republican age the philosophical efforts have been devoted to discuss such themes like national identity, Bolivia's place in the world order and the own way towards modernity. In these controversies Alcides Arguedas (as a representative of the liberal-rationalist tendency) and Franz Tamayo (the representative of the telurist current) stood early out. This current has proved to be till today very important in Bolivia. Nowadays it is enhanced by nationalist, Marxist and indianist contributions. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

After various setbacks, the latest being the Arab uprisings of 2011, pan-Arabism has made a return starting in the second decade of the 21st century, but in the shape of neo-pan-Arabism. Thus, neo-pan-Arabism would appear to be the legitimate heir of pan-Arabism. Unlike the former, however, it does not appear to be an ideology, but rather a mere tool of Arab regimes to legitimise their control over their populations. Neo-pan-Arabism, then, seems to be a populist rhetoric, with limited action on the ground and aimed primarily at domestic audiences. The cases of Algeria and Tunisia - two countries outside the traditional pan-Arab nucleus -, presented through the actions and words of their respective leaders, illustrate how regimes are using neo-pan-Arabism for their domestic legitimation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This research analyzes the variation of identity and stereotype represented by the protagonists of these three Ecuadorian films, studying how these films propose an idea of national identity where identification, image and stereotype prevail. A tus espaldas, Ratas, Ratones Rateros y El Pescador is the object of study, so I carry out a film analysis of the scenes that I consider of vital importance to understand the different representations of identity, based on concepts of culture, representation, stereotype, cinema, identification and identity, inferring how these concepts affect the behavior and conduct of the Ecuadorian mountain and coastal mestizo. Within the objective, the theoretical understanding of identity and the interpretation of the proposal of cinema to represent national identity stands out, therefore, definitions and notes on debates on identity are addressed, accompanied by the visual analysis of the selection of scenes., which is considered that identity is at stake, building the theoretical position, and highlighting the representation of identity. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article is about the associative process that took place in Villa del Cerro in Montevideo, between 1920s and 1950s, a period of boom and crisis of the meat-packing processing industry that was installed in it, trying to make it relevant. It means, the relationships between workspaces and neighborhood, and the influence of both dimensions in the formation ofworker's identity. The reconstruction of this associative process was carried outfrom secondary sources, local press and a large set of texts based on testimonies, observing that the numerous and diverse organizations that were created in the Cerro nurtured the experiences and repertoires of their neighbors and workers, contributing meaningfully to the formation of their identity. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article focuses on the poem Seudoaraucana by Elvira Hernández (2010; 2017) based on the rewriting as an articulating resource of an off-center and amplified look at the source text, La Araucana de Ercilla y Zúñiga. As a hypothesis, it proposes that the rewriting discusses social phenomena linked to the fissures of the Chilean nation and the political processes of the current situation. As an objective, it tries to establish a dialogue with the tradition and the literary field around the epic, on the one hand, and with critical reconsiderations about the poetic imagination of history, on the other. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article examines the way in which an elite American woman, Elizabeth Cutter Morrow, developed her idea of what is Mexican when she--as the wife of the US ambassador to Mexico, Dwight W. Morrow--took a keen interest in Mexican art and crafts, and promoted them in her own country. She was a cultured woman who came to appreciate the originality and beauty of Mexican artisanal pieces, antiques, and contributions from the Mexican School of Painting. Her behavior was influenced by prevailing cultural currents, including Mexican nationalism, which reached its peak between 1920 and 1930, as well as the American countercultural wave following World War I, which viewed native cultures of Mexico and the United States as part of its heritage. She held a romantic view that blended Mexican culture with the concept of miscegenation, unifying the Indigenous and the popular. This text is based on the perspective of the actions of elite women, who took a secondary role with respect to their husbands. It also integrates the cultural-diplomacy approach to explain how Elizabeth's appreciation of Mexican art contributed to the rapprochement between both countries and the biographical approach to unravel how her life influenced her view of Mexico. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The present investigation comes closer to the thematic of the free coloured people in the historiography from the works taken place by authors santiagueros in the period of 1962 up to the 2018. Based fundamentally on bibliographical sources to analyze the contributions that have been carried out to the thematic one, this work in a general way it seeks to enlarge the studies of regional and local history and in the particular thing the thematic of the free coloured people. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The book "Romanticism and Nationalism in Spain: The Initial Debate (1805-1820)" by Guillermo Carnero compiles testimonies that explore the introduction of the Romantic movement in Spain. The texts were written by figures such as Antonio Alcalá Galiano, Juan Nicolás Böhl de Faber, Juan Bautista Cavaleri Pazos, José Joaquín de Mora, Francisca Ruiz de Larrea, José Vargas Ponce, and Cristóbal Zulueta. The objective is to show the different perspectives in the controversy over Romanticism in Spain, from defenses of the revolutionary aesthetic to criticisms against it. The book also offers an updated vision of Spanish Romanticism and delves into topics such as interest in the Middle Ages and nationalist sentiment. The article highlights the initial debate on Romanticism and nationalism in Spain between 1805 and 1820, emphasizing the influence of A.W. Schlegel in Spanish literary criticism and his support for ancient Spanish theater, especially Calderón's. It also mentions the evaluation of 17th-century literature and the influence of foreign authors such as Schiller, Goethe, Wordsworth, and Madame de Staël. The importance of this debate for understanding the emergence of Spanish Romanticism is emphasized, and Guillermo Carnero's book is recommended as essential reading for researchers interested in the topic. [Extracted from the article]

This paper analyses the concept of "global civil society" - which played a major role in the symbolic construction of the post-Cold War social reality - and reflects on its initial purpose as a critique of the conventional perceptions of statecentric politics and as a change of approach, towards non-party politics and cross-border activism. While it opened new horizons for the empirical analysis of "globalisation from below", this concept failed to prompt a radical epistemological change; it did not succeed in generating knowledge that transcended "methodological nationalism". The paper maintains that what once constituted the concept's disruptive potential - its conceptual enmeshment with the idea of globalisation, reflected in the adjective global - ultimately tamed it. Drawing on this premise, the aim is to rekindle the spirit of the notion of "global civil society" by introducing a concept that takes up and pushes forward this unachieved goal: "planetary politics". [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The participation of "Yacimientos Petrolíferos Fiscales" (YPF SA nowadays) has contributed throughout 100 years of the argentine oil industry, to the economic, productive, and social development of the 24 subnational jurisdictions and, at the same time, has been useful as an emblem of social cohesion and construction of a national identity throughout our vast Nation. Thus, YPF has performed, on the field, as the "captain" of the national team and has developed in every segment of the country's hydrocarbon and energy industry, which is why it has become the omnipresent "Aleph". [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The aim of this article is to analyze the Trump administration's anti-immigrant rhetoric and policies (2017-2021) through the lens of the concept "authoritarian neoliberalism" and their effects on remittances from the Mexican community. That administration exalted modern U.S. nationalism and that was reflected in anti-immigrant operations, especially aimed at the Mexican population. The authors underline that, despite tougher policies, the Mexican population, linked to priority activities in the transnational process, sent more and more remittances to Mexico, even during the SARS cov19 pandemic. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

One of the hallmarks of Vox, a far-right political party associated with both the Latin American new right and the European radical right, is its anti-feminist discourse. Despite the media prominence of the "anti-gender" stance taken by the elites of this party --in other words, of its opposition to gender justice and sexual diversity--, we know little about how this frame resonates among the broader right-wing electorate, where Vox gains support. To address this gap, we conducted three focus groups with voters from Vox and Partido Popular, the main right-wing parties in Spain. We analyzed how the anti-gender interpretation of reality is expressed in four discursive fractions: (1) androcentric liberalism; (2) patriarchal conservatism; (3) misogynist reactionaryism; and (4) feminist-nationalist radicalism. Despite significant differences between these discursive fractions, there was a transversal resonance of the anti-gender frame that mobilized right-wing voters against gender equality and feminism. Patriarchal conservatism was the only discursive fraction that showed ambivalence, dissociating itself from the anti-gender frame at some points. Conversely, the androcentric liberal faction was consistent in its opposition to gender justice, aligning with misogynist reactionaryism and feminist-nationalist radicalism. It is important to note that androcentric liberalism poses a threat to feminist politics as it denies the inequality between men and women through legal arguments that are legitimized within democratic discourse. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The book "Long live the homeland! Nationalism and national construction in the Ibero-American world (18th - 21st centuries)" is a compilation of essays that explore nationalism and national construction in various countries in Latin America over two centuries. The essays address topics such as the origins of the nation, the effects of war and violence, the creation of national narratives, and the artifacts and institutions involved in the processes of nationalization. Mexican, Argentine, Brazilian, and Colombian national narratives are highlighted, as well as the issues of Ibero-American independence, migration, and the links between nationalism and populism. Overall, the book offers a diverse and useful insight into national cases and nationalism in Latin America. [Extracted from the article]

The phrase with which Francis of Assisi has sometimes been called «il più santo tra gli italiani, il più italiano tra i santi» may cause surprise from outside Italy for its too exclusive affirmation of a nationality. Some suggestions that arise from the reading of some lines by Jorge Luis Borges guide a possible sense of interpretation on the subjective representation of patriotic ideals. In addition to that, based on the investigation of Felice Accrocca in order to determine the origin of the phrase, it is observed how the second part of this is found for the first time in the work of Vincenzo Gioberti (1843); with that phrase it sought to praise the qualities of the Saint that could characterize a patriotic emblem for the unification of Italy. The brief historical chronicle exposed by Accrocca is completed with the vicissitudes of the phrase slogan, in terms of its ideological and political use, including the manipulation of the figure of the Saint. However, the need to specify other elements absent in Accrocca's work leads to the examination of some texts with arguments about the identification of love of neighbor with love of homeland. It further indicates how the initial phrase became a memorable pun in a speech by Geremia Brunelli (1882). Finally, the proclamation of Francis of Assisi as Patron Saint of Italy (1939) seeks to recover the meaning of the values that the Saint exemplifies beyond patriotic exaltation and even in opposition to an exacerbation of it. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article deals with "Benzulul" a story that gives its name to the first work of the Chiapas writer Eraclio Zepeda Ramos. This and other publications of the well-known "Ciclo de Chiapas" are linked to the sociohistorical environment of the authors who participated in the cultural projects and public policies of the government of Lázaro Cárdenas del Río to serve the indigenous population, delineating the national identity and homogenizing language. To question these notions, a historical analysis of the author's context and his work is presented; subsequently, a general literary review of the regional elements of "Benzulul" (1959) is carried out while values that scholars have expressed around the work are retaken and their considerations are elaborated based on the theoretical contributions emanating from the theory of literature, history, and cultural studies. It's concluded that "Benzulul" is a work product of the context in which it arises. In it, the regional reality is articulated with the vision and voice of the author who, like others, became involved in the actions carried out by the government to serve the indigenous population with an acculturation project. It is worth saying that the objectives of these policies were modified with the intervention of artists and intellectuals, which resulted in a conception of identity-based on diversity and the resignification of indigenous and mestizo characters, no longer perceived as victims or being's exotic but as universal subjects, with vices and virtues. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article analyses the food practices of the farmer population located in the forest-steppe region of Ukraine during the artificial famine that took place between the fall of 1932 and the spring of 1933, known as the Holodomor. For the study, forty archived testimonies were analysed from a phenomenological perspective to understand the meaning survivors gave to the ingestion of plant and animal-based substitute foods. The study identified that during and after the famine, the Ukrainian farmer population ceased to consider eating as a social and political event that kept them united under a shared national consciousness, and instead became the means by which they obtained the energy necessary for physical stability. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article studies Afro-Mexicans’ Afro-baroque culture and sovereignty in the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries through an analysis of the description of two performances with Black kings found in the 1610 “Account of the Great Festival Held in Mexico City for the Dedication of La Profesa Church and the Beatification of Our Holy Father Ignatius.” The purpose of the analysis is threefold. First, to distinguish festive Black kings from the alleged Black rebel kings of colonial Mexico. Second, to expose the Afro-baroque culture that Afrodescendants developed in colonial Mexico, highlighting their cultural, social, and political agency in the formation of that culture. Finally, in light of that triple agency, a theory of Black sovereignty is put forth, where that triple agency reflects the autonomy and freedom Afro-Mexicans enjoyed in shaping their creole culture. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article "The Heresy of the Patriarch" discusses the growing influence of the Russian State and the Russian Orthodox Church in Africa, highlighting religious nationalism as a key factor. It mentions the creation of a new exarchate for Africa under the control of the Patriarch of Moscow and raises concerns about how this will affect the relationship between the Church and the State in Africa. The debate within the Orthodox Church about phyletism is discussed, and Patriarch Kirill is accused of heresy due to the invasion of Ukraine. Additionally, the religious ideology known as Russkiy Mir is described, condemned as heresy, and used to justify the Russian invasion of Ukraine. The article also mentions the relationship between the Russian Orthodox Church and nuclear weapons, and criticizes the militarized messianism of some ecclesiastical leaders. [Extracted from the article]

Reflections on the coloniality that permeates Latin American archaeologies enhance their role in the legitimization of national projects in tension with indigenous populations. These approaches prompt the adoption of an anthropological approach centered on the political uses of the past when studying the history of Latin American archaeologies. This, instead of a purely historiographical use. The history of Bolivian archaeology suggests that the National Revolution of 1952 was a point of rupture between the liberal and nationalist narratives. The purpose of this article is to discuss this postulate by considering the political uses of the past. To do so, we analyze the archaeological work of Arthur Posnansky, which covers four decades (1904-1946) of transformations in the ideologies and policies of the Bolivian State towards indigenous populations: the rise and decline of the liberal state, the indigenist-telurist proposal, and a nationalism that gave rise to the Revolution of 1952. We embark on a detailed diachronic journey through Posnansky's archaeological work, concentrating on his narratives on the origin of pre-Hispanic populations, their characterization and valuation, the mechanisms of rupture between the present and the past, and their relations with contemporary indigenous populations. This journey is further complemented by considering political contexts and intellectual influences. We posit that Posnansky developed two narratives: one adapted to the liberal moment and the other to indigenism, and that his second narrative is analogous to the one produced after 1952. This new perspective raises questions about the relationship between archaeological narratives and politics, the role of scientific racism in contemporary Bolivia, and the importance of a comparative and cross-border emphasis in constructing a critical history of Latin American archaeologies. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The audiovisual production of peoples and nationalities has gone through a long social and historical development to be located within the visual space of Ecuador and be legitimized as part of the national identity. This has meant a constant struggle of senses and powers because the image of the indigenous has traditionally been constituted from marginalization and exclusion. Little by little, the representatives of these communities have retaken important spaces for the social, political and cultural life of the country. From the seventh art, these communities clamor to also recover the right to look, be looked at and be producers of their own images, because cinema is considered an important political weapon that has emancipatory potential. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The critique of "methodological nationalism" constitutes an important advance in the attempt to elaborate a theory of world society adequate to our socio-historical reality. However, I argue that this is not enough if "theoretical nationalism", which consists in assuming that globality is formed in the interaction or interplay between regions and / or states, is not disputed at all. This assumption is in opposition to the idea of "one" world society as postulates the existence of a plurality of regional and national societies. Beyond the fact that this conception may be acceptable within the framework of the epistemological and methodological openness enabled by the "World Paradigm", we point out a set of analytical dilemmas that arise from it. My thesis is that it is necessary to overcome this regionalist worldview to advance not only in a more adequate theory of world society, but also to a better understanding of the way in which inter-regional inequalities are produced and reproduced. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article analyzes the sociodemographic diversity in the Eastern Plains of Colombia and how it has generated resistance against economic, political, and environmental powers. It is based on interviews with social leaders and shows the existence of creative, political, and cultural everyday resistances. The lack of national cohesion and the influence of regional identities on Colombian nationalism are highlighted. It also addresses the importance of making heteronomous memories and everyday resistances visible in the construction of the nation. The article mentions the importance of memory and political struggle in the Colombian context, as well as the need to identify and address problems from a strong political position. [Extracted from the article]

In this work, the intellectual production of one of the prominent political actors within Peronism in the 1970s and 1980s was analyzed: Ítalo Argentino Luder. Specifically, its development proposal and Argentine foreign policy were examined, evidencing elements typical of the irredentist national territorialist current in coexistence with an integrationist profile of the Latin American space. The hypothesis that guides this article is that Ítalo Luder, through his speeches and publications, was forging a national development project framed within the Latin American space based on the peaceful coexistence of nations that responds to his non-confrontational geopolitical conceptions. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The issue of Catalonian nationalism has historically been a highly controversial subject in Spanish politics. Although relevant and debated for decades, we can observe significant changes in its dynamics throughout the years. The Spanish Constitution of 1978 laid out the current territorial organization of Spain as a «State of Autonomies», initially supported by the Catalonian nationalism movement. However, this support has gradually decreased to a blatant opposition. More recently, the Catalonian nationalism has evolved to a completely secessionist movement. An evident example of this is the referendum held on 10-1-17, as well as the protests and controversies surrounding it. This change of paradigm was not a sudden drift, but rather a gradual transition of the societal perception of the State of Autonomies and how the Spanish territorial administration affects Catalonia. This paper explores how the Constitutional Court ruling 31/2010 influenced this societal and political change. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Is it valid to question the right/left polarity in the field of culture? The purpose of this article is to elucidate the ideological formation of a cultural project established in the mid-twentieth century within the business ranks linked to a conservative culture rooted in Catholicism. Through a cultural project like Editorial Novaro we can observe the construction of a discourse in defense of values that, from the perspective of the company, defined the national identity. Likewise, the ideological peculiarities of the founders of the publishing project express the contradictions that Mexican society experienced throughout the second half of the 20th century. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this critical note, Antonio Fernández Díez analyzes the book "La imaginación conservadora" by Gregorio Luri. Fernández Díez argues that Luri's conservative perspective is too ambitious and does not question the compatibility between politics, society, and the individual. Additionally, he points out that Luri's imaginative conservatism does not solve the problem of the incompatibility between ethics and politics. Fernández Díez criticizes the paradoxical writing of the book and questions Luri's extreme and definitive position on conservatism. He also mentions that Luri's imaginative conservatism is linked to nationalism and the exaltation of narcissism. [Extracted from the article]

This paper will present and analyze the ideological components of the doctrine of Sabino Arana, the intellectual and political father of Basque nationalism. Going directly to the sources, we will unravel the main components of his doctrine. We can see that two are the main ingredients in the construction of it: religious integrism and racism. We will verify that even the linguistic issue -the preservation of the Basque language-had to do with the preservation of ethnic purity. Such elements, closely correlated, are linked with some others. Indeed, in Arana's ideology we will also find abundant doses of xenophobia, ruralism, traditionalism, indigenism, isolationism, reactionism, anti-liberalism, anti-socialism and anti-Spanish sentiment. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this article, we propose to analyze the representations of indigenous people and the spaces attributed to them in the Mexican film Rio Escondido (1947). Directed by Emílio Fernández and photographed by Gabriel Figueroa, Rio Escondido tells the story of Rosaura, a rural teacher who responds to the presidential call to bring education to a remote indigenous village. Aiming at the development of the analysis, we will focus on the filmic work, also considering the politicalcultural context in which the source is inserted and the rich dialogue that marks the visual arts and Mexican national representations. Specifically about this dialogue, Diego Rivera's mural, Epopeya del pueblo mexicana, present in the film narrative, will also be the target of our reflections. We will base ourselves on theoretical-methodological discussions focused on the national identity of the Mexican case and on the analysis of cinematographic images. We start from the understanding that, despite the relevance attributed to indigenous peoples in the Mexican sociocultural formation and in the arts from the 1920s to the 1940s, visual representations assign them roles that place them on the margins, as supporting and passive ones. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this article, I intend to gather the key ideas and concepts on the theory of nationalism by analyzing the works of the three authors who founded the theoretical basis of the nation and nationalism as concepts: Benedict Anderson, Ernest Gellner and Eric Hobsbawn, as tools to understand the emergence of nationalism in Argentina. To analyze the origins of Argentine nationalism I will work with three texts in which Héctor Muzzopopappa studies and analyzes different Argentine nationalists of the early twentieth century: Leopoldo Lugones, Manuel Gálvez and Ricardo Rojas, and an impeccable compilation and analysis, which Muzzopopappa makes on the sanction of the Riccheri Law and the doctrine of the Nation in Arms adopted by the Argentine army. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article examines the reception and different readings that La Araucana had in Chile, in the last decades of the 19th century and first decades of the 20th century. At the same time, the modality in which these readings are part of a nationalism that differs from the liberal nationalism of the 19th Century. It outlines the characteristics of the new imaginary of the nation and the impact it had in the reception of Ercilla's work. The article follows the chilenization of La Araucana in literary historiography and in the publishing field, also in musical nationalism and in the debates of the so called scientific Araucanismo and in the idea of a supposed Chilean Race. Finally, it establishes a link with other articles by the same author that contribute to the study of the reception and resemantization of La Araucana. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Michel Tremblay's dramatic space, Quebec's "national treasure", is populated by characters who are almost always confronted with alienation and the desire to rediscover, and even to create, their own identity. The heroes of Tremblay, whatever their sexual orientation and social positions are, have the story of a passage from inaction till the act of tearing themselves away from the preestablished order. Sometimes incapable of changing their situation, sometimes happy to finally be able to answer the question "Who am I?", the characters in the Tremblayan theatre are at all times representatives of the Quebec society, which, during the Quiet Revolution, suffered profound changes in identity. Throughout the social evolution in Quebec in the 1960s and 1970s, the awareness of the identity of the society and that of the dramatic characters are two matters that coexist in parallel manner. Thus, the latter become allegories of the social structure on at least two levels: moral and cultural, in the case of the Belles-Soeurs and À toi, pour toujours, ta Marie-Lou representing several frustrations: of the heroines, overwhelmed by the powerless patriarchal culture; sexual, represented for example by Hosanna being the symbol of the social expression of homosexuality and sexual identity in general; and finally, actional, as in the case of Sainte Carmen de la Main, which constitutes a message to Québécois to take their destiny in their hands. The main objective of the article is to bring some reflections on theatrical (r)evolutions which reflected the changes of the Quiet Revolution within the entire society. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

ne consequence of Chile's socalled "estallido social" (social outburst) of October 2019 was the erosion of the hegemonic ideological canon, in other words, of neoliberalism as a paradigm of modernity. That several currents of opinion have since (re)emerged within conservative Chilean intellectual thought reflects not only this loss of ideological hegemony, but also shows an ability to react and adapt to a setting in which this belief system is under threat. This paper analyses some of these currents, taking four authors as paradigmatic examples: Axel Kaiser (liberalism), Pablo Ortúzar (corporatism), Hugo Herrera (social Christianity) and Alexis López Tapia (nationalism). Of particular interest are their readings of the nature of the outburst, the political displacements provoked, the ideological and conceptual tensions that emerged, as well as the continuities and departures in terms of social imaginaries, traditions, practices and ideas. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Current readings of La casa del dolor ajeno underscore its potential to disrupt the Mexican national historical discourse. Since the work directly dialogues with the literature of the Mexican Revolution, the present article compares Herbert's material with two works by iconic writers of the period: Tropa vieja, by Francisco L. Urquizo, which Herbert uses as one of his many sources; and "Villa ataca Ciudad Juárez," where the Chinese community is briefly presented performing a particular action: that of shooting some of the villista rebels leaving the town in defeat. Through this comparative analysis, I argue that these works present two different mechanisms of national integration: in the Revolutionary discourse, the active participation in the armed conflict; in the early twenty-first century, the vulnerability of the subject in the presence of both criminal and state violence. In addition to focusing on the disruptive potential of La casa del dolor ajeno, this reading posits that books such as Julián Herbert's rethink the terms in which Mexican national community is conceived in the present day against the imposed terms of twentieth-century officialdom. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Various biopolitical studies explore the so-called stage of modern Argentina from 1890-1916. In this period, a nation-state and provincial-state crystallized with sufficient resources in their coffers to define government policies and, this way, intervene in space and in the population. In the educational sphere, primary education laws are enacted, and attempts are made to apply them. In addition, for the first time, the same state agencies need and call for educators in their public education system and in government positions. In this framework, I am interested in studying Víctor Mercante, an educator who is part of government spaces, has positions in educational centers and in the legislative power. The studies around Mercante have different perspectives and approaches, but they all conclude in the same way: Mercante exposes his educational conception and research as a scientist. I explore his punctual intervention in 1911, the year of the tribute to Sarmiento on the centenary of his birth, where educationists feel summoned to talk about the honoree and Argentine education. My goal is to show that without a doubt Mercante writes as a scientist and is not supported by available sources. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Pacifism in Russia has historically been weak due to several factors, among which the scares development of civil servative ideology of the maiority of their citizens and the authoritarian nature of their different governments and regimes stand out. Despite the previously described facts, this region has also made surprising and valuable contributions to the cause of peace throughout history, which are worth rescuing and are depicted in this article as precedents of the present day local peace movement. Later on, this paper introduces and describes the current struggle of peace groups both in Russia and Ukraine, emphasizing how activism against the War in Ukraine is particularly complicated in the repressive context of nationalism and war-mongering exaltation in these countries, as well as in an international scenario of crisis of pacifism and boom of narratives that promote the rearmament of the West for fear of the military and economic development of Russia and China. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This essay offers a few meditations on what the language and the homeland represent for the philosophy. These thoughts are motivated by the publication, in the present issue of Estudios, of the Essays from Catalan by Eduardo Nicol, philosopher who was forced to produce his works not only from exile from his homeland, but in a, to a certain extent, foreign language. The aim, nonetheless, is not to propose the corresponding questions from a particular nationalist point of view, but from a universal metaphysical one, activity to which Nicol devoted himself throughout his entire work. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Jorge Cuesta's essay work, initially dedicated to art and literature, later encompassed politics and were inserted in the debates about the construction of the idea of nation in the postrevolutionary years. Its reading is, at the same time, a critical testimony of the interest and concerns of the generations that tried to establish the development of contemporary Mexico, but also a reflective source that, from a distance, allows both a historical balance to be made on the ethical and political debates of the author and the validity of his work. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article presents a series of gramscian theoretical receptions that, in Argentina, were used to interpret popular nationalisms since the overthrow the Peronism in 1955. Taking as a starting point the first debates in the late fifties and early sixties, which are reflected throughout the successive decades in intellectual projects such as the magazine Pasado y Presente or the Cátedras Nacionales, we then address revisions made in Mexican exile and in the return of democracy. We also presents intersections of gramscian concepts with other theoretical perspectives such as discursive analysis, as can be seen in the work of Ernesto Laclau. In the end, we take stock of this conceptual translatability in this attempt to analyze the national-popular in a local key. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article analyzes the intellectual roots of the narratives built by vox. The focus is on ideological continuities and ruptures that are noticeable in vox's political imaginary concerning its ideological precedents in the 19th and 20th centuries. In this sense, we identify two essential genealogies that are part of the arc of populist nationalism: anti-liberal traditionalism, conservative liberalism and national-catholicism. Our aim is to explore the extent to which vox's right-wing radicalism is rooted in the imagery of the political cultures of Spanish traditionalism and the extent to which it is a synchronous response to the specific challenges that the Spanish democracy has faced in the last decade. Our hypothesis is that Vox's discourse is the result of multiple hybridizations, and that it constitutes an adaptation --much like a palimpsest-- to the liberal democratic canon. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In the present work, the names of some of the main streets of Guadalajara, capital of the state of Jalisco and a representative city of Mexican culture, were analyzed. The analysis followed the premise that certain behaviors developed by elites-which have determined the selection of historical characters or situations assigned to said roads based on their leadership position-can be traced in road nomenclature. The names of the streets have been chosen from a system of ideas with hegemonic pretensions through which these elites have tried to legitimize and strengthen their privileges within society. This is a study that reveals the face of power and social class in an apparently bland sphere of public space. The name of streets traveled daily, in an unexpected way, contain an ideological background that can influence our vision of the environment in which we live. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Henry David Thoreau is one of the most influential writers in the North American tradition. His passages about nature have inspired generations of environmentalists and literature lovers, while his political thought has been branded as anarchist and claimed by different social movements. This article looks at Thoreau's political philosophy in order the reconstruct the components of his patriotic thinking. A parallelism can be drawn between the theoretical construction of nationalism in the United States and among the Romantics of continental Europe, while divergences between the two processes cannot be overlooked. An explicit examination of Thoreau's patriotism can open new lines of research, such as the relationship between ecosystem and human communities, and their operationalization in the collective imaginary. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article aims to analyze the different ways of articulating nationalist demands in populist terms in the context of the 2021 Catalan elections. To this end, a content analysis has been carried out on the messages posted on Twitter by both the main Catalan nationalist parties and Vox, during the electoral campaign of the Catalan elections. Results show that Vox's nationalism is not limited to the center-periphery conflict within the Spanish state: Vox claims to defend the unity of the Spanish nation against peripheral nationalism as its main concern; but it also defends the identity and security of the Spanish people against «the migratory invasion» and «the Islamization» of the country; as well as Spaniards' autonomy and sovereignty against certain globalizing tendencies. On the other hand, Catalan nationalist parties exclusively contextualize nationalism around the center-periphery conflict. Nationalist demands of both types of actors are articulated in populist terms when the interests of the nation-people are pitted against certain elites and institutions considered to be privileged, corrupt and antidemocratic. In this sense, the analysis shows that populism is subordinated to nationalism as the ideological core of these formations. We argue that attacking the «national other» by denouncing the corrupt practices and abuses of power carried out by its elites and institutions, as well as the violent behavior and extremist attitudes of some of its members («fascists», «separatist street terrorists», etc.), can facilitate the democratic legitimization of nationalist discourses compared to other discursive strategies that explicitly discriminate and exclude groups with a different national identity. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]