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International negotiations and domestic institutions are mutually linked in regime formulation processes. The patterns of domestic institutions may bring on different directions in constructing global regimes. Regarding the climate change regime, Kyoto Protocol set developed country Parties’ commitments to reduce greenhouse gas emissions during the period 2008-2012. However, no international agreement after the period has been developed. International discussions on post-Kyoto frameworks are awaited. The role of domestic institutions in the processes of generating elements of future regime should not be neglected. This paper examines how domestic institutions draw elements for international negotiations by choosing a case from Japan’s policy formulation process towards the post-Kyoto framework. I will introduce proceedings and contents of discussions in the global environment sub-committee of industrial structure council during October 2002 to July 2003, and responses to them by governments and other stakeholders. Through this, this paper attempts to clarify the role of domestic institutions in regime formulation processes. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

It is widely believed that multinational corporations (MNCs) control the international political economy. This is not surprising given that various MNCs have annual sales exceeding the GDP of many countries and that MNCs spend billions of dollars shaping cultural preferences and political outcomes across the globe. Has economic power truly enabled multinationals to achieve political hegemony? On the one hand, realists argue that states remain preeminent in the international system. On the other hand, globalists assert that multinationals have become all powerful. In this paper, which represents part of a larger research project examining the power balance between corporations and states, I address this question in two ways. First, I present an analytical framework highlighting factors that shape the state versus multinational balance. Second, I present a case study that looks at the power of states versus MNCs during the HIV/AIDS crisis (when large pharmaceuticals confronted developing countries). My paper refutes the globalist argument by showing that the developed countries triumphed even though tangible factors would have led one to expect otherwise. Nevertheless, my study does not fully support the realists because it also demonstrates the importance of international norms, framing discourses, and transnational civil society. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In spite of the increasing wealth of individual countries over time, we witness an ever increasing gap between rich and poor countries across space. The question that naturally emerges is what has brought rapid economic growth in the well-developed countries while the less developed countries have been left far behind. In this paper, I examine the divergent patterns of economic development across countries, using the standard spatial analysis methods. Besides, I test the impact of economic freedom, trade, geographic distance and institutional quality on economic development, using the standard statistical methods. The findings of the spatial analysis demonstrate that neighboring countries have the same characteristics in terms of economic development. To put it simply, economically developed countries are located in one part of the globe while underdeveloped countries are clustered in another part of the globe. The preliminary statistical results are strongly in favor of institutions, supporting the arguments of the mainstream literature on the effect of institutions on economic performance. The trade variable is statistically insignificant. Economic freedom and geographic distance shape economic development to some degree although the effect of economic freedom decreases dramatically when one introduces the institutional quality variable into the equation. Thus, the findings of the paper are at loggerheads with preferred development policies such as economic freedom and free trade that international donors have been recommending for developing nations, while the root problem remains weak institutions that allow corruption to flourish, impeding economic growth. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper explores the role of state capacity in environmental treaty implementation, by examining National Adaptation Programme of Action (NAPA) development in five Pacific Island Least Developed Countries (LDCs). The central argument is that variation in the success of NAPA development is dependent on the civil service's ability to coordinate and carry out domestic assessments and on the government's ability to approve the plan, and that this capacity reflects state stability. Consequently, state stability - in terms of maintaining confidence in governments, securing peaceful transitions between governing parties, and in having the ability to enforce the rule of law and carry out the tasks of public goods provision effectively - becomes a condition for implementation success of the United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change in these Pacific Islands.Funding for NAPA development is available from the international community, but accessing these funds involves burdensome and conflictual bureaucratic processes; the creation of the action plans also calls for high levels of public participation and consultation. These tasks require dedicated resources and personnel, including consistency in staff, adequate time allocated to policy development, and assistance from funding agency officers - all of which require an "enabling environment" within the state. Differential policy development success across the five LDC cases supports the hypothesis that, given the difficulty of the bureaucratic processes, political upheaval can compromise the government's ability to maintain effective administrative capacity and thus undermines its capacity to implement international agreements.The conclusions suggest that a focus on additional financing through international funds may not be the most effective mechanism for supporting the creation of adaptation policies; instead, the paper speculates that international agencies should focus on streamlining their bureaucratic demands, and should provide additional support for training programmes to strengthen local capacity and governance. The paper contributes to our understanding of the limitations of global treaties for many environmental concerns, and stresses the role of local institutions in addressing sustainability, adaptation, and vulnerability. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper develops a theory to explain the conditions under which advanced, industrialized states will be more or less likely to comply with their international legal commitments. The central proposition is that where an international treaty embodies a norm that will proscribe existing behavior, compliance will follow when the proscribed behavior is framed in such a way that the state must address it and cannot publicly justify non-compliance. This happens when the norm resonates -- meets a high level of public sensitivity -- in the domestic political context.Four explanatory variables at the domestic level of analysis explain when states will comply with their obligations under certain types of international law:(1)Legitimacy of domestic advocates for compliance(2)Access of domestic advocates to important policy-makers(3)Framing of the international norm within the domestic policy context(4)Resonance of the international norm within the domestic political context“Norm resonance” introduces a new concept to the compliance literature and the literature on the domestic impacts of international norms. It suggests a range of normative factors involved in the operation of international norms on compliance, including the domestic political risks of transgressing against the norm, the ease or difficulty of justifying non-compliance, and the effect of resonance on the impact of international sources of pressure. Drawing on qualitative, comparative research in the international regime of anti-corruption, this paper develops the concept of norm resonance in the context of compliance and suggests applications for further research. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

There is a pervasive trend towards a denationalization of authority in advanced industrial societies. Government is no longer the exclusive business of the state but involves an increasing range of international institutions and private agents. It is often assumed in academic and political discourse that the internationalization and privatization of government weakens the state and may lead to its eventual demise. This assumption is wrong. As we show in our paper, the denationalization of authority does not make the state redundant but remains fundamentally dependent on it. However, the role and missions of the state change. Slowly, incrementally, and not without reverses, the state transforms from sovereign monopolist of political authority to key integrator of partly privatized and internationalized authority relations. The state no longer has an exclusive claim to authority but initiates, coordinates and synthesizes the authority of a diverse set of international and private actors. The paper is structured into four main parts. The first part defines key concepts and presents a stylized account of the emergence of the state as a monopolist of political authority in the Western World between 15 and mid-20 century. The second part reconstructs the denationalization of authority since mid-20 century, and analyses how it involves international institutions and private agents in government functions. The third part scrutinizes the new role of the state as integrator of denationalized authority. The final part explains why the denationalization of authority does not necessarily lead to policy convergence among states. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Despite the theoretical appeal of a liberalised investment and trading regime, there has arisen in recent years a groundswell of opposition - much of it emanating from NGOs in both the developing and developed world. The abandonment of the MAI in 1998 unique phenomenon: for the first time, NGOs had blocked a proposal that had been backed up by the world's richest countries and the largest corporations. In 1999, NGOs were instrumental in halting WTO negotiations in Seattle. It became clear that NGOs were beginning to have a significant impact on the international competitive environment, and indeed on the process of 'globalisation' itself which, in turn, was inevitably going to affect the global strategies of TNCs. The working hypothesis of this paper is that globalisation has, to date, negatively impacted on many developing countries' (especially the poorest) ability to drive forward the development process and deal effectively with their internal poverty problems. In essence, the increasing interdependence in the world economy has exacerbated the challenges of development and poverty alleviation. This paper aims to explore the processes involved in this from the standpoint of NGOs active in East Asia, in particular, the Philippines - where there has been significant recent TNC investment and NGO activity [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The paper discusses the Global Environment Facility (GEF) and its achievements and challenges in China, the country obtaining most GEF support. This paper relies on Chinese perceptions, and less on views from the implementing agencies (IAs), the World Bank, UNDP and UNEP. Most attention is given to climate change and biodiversity. The paper asks what has been achieved; how effective has the GEF been? The study concludes that GEF funding has been important for China's environmental problems. GEF and its IAs have contributed to raised awareness and technology development and have boosted institutional capacity through participation in project activities and training. Main emphasis has been placed on climate change projects and less on biodiversity. Much has been achieved by the GEF in China, but challenges exist. At the international level, interests and roles of the GEF system, its IAs and recipient countries are not always compatible. GEF projects may suffer as a consequence. Another challenge relates to the seeming difference in effectiveness between World Bank projects and projects of the other IAs. Domestic challenges concern turf battles, problems related to information sharing, and different priorities among actors. The various government institutions' reluctance to co-operate impacts significantly on the performance of GEF projects in China. The IAs should insist on smoother collaboration, and force the institutions to work together. Moreover, severe problems are apparent regarding financing as well as application procedures. Improvements are under way regarding the GEF application procedures. This will have a limited impact unless the Chinese side simplifies and improves procedures. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper is concerned with the international thought of Herbert Spencer, arguably the most influential liberal thinker in late nineteenth-century Britain. Although Spencer stressed 'the great truth' that 'a society's internal and external policies are so bound together, that there cannot be an essential improvement of the one without an essential improvement of the other', remarkably little analysis of his international ideas exist. This paper analyses Spencer's international thought in the context of his wider philosophy situating both in their wider intellectual context. The paper pays particular attention to Spencer's distinction between militant and industrial societies that quickly became second nature to many progressives and which formed the backbone of his internationalism. Finally, the paper faces the vexed question of Spencer's intellectual influence. It is argued that Spencer's legacy is considerable. The paper briefly illustrates this argument by looking at the debt that figures like Hobson, Hobhouse and Angell owed to Spencer. Although the plasticity and malleability of Spencer's thinking as well as his idiosyncratic political views prevented him from finding a secure intellectual resting place after his death, his ideas formed part of the British internationalist tradition and were central in much subsequent British debate about imperialism, war, and the possibilities of peace. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper considers Japan?s development aid in the context of the development discourse. Questioning the dichotomy between the ?West? and the ?Third World? from Japan?s ?in-between? perspective, it argues that Japanese aid policy is not a ?third space? (Homi Bhabha) but rather a ?derivative discourse? (Partha Chatterjee) that reinforces the hierarchical discourse. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The IMF has used Structural Adjustment Loans (SALs) to encourage economic development in Less Developed Countries by alleviating short term financial difficulties and imposing loan conditions mandating economic restructuring in recipient countries. In general, SALs require governments to balance their books, reduce expenditures for social programs, promote export-orientated growth, and de-regulate and privatize state-held entities. There is much speculation in the popular press and in the academic literature on human rights that the imposition of SALs induces recipient governments to reduce their level of respect for internationally recognized human rights (Bello 1994; Commonwealth Secretariat 1989; Danaher 1994; and Sadasivam 1997). While there has been much previous research on this topic, most of it has been based on the observation of only one or a few cases, usually over a short time period (Bello 1994; Commonwealth Secretariat 1989; Chipeta 1993; Danaher 1994; Dennis 1992; Handa and King 1997; Kane 1993; Sadasivam 1997; Sowa 1993 and Vuorela 1991). Only a few scientific studies attempt to assess the effects of SALs from a cross-national time series perspective (Poe and Camp Keith, 2001; Buchmann 1996; Çagatay and Özler 1995; Dorosh 1996; Due and Gladwin 1991; and Sahn 1996) and only one of the previous scientific studies addresses the cross-national effects of SALs on government respect for specific civil and political rights (Poe and Camp Keith, 2001). Recent work (Przeworski and Vreeland 2000; Vreeland 2002) has examined the impacts of IMF adjustment controlling for issues of selection. Their findings indicate a selection process, which connects the factors that determine both the receipt and impact of adjustment lending. The negative impact on economic growth and income distribution, generate questions about the impact of adjustment on other issues including the respect for human rights. This paper investigates the impacts of IMF structural adjustment lending on respect for human rights and will employ a data set that includes annual observations of specific human rights practices for all countries from 1981 to 2001. Thus, we will be able to draw conclusions about how SALs affect particular human rights practices. We also will estimate the direct and indirect effects of SALs on the human rights practices of recipients and determine whether the relationship we discover between receipt of a SAL and subsequent human rights practices might be due to selection effects rather than the effects of the loans themselves (Abouharb and Cingranelli 2002; 2003; Przeworski and Vreeland 2000; Vreeland 2002). [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Unlike many other industrialized countries where old-comers take the lead in supporting the newly arrived foreigners, old-comers in Japan do not support newly arrived and illegal foreigners. Why ethnic associations established by old-comers, particularly from Korea, China, the Philippines, and Thailand, do not support their illegal compatriots? The paper argues that Korean and Chinese ethnic associations hold strong ideological views and have preoccupied themselves with political activities in their home countries, despite the fact that these Korean and Chinese have little, if any, experience with their home lands. For them, home is more imagined than experienced. In the cases of legal Filipinos and Thais, their legal residential status creates a social distance between them and their illegal compatriots. Legal Asians prefer to maintain their privileged status by not assisting their illegal compatriots. Instead, members of these co-ethnic associations aim to improve the living conditions for only legal foreigners, or basically, themselves. And like the Koreans and Chinese, members of these co-ethnic associations are preoccupied with their own country’s politics. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In recent years, free trade agreements concluded between developing and developed countries have proliferated rapidly. By including rules for investment and services, these recent FTAs comprise much more than tariff elimination. Why the sudden proliferation of these agreements, when most-favoured-nation tariffs are at a historically low level? This paper identifies the interests behind these agreements, arguing that they are a reaction to the liberalization taking place in advanced developing countries, conditioned by specific institutional features of the global trade regime. Motivated by an accelerating competition over markets and access to foreign direct investment, countries conclude more and more bilateral agreements out of fear of being left behind. The central finding is greatly increased role of interests around foreign direct investment, a factor that has been overlooked in previous analyses. The study is based on comparative case studies of FTAs concluded by Japan, the US, and the EU. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper examines two different counter-terrorist styles: the hegemonic, often unilateral approach practiced by the West and the multilateral consultative approach of the East. America and its Western allies such as Australia have often voiced impatience with the gradualist, consultative modus operandi of Southeast Asian states in dealing with terrorism. Australia even warned after the 12 October 2002 Bali attacks that it would consider mounting pre-emptive military action to rout terrorist networks taking refuge in neighbouring countries whose counter-terrorist action was perceived as lackadaisical. This created a firestorm of protest from Canberra’s Southeast Asian neighbours. It is clearly unacceptable to allow complacency or the downside of the East’s way of approaching terrorist threats to be the norm. Conversely, a unilateral approach threatens to undermine jealously-guarded sovereignty and compound international relations in a time when multilateral collaboration is required. To strike the right balance between respecting sovereignty and instituting effective action requires a new model combining not the worst but the best of both East and West. In fact such a hybrid model may already exist in the Asia-Pacific, employed by both ASEAN and Pacific Island Nations to combat transnational crime. However, applying this model is not straightforward as some regional states barely tolerate one another and trust can be described as very poor. Nevertheless, there are some excellent best practices already found within overall Asia-Pacific strategies to combat transnational criminal activity such as people smuggling and illicit drugs, that might be similarly employed against terrorism. What is important is that whilst these Asia-Pacific transnational crime strategies fit with international conventions and treaties they are uniquely tailored to the region. The regional fora that facilitate action to combat transnational crime can be described as loose coalitions but with a ‘whole of nation’ approach where developing nations work closely with developed nations that are not members of existing regional associations. In fact the developed nations, like the US, work outside the box as dialogue partners and in some cases provide the necessary impetus for effective action. Strategies to combat terrorism in the Asia Pacific need to emulate the transnational crime approach where the power and authority exerted by the West is distilled into a formula for the East that is easily converted into a shared vision for agreed outcomes. A successful formula that injects hegemonic drive and resources to energize a loose counter-terrorist multilateralism built on bilateral and informal networks might be effective in the Asia-Pacific. One critical aspect of this top-down but mediated and multilateral counter-terrorist approach involves capacity-building: the US can help improve traditional governance arrangements in the East to more effectively cope with the threat of transnational terrorism. For example, is the ASEAN Secretariat or ASEANAPOL sufficiently resourced and does it possess the required policy base to be effective? A frustration of the West is perceived inaction by the East when in some cases developing nations do not have the capacity to participate in a multinational initiative. The question seems to be balancing the expectations of the West against the capacity of the East to deliver on global counter-terrorist conventions and treaties whilst combating a common menace. A hegemonically-energized but nuanced and multilateral counter-terrorist strategy might be what is needed to combat transnational terrorism in the Asia Pacific and even globally. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The G-8 countries have discussed a number of issues related to the governance of cyberspace during the past decade. These issues include the regulation and taxation of e-commerce, the protection of individual privacy, encryption, and the promotion of broadband infrastructure. While some of these discussions were initiated by the U.S. government, they moved over time in a direction not anticipated by any of the G-8 governments. This paper tracks the evolution of those discussions and attempts to explain G-8 policies in this area. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

What factors explain cross-national differences in multinational corporations' (MNC) environmental responsibility efforts? The logic of economic globalization suggests that multinational corporations - often portrayed as the nexus of global homogenization - operating in countries of comparable economic development and socio-cultural values orientation would pursue similar corporate environmental responsibility (CER) activities and reporting strategies. In reality, however, MNC efforts to reduce their ecological footprint exhibit remarkable qualitative and quantitative cross-national differences. Previous studies failed to uncover a substantial causal relationship between corporate environmental performance and corporate financial performance. This observation suggests the development of an alternative explanatory framework for differences in MNCs' CER efforts. Rooted in the varieties of capitalism literature, this paper argues that cross-national institutional differences are a central and hitherto neglected factor in explaining the relationship between popular demands for environmental sustainability and corporate responses to these demands. This argument is tested by comparing quality and quantity of CER information reported by the ten largest global car manufacturers on their national websites in ten OECD countries. The results indicate that firms disclose more and better information on their corporate environmental responsibility activities in more liberal market economies than in more coordinated market economies. These findings challenge popular perceptions of a universal, homogenous trend towards a universal corporate culture and support the argument that corporate strategies continue to be dependent on national institutional contexts. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper analyses fragmentation in the dialogue on the future of international climate regime by focussing on the US-inspired Asia-Pacific Partnership on Clean Development and Climate (APP). The APP is an international climate agreement formed outside the UN in 2005 that involves China, India, South Korea, Japan, Canada, Australia and the US. The APP is directed at using industry specific public-private task forces to remedy informational and coordination failures in markets for cleaner technologies and management practices. The APP fails to regulate to place a price on carbon emissions or provide binding national targets for reduction of greenhouse gas emissions. Significantly, the APP model offers a subtle retreat from the burden sharing principle of common but differentiated responsibilities (CBDR) agreed between the developed and developing world in the UNFCCC. It favours a strengthened market liberal approach to international climate policy that recasts the relationship between developed and developing nations in responding to climate change in largely trade-based terms. The George W. Bush administration has heavily promoted the APP as a model for the future of the international climate regime. Key elements of the APP model were included in the APEC Sydney Declaration in 2007 and advocated by the US in the Major Economies Process during 2008. The strengthened market liberalism of the APP model signals a possible path for discussions on the post-2012 climate regime. However, a future climate regime based heavily on the APP model is unlikely to provide an effective global climate change response. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Since the past few years, the concept of Fragile States tends to challenge other concepts (e.g. failed- or ghost States) in the international discourse on State failure in post-conflict developing countries. Its main characteristic is to call for a proactive response, in order to prevent the situation of failure, thus justifying international intervention, in the form of a series of measures forming what has come to be known as State-Building. This paper argues that a deeper analysis of this concept underlines various contradictions undermining its coherence, usefulness, and chances of success. These contradictions can be summed up in three different categories : 1) executive branch of State vs. other branches and civil society ; 2) central State vs. local authorities ; 3) State ownership vs. international pressure.Such contradictions are caused by two main factors : first, State-Building is a consensual concept gathering various understandings from a whole range of bilateral and multilateral actors defending their own vision and interest. Second, State-Building is an instrumental concept, used by traditional Western donor countries to justify their proactive intervention worldwide in spite of a growing discourse on local ownership and a lack of acknowledgement of the political dimensions of development assistance. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Donor countries frequently act as lead donors for individual developing countries, yet we know very little what explains persistent patterns of lead donorship. In this paper, I develop a theory of donor collusion that explains lead donorship as attempts to carve up spheres of influence and reduce competition among donors. As competing explanation, if donors value public goods, lead donorship arises from cost and taste asymmetries among donors. I derive and test observable implications of both theories against data on 92 developing countries and 22 donors for the years 1974 to 2006. I find strong evidence of punishment behavior consistent with collusion. Donors react to defections by giving more aid to countries where they are not the lead donor, thus increasing the risk of lead donorship turnover. There is also some evidence for the relevance of donor preferences, in particular a greater taste for public goods after the end of the Cold War, and the presence of oil in recipient countries. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

According to the export-led growth hypothesis, export expansion is one of the main determinants of growth and economic development. This paper seeks to explain variation of labor-intensive exports across less developed nations in order to clarify the effe ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The growing privatization of security and violence and its differing effects on men and women is an under-researched area of security sector reform. This paper will examine what international or regional instruments and laws mandate the integration of gender and human rights issues into the privatization of security. It will further provide the context of gender concerns in post-conflict situations, in developing and developed countries. We argue that mainstreaming gender concerns through targeted initiatives will increase operational effectiveness of private security companies and mitigate the negative impacts of these companies in the absence of regulation. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Recent years have seen renewed attention for the global divide between rich and poor countries, and the role of aid in eliminating this gap. Policy makers calling for a “modern Marshall Plan” underscored the enduring appeal of the program that aided in Europe’s post World War II recovery as analogous to aid for development. Often, the Marshall Plan analogy imbues foreign aid with the optimistic confidence that we can soon create a “world without want”. This paper will focus on how the Marshall Plan analogy has helped to construct a particular conception of the role of aid, especially monetary aid, in development. What does the enduring popularity of the Marshall Plan analogy communicate about our conceptions of the role of aid in development? How do these conceptions structure our relationships with the developing world? What other precedents might have shaped our thinking about aid and development? And how might those have led to a different relationship between rich and poor countries? ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In the 1990s until the early 2000s, developing countries enthusiastically concluded iInternational investment agreements (IIAs), particularly bilateral investment treaties, with each other and developed countries in the hope of encouraging foreign direct investment (FDI) inflows. This enthusiasm waned after it became evident that the recourse to binding international arbitration by firms left governments liable for their public policy decisions. Furthermore, numerous studies failed to definitively prove a relationship between signing IIAs and FDI inflows. An important, and broadly recognized weakeness of these studies, was the inability to distinguish between the levels of protection found in different agreements. This paper seeks to contribute to this debate on the effects of IIAs by differentiating between the textual content of investment agreements according to their quality (high or low protection for foreign investors) and integrating this independent variable into a gravity model. This methodology should improve our ability to make scientific inferences regarding the effect of investment agreement on FDI flows. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Developing effective international governance institutions is important and challenging. While attention has mostly focused on inter-governmental institutions as instruments of global governance, non-governmental institutions play an important role in providing valuable governance services. This paper examines the efficacy ISO 9000, one of the most prominent non-governmental global institutions. ISO 9000 is a certification program that encourages firms to systematically and verifiably improve their quality control management practices. ISO 9000 seeks to provide a credible signal that producers have indeed adopted quality control practices, thereby reducing transaction costs stemming from information deficits regarding the quality of goods. While more than 776,608 facilities across 161 counties have joined this voluntary regulation since its launch in the late 1980s, it remains unclear whether ISO 9000 has increased international trade. Using country dyads as our unit of analysis, we examine the relationship between ISO 9000 adoption and bilateral trade. Our key hypothesis is that ISO 9000 adoption is associated with increases in bilateral trade when the potential seller is able to signal the quality of its products (proxied by ISO adoption levels in the exporting country) and the potential buyer has the ability to understand this signal (proxied by ISO 9000 adoption levels in the importing country). We find that ISO 9000 is associated with increases in bilateral trade only when both the countries in the dyad have adopted ISO 9000. This relationship holds for developing country - developing country dydas and developing country - developed country dyads but not for developed country-developed country dyads. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article presents a paper on interstate, intrastate, extrastate and non-state wars from 1816 to 2004 prepared for the annual meeting of the International Studies Association in Honolulu, Hawaii in March 2005. It aims to incorporate all the wars that have occurred globally. It notes that wars involving interstate members can be studied to see if superior capability deters aggression or whether arms races lead to war. It mentions that there are encouraging indicators of an unprecedented cessation of interstate war among the richest nations.

The 1990s financial crises have triggered changes to the international financial system, the so-called international financial architecture. While much affected, developing countries have had very little influence on the changes, which the formulation of the new Basle capital accord (Basle II, B-II) illustrates. We show that B-II has largely been formulated to advance the interests of powerful market players, at the expense of those of developing economies. For these countries, B-II can raise the costs of and reduce the access to external financing. Importantly, B-II can exacerbate fluctuations in the availability of external financing, an unfortunate outcome, given that developing countries already suffer from volatile capital flows. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Presents a study on political risk in transitional and less developed countries from 1992 to 2001. Definition of the concept of political risk; Background on the use of history analysis to estimate the probability of political risk; Factors that led to a higher political risk.

Recognising the declining weight of its members in the world economy, the OECD, formerly known as a 'club of rich, industrialised nations', is undergoing unprecedented organizational reform, including a more inclusive membership logic, engagement with new global players, and outreach to developing countries, all with a view to guaranteeing its continued relevance as a central actor in the task of global policy provision. Using the concepts of global public goods, clubs and models of multilateralism, this article critically evaluates the successes and limits of the OECD's reform, arguing it is adopting a cautious approach to expansion - globalization ' à la carte'. Meaningful reform towards greater inclusion is apparent in the way research on non-members has been mainstreamed, and in its increased work with both emerging powers and developing countries. Limits to reform are found in institutional rigidities including its over-representation of Europe and under-representation of Asia and other continents, reflected through staff profiles and membership. These biases may in turn reduce its attractiveness as a global forum to new players, particularly, China. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

With a working group of close to 400 developed and developing country experts participating from a wide range of stakeholder categories, the International Organization for Standardization (ISO) has embarked on development of a guidance standard on social ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

There is a pervasive trend towards a denationalization of authority in advanced industrial societies. Government is no longer the exclusive business of the state but involves an increasing range of international institutions and private agents. It is ofte ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The recent and well-documented rise in inequality within most industrialized democracies challenges our received, post-Kuznets view about how inequality changes over time and what changes it. Other recent research calls equally into question well-establi ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The concept of empire has received renewed attention within academic discourse. Through the ‘West’s’ control over international organizations and the power inequities that exist between developed and developing states, Western countries have exercised imp ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The author looks at post-World War II development theory and practice to delineate a set of myths that appear â€" and reappear in different guises â€" in the dominating post-World War II paradigms of how richer nations can help catalyze “development” in poore ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The U.S. is the only major industrialized nation without an effective domestic intelligence system. Efforts to create such a system after the 9/11 terrorist attack have failed, largely because of constitutional retrictions, public fears of governnment in ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Increased South-North migration is resulting in ever-more significant levels of ‘brain drain’. While large countries such as China and India are arguably able to withstand, and even benefit from, migration, many less developed countries have suffered grea ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

How have changing global patterns of human cooperation and conflict affected utilization of marine resources? While a plethora of studies have demonstrated impacts of World War II on the industrial fish catch of developed nations, there have been no syste ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article assesses the role of developed and developing countries in responding to the impact of climate change. It addresses the issues of global environmental politics within the framework of international relations based on the review of major publication outlets for climate politics research. The origin of the politics of climate change, the political response to climate change and the role of the international community in minimizing its impact are also addressed.

Developing country coalitions have emerged as a critical element of the consensus-building process in the WTO. Although collective action is not new, what is striking about today's country groupings is their unprecedented proliferation and institutionalisation since the establishment of the WTO in 1995 and the launch of the Doha Round in 2001. Coalition building has now become an integral part of the governance of the multilateral trading system. Member states and the WTO Secretariat have increasingly moved to include coalitions in decision-making processes, recognising their function as platforms for the representation of 'country constituencies'. This article examines the relationship between informal group processes and the shifting institutional dynamics of the WTO. First, I argue that the pooling of bargaining resources has improved the technical and lobbying capacity of developing countries in negotiations. Second, whereas previously only a handful of developing countries were included in the agenda-setting activities of the GATT, coalition strategies of communication and information dissemination have modified the internal transparency of inner-circle negotiations, in particular those in the 'green room'. Third, while the proliferation of coalition building has narrowed the participation gap in the informal processes of the WTO, it has also brought with it a new set of accountability issues concerning mechanisms of delegation and joint-representation. Finally, I highlight the implications these changing patterns of member state relations have on our understanding of governance, legitimacy and accountability in international organizations. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Developed countries give a substantial amount of foreign assistance to developing countries but there is significant variance in the types of aid that donors give. In particular, donor countries place varying emphasis on aid to certain sectors (i.e. infrastructure, health, education) and donors differ in the degree to which they "tie" aid by requiring recipient countries to use aid funds to purchase goods and services from the donor's firms. These variations in the composition of aid have redistributive effects within the donor economy which create domestic winners and losers from aid policy. Using a theory derived from the Stolper-Samuelson framework, I argue that domestic political actors play a significant role in shaping aid composition. I test several of the observable implications of this theory; that donor industries will lobby for the most beneficial types of aid and that increased political strength of these lobbying groups will influence aid composition. I first use qualitative evidence to show that domestic groups lobby in ways consistent with my theory at United States Congressional hearings on foreign aid policy. I then provide quantitative evidence that from 1981 to 2001, increased political strength of the heavy industry sector in OECD donors lead to distortions in aid composition which favored heavy industry. Finally, from survey data, I find that individuals in the European donor countries which stand to gain economically from aid are more supportive of aid increases. Taken together, these results provide a novel political economy explanation for the composition of foreign aid. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The author presents a historical and theoretical analysis of the rise of politico-economic corruption in dependent states. She defines dependence as the state of reliance on an external power for a needed good or service. She notes that dependency theory claims that First World nations enriched themselves by extracting raw materials and resources from the Third World. She stresses that political corruption is a barrier to international development of developing countries.

The article focuses on the decrease in the utilization of global south (GS) or third world institutions. In the 2000s, the benefits of such institutionalism have been reduced as northern nations engage in bi-regional and ad hoc coalitional strategies with southern nations. The two institutional types of GS, namely functional and idealistic modes of thought, are discussed. Factors that led to institutional changes for the GS such as less concern about hierarchy and more concern about marginalization are given.

This paper explores the political economy of immigration policy choice. In particular, it explores the effects of domestic income equality on the openness of immigration policy. In the recent literature on migration, much work as been done on the effect of migration on economic equality in the host countries. However, the effect of the level of economic equality on the choice of immigration policy has not been explored in great detail. In this paper, I propose a political economy model of migration policy selection. The model derives its inspiration from the work of George Borjas on the economic incentives faced by migrant workers. In particular, Borjas notes that utility maximizing actors will choose their host countries by taking into consideration the relative levels of income inequality of the various potential host countries. In particular, depending on the relative level of equality, a host country may experience positive or negative selection. All other things equal, a skilled worker can expect to earn a higher income in a country with higher levels of inequality (that is, those countries that reward skilled workers disproportionately) relative to a country with a more equal income distribution. Similarly, unskilled workers would expect to earn a lower income in a country with high levels of inequality relative to a country with a more egalitarian income distribution. Thus, all other things equal, host countries with high levels of inequality tend to attract more skilled and less unskilled workers, while more equal countries tend to attract more unskilled and less skilled workers. Both the short and long run implications for the country that experiences negative selection are undesirable. Not only do they experience greater demands on income redistribution and social welfare mechanisms in the short run, the inherent pressures imply that inequality levels will rise in the long run. Countries that experience positive selection would not be subject to such pressures. This implies then that countries with a more egalitarian income distribution should generally prefer more closed immigration policies in an attempt to reduce the impact of negative selection. I test this hypothesis using the immigration policy experience of advanced industrialized and recently industrialized countries, using two separate measures of equality -- the Gini coefficient that measures broad economic equality, and the Theil index that specifically measures wage equality. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper seeks to track down where the North-South dialogue has gone. It argues that it has far from disappeared in that the lines of division which it used to highlight remain in the many strands of politics which still divide the interests of rich countries from those of poor countries in the global political economy. But it has become more complex and it has been dispersed across a number of policy arenas. The paper argues that the way to get to grips with the issue in its contemporary guise is via a reformulated notion of development as a universal problematic facing all countries and the consequent exploration of the impact of unequal development upon relations between states. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Regional Economic Integration between Developing and Developed States/ Moshe Hirsch Economic integration between developing and developed states is a desirable process and should be promoted by the international community through various legal mechanisms. North ? South regional integration arrangements (RIAs) generate significant economic gains to developing states and better integrate them into the world economic system. Such arrangements are also expected to gradually reduce socio-cultural differences and tensions between developing and developed states. These integration arrangements also generate important non-economic as well as economic gains to developed states. The prominent examples of such RIAs are the North American Free Trade Area (NAFTA) and the recent agreements that facilitated the accession of Eastern and Central European states to the European Union (EU). Other RIAs, which involve modest institutional arrangements, are the EU-South Africa Free Trade Area (FTA) Agreement and U.S. ? Chile FTA Agreement. The paper analyzes the principal factors that affect the formation and expansion of RIAs between developing and developed states and suggests some legal mechanisms to enhance the prospects of this desirable integration process. To attain these aims, the paper employs various theoretical tools that have been developed in political economic,political science and sociological theories of international integration. Drawing upon these theories, a variety of legal mechanisms that are likely to promote North ? South economic integration are suggested. These legal instruments include conferring on the members of these RIAs various trade and legal incentives in the global trading system (e.g., reduced tariff rates or privileged rules of origin) and extending the surveillance and adjudication operations of global institutions (like the WTO) to monitor and implement North ? South economic arrangements. Such integration arrangements should also be supplemented by legal rules that implement various sociological strategies that alleviate socio-cultural tensions and foster a sense of community among the involved societies. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper studies the link between stalemates at the World Trade Organization (WTO) and the proliferation of preferential trade agreements (PTAs) focusing on negotiations between developed and developing countries. Specifically, it asks the question of whether a stalemate at the WTO cause an increase in asymmetric trade agreements between developed and developing countries? The argument we present is that when negotiations reach an impasse at the multilateral level the same issues then start to be resolved via the bilateral route of asymmetric PTAs. We use a logit estimator to test the hypothesis that a WTO stalemate increases the probability of signing a PTA. Utilizing data on all PTAs signed between OECD members and Latin America from 1986 to 2004, our empirical results based on a gravity model of international trade exhibit that the presence of a WTO stalemate increases the chances of signing a PTA by 52.2%. In addition, we explore whether the incumbent government party in both the developed and developing country impacts the probability of signing a PTA. Our model indicates that the probability of signing a PTA is 136% higher when the Latin American country has a center or right-wing incumbent government than when they have a left wing government. We conclude our paper by discussing the policy implications of our results focusing on the development implications. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Does Inward Foreign Direct Investment Cause Growth?Does inward foreign direct investment (FDI) cause economic growth in recipient countries? If yes, how? I argue that FDI inflows cause economic growth in developing countries, but have no effect on growth in advanced developed countries. Theoretical literature hypothesizes that FDI could stimulate economic growth through its roles in transferring technology, reinforcing efficiency, and increasing total investment in recipient countries. However, empirical studies provide controversial results. The correlation between FDI and superior economic performance might be driven by reverse causality. However, most empirical attempts to estimate the relationship between FDI and growth often overlook this latent endogeneity problem. This paper seeks to fill this gap by constructing an instrument for inward FDI per capita using a measure of remoteness, namely a weighted average of the geographical distance between each host country and the richest economies in the world. Ancillary tests suggest that the instrument, which is loosely related to the gravity model of investment, is strong and valid. While controlling for other factors identified in the extant literature as determinants of economic growth, this paper finds that FDI leads to superior economic performance in developing countries while has virtually no effect on economic growth in advanced developed countries. When decomposing economic growth, I find that FDI has a positive effect on domestic fixed investment and total factor productivity in developing countries. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The international community is currently engaged in a number of state-building exercises around the globe that range in intensity from technical assistance to governments in post-conflict states to de facto international trusteeship. All of these enterprises strive to appear ?locally owned?, that is, international actors need local actors with which (and, occasionally, through which) to work. Usually, this means that countries emerging from conflict must quickly appoint a government to serve as an intermediary between the national constituencies and the international community.This paper argues that the relationship between these actors can usefully be analyzed as a ?two-level game? (Putnam), in that the national government must make its moves at two boards, the domestic and the international, simultaneously. The aim of the paper is a theoretical justification of the representation of state-building in such a conceptual model. Putnam initially developed the concept to analyze high-level negotiations between governments of industrialized countries. It will be laid out, how, if at all, the government of a weak state differs from its counterpart from a strong state for the purposes of this model. Also, ?constituencies? in a post-conflict state are generally made up of veto players from several armed factions rather than a democratic electorate. The paper elaborates how these changes affect the logic of Putnam?s model and offers some thoughts whether this has any effect on his hypotheses regarding the size of win-sets and the bargaining power of governments. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Although questions of eroding and expanding state capacity have an important place in understanding the political economy of crime, the global expansion of crime is not simply an issue of state capacity. Governments of powerful states ultimately set the parameters of the criminal economy through the act of criminalization, and their ability and willingness to enforce it. Capacity arguments help us to understand issues of ability but are less helpful in exploring the willingness of governments to engage crime. This paper argues that political frameworks of global prohibition are nested and embedded in the interests of powerful states in ways that influence patterns of criminalization and reduce the willingness of governments of such states to fully enforce prohibitions. Not only has nested and embedded prohibition externalized the burden of adjustment to other countries but also, in the absence of extensive steps to address persistent demand in developed countries, the criminal underside of globalization has thrived. The paper explores these arguments in the issue areas of human trafficking and drug trafficking. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]