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Diasporas are dispersed migrant populations that retain a shared group identity and orientation towards a distant homeland. Increasingly, states are reaching out to their diasporas. They do so in various ways, often coordinated by formal diaspora institutions. In the process, states are reconfiguring what national membership means. How do different conceptions of national membership drive and shape whether and how states ‘engage the diaspora’? Using a mixed methods research design based on original qualitative and quantitative data, this paper examines how three different conceptions of national membership – economic, ethnic, and civic – shape the emergence of formal governmental diaspora institutions in migrants’ states of origin. First, it describes the complex relationship between concepts of national membership and the emergence of diaspora institutions, through two qualitative case studies. Next, the paper employs multinomial logistic regression to systematically examine the relationship between measures of national membership conceptions and measures of diaspora institution establishment, across 181 states. The central finding is that, contrary to conventional wisdom, it is not only economic conceptions of national membership that drive states to engage the diaspora, but also ethnic and civic membership conceptions. This finding suggests the drivers of diaspora policies are more complex and nuanced than is currently understood, and can inform future enquiry on conceptions of national membership and state diaspora engagement policies.

This paper sets out a multimodal framework that can be used to explore the ways in which people are positioned as individuals and groups within the selfies and other kinds of representations found in video-sharing practices. Unlike earlier, monomodal accounts of selfies, the framework accounts for the visual, aural and verbal resources that are used in video-sharing. The analysis focuses on the videos and photos that are produced and consumed in the Featured Stories of Snapchat as collective accounts of public events of different kinds. The results show that, in Snapchat, constructing group identities is prominent, both in selfies and quasi-selfies. This reflects a discourse of ‘us-ness’ current in many forms of social media, and which prizes particular forms of sociality. The uses of this discourse are ideologically charged, and include the strategic use of synthetic collectivisation as an emerging form of audio-visual communication which contrives to position the individual member of the audience as if they were part of a larger group, sharing the same experience and perspective as the person creating the video. The framework is used in this paper to examine the ways in which the collective identities of fans, mourners and protestors are constructed in Featured Stories from Snapchat, but is of relevance to many other forms of multimodal communication that are shared through social media sites and services.

The music of vocal-instrumental ensemble "Pesniary" is recognized in Belarus as a cultural heritage that must be saved and protected. In this paper, the approach of critical heritage studies is used to show, how this meaning of heritage is created, what heritage discourses exist in Belarus and how they constitute different meanings of heritage. The focus of the paper is on the confrontation and interrelation between the authorized, self-authorized and unauthorized heritage discourses. As well, the use of heritage for the constitution of national identity narratives is analyzed. The key points of the preservation and management of heritage in Belarus are the establishment of the heritage continuation and authenticity, exclusion of contradictory interpretations of the heritage, its interrelation to the particular version of the past, and hence the particular identity narrative. One of the main actors in the authorized heritage discourse is the government that puts efforts into recognizing and funding the one version of the heritage that corresponds with the state's cultural policy. Self-authorized and unauthorized heritage discourses use the "Pesniary" heritage to express national components of the collective identity and rejuvenate the past.

This paper adopts a narrative approach to explore the role of tourism in mobilising political identity, focusing on international visitors to memorials associated with the Spanish Civil War. Analysis of narrative interview data found that political allegiance was an important component of personal and group identity, and it was influential in determining tourist behaviour and consumption choices. Visiting memorials stirred strong emotions. It reaffirmed political identity and was capable of reenergising political commitment. This paper marks an important contribution to knowledge on how identity shapes and is shaped by tourist activity. It also points to a disconnect between the desire of tourists to express political identity and a country's choice of how to (or not to) memorialise past events. A model is put forward to indicate how battlefield tourism can be developed in a country with a contested history.

Understanding how individuals make sense of their professions provides important guidance for career decisions and career counseling. In this paper we aim to further our knowledge of profession-specific self-understandings by investigating collective accounts of what professional members consider to be ‘one of us’. In contrast to objective approaches to job descriptions, our study thus investigates the subjective framings of professional identities. For this purpose, we collected self-descriptions from two different professions: police officers (n = 149) and market researchers (n = 357). Content analysis of the 7545 resulting statements revealed that self-descriptions in both professions relied on only a small number of thematic building blocks for their construction, yet focused on disparate aspects to frame their identities. We refer to these framings as identity configurations, reflecting variations in the relevance given to topics and themes across professional groups. Comparing these collective accounts of identity configurations with existing schemes, we find important additions to current understandings of professional identities by their members. Our findings also reveal the multi-level nature of professional self-descriptions. Our observations offer a new conceptual lens to study professional self-understandings, with practical applications for career counseling and guidance. In addition, our paper contributes to discussions around identity congruence as well as the content and multi-level nature of professional identities.

Based on 67 in-depth interviews of Chinese medicine (CM) Practitioners in Hong Kong, this paper reviews the ongoing debate within Hong Kong's CM community between the two pathways of professionalization: revival of the Chinese traditional knowledge or innovate by incorporating biomedical principles. Following earlier efforts to apply social movement perspectives onto the study of professionalization, we examine how segments of CM practitioners strive to forge divergent collective identities in their quest for professional status along three analytical dimensions: consciousness, boundary and strategies. This paper deepens our understanding of the professionalization of complementary and alternative medicines by documenting the construction of distinctive sub-identities not just over how the modality should interact with the mainstream biomedicine but also how to interpret the essence of their own practice. It shall also account for the emergence of the schism of professional identities in Hong Kong as distinctive results of the institutional configuration of the Hong Kong medical system under the One Country Two Systems, shaped by the twin forces of biomedical dominance locally as well as the thrust towards integrative medicines in Mainland China.

Understanding post-industrial places requires an engagement with how these communities construct identities around a sense of a shared or common industrial past, particularly in areas that have struggled to adapt to the loss of community-defining industries (Beatty et al. 2007). This paper draws on ethnographic data, non-directive interviews, and auto-ethnographic reflections collected in an ex-coal mining town in a South Wales valley in the UK. The paper seeks to better consider post-industrial collective identities by attending to concepts of collective memory and imaginaries of industrial pasts. Conceptualising memory as rooted in the material and immaterial; affective, emotive and discursive; shared and imagined; this paper discusses how everyday relationships are inextricably linked to an assumed shared history within an ‘typical’ active mining community. By engaging the everyday lives, practices, and discourses of contemporaneous residents this paper outlines the ways in which the past is constructed as universal and homogenous. It also extends this discussion to consider how these imagined shared pasts, and the enduring values routed in these collective memories, are mobilised to construct senses of inclusion, difference, and othering; imagined industrial pasts have enduring impacts for the construction of contemporary communities.

This article will emphasize the status and relevance of narrative research in the study of families in business and family business strategy. It argues that narratives can provide a better understanding of the intricate connections between family and business and across family generations in business. Narratives generate knowledge by helping to shape a collective identity and as a form of intergenerational communication. By focusing on narratives as a phenomenological inquiry, we argue that interviews allow researchers to engage often in emotionally charged and intimate conversations with individuals that want to talk about experiences as members of a family business. This paper will discuss the usefulness of narrative approaches for family business strategy research, develop a catalogue of research questions for exploration, highlight challenges and offer solutions to deal with them when using narrative methods in family business research. This paper argues that while several challenges may be encountered, narratives allow researchers to delve into the intricate lives of members of a family in business.

The recent wave of occupations highlighted how closely space and social movements are related. While this revived scholarly interest in the role of space during protests, little attention so far has been paid to the role of space in protests' long-term internal effects. Bringing together the literatures on transformative effects and space in social movements, the paper examines the role of protests' spatiality in their transformative effects, drawing on a narrow approach to space. The analysis focuses in particular on effects on collective identity building in social movements. Based on interviews and focus groups with activists in 2011, the paper examines the long-term effects of an incisive protest event of the Global Justice Movement (GJM) in Europe, the protests against the G8 summit in Genoa in 2001. The paper shows that this event's spatiality plays a crucial role in building movement identity several years later: it provides activists with interpretational devices to delineate the GJM's internal and external boundaries. The paper thus underlines that research on transformative effects can considerably profit from considering spatiality.

More often than not, geophysical surveys are conducted to find places to dig. In this paper, we answer the call to use geophysical data not just for prospection, but for actual interpretation of the past. To do this, we use gradiometer data collected at the Etowah site (9Br1), a Mississippian period center located in the modern state of Georgia. Etowah is unique among major Mississippian period centers because its occupation is segmented by periods of abandonment. As a result, with each occupation a new community was established at the site. Communities are created by building a shared sense of place, purpose, and history—a collective identity. In this paper we use geophysical data to explore how the built environment was used to create community and reinforce changing identities during the history of Etowah.

Most collective agroecological initiatives in Europe today are built around a plurality of knowledge systems. Going beyond the well-documented instrumental goals of this knowledge-plurality, this paper highlights another, perhaps less obvious objective: the pursuit of recognition and cognitive justice. The subordination of alternative farming practices, such as agroecology, to industrial high-input farming leads to the misrecognition of peasant communities. Challenging industrial agriculture hence requires both equality between different forms of doing farming and an active engagement with different ways of knowing farming. Cognitive justice, a concept originating in decolonial thought, encompasses not only the right of different practices to co-exist, but entails an active engagement across their knowledge-systems. Using an example of participatory maize breeding in France, the paper illustrates how peasant movements in Europe organize an ’agroecology of knowledges’, a counter-hegemonic engagement with modern agronomic science, through the recovery and co-production of situational, environment-specific knowledge, and the reskilling of farmers. It aims not only at improving agricultural science, but also at rebuilding collective identities and reclaiming autonomy.

The existence of slums or informal settlements is common to most cities of developing countries. In India, slums contain a wealth of diversity that is masked by a high level of poverty and insufficient access to resources. Recent studies have identified that it is important to assess the resilience of slums as they differ from one slum to another. While many slums are vulnerable to forced evictions, temporary jobs, and constant migration; few slums can respond and recover from external shocks and stress. In this paper, we investigate the resilience of slums based on novel field data from 37 slums in Bangalore. Specifically, we develop an agent-based model to understand how existing social, economic and environmental situation impacts the choices of slums. The paper makes two important findings. First, we find a high social satisfaction has a stabilizing effect, which means that despite more attractive economic opportunities, social satisfaction the slum dwellers derive from living in the neighbourhood of similar contacts is a strong motive to stay. However, given that a lack of economic opportunities causes a decline in the population, the social satisfaction will decrease as a function of the number of social contacts that move. We show that this cascading effect of emigrating population strongly depends on group identity such as religion. Second, we detect different regimes as social satisfaction increase, the population transitions from extinction to positive density dependence to density independence. Therefore, understanding the social capital of a slum community can offer insights into the ability of a slum to recover from external perturbations.

This paper examines experimentally the effects of social identity and communication on teams’ distributional rules and wealth creation. The context studied is team production with multiple resource owners of different skills. In these organizational settings, heterogeneity of skills might create a conflict between equity, equality and social welfare. The results of a two-stage experiment, where participants vote in the distributional rule in stage I and make their effort decisions in stage II, indicate that induced group identity prompts preferences for equality even at the expense of wealth creation. We find that compared to a setting where social interaction is absent, identity does not increase team productivity, but equalizes individual payoffs. These findings suggest that group identity triggers the wide spread use of equal sharing rules by heterogeneous teams, as it increases the team’s level of egalitarianism. This paper provides recommendations for organizational decision-making.

This paper examines the reinforcement of the anti-migrant agenda, stances and mobilization in the island of Chios. Chios is one of the five Greek islands of the Eastern Aegean that have served as the points of entry and first reception for almost 1 million refugees. About 120,000 refugees, more than twice as the local population, arrived in Chios from the Turkish coast during 2015; since March 2016 and the signing of the EU-Turkey Statement, which assigns a significant role to the Eastern Aegean islands with regards to control and deterrence of migration and refugee inflows, 2,000–3,000 asylum seekers remain at camps in Chios. Like in the other islands of the Eastern Aegean, the implementation of the EU-Turkey Statement has been the catalyst for the transformation of the dominant stance of the local population in Chios vis-a-vis refugees and migrants: from “cautious solidarity” to “ethnocentric cautiousness”. Chios stands out from the other islands of the Eastern Aegean as a mass organization (the “Pan-Chian Committee for Struggle”) that opposes the operation of refugee camps emerged in 2016. The “Committee” has strategically distanced itself from far-right parties and has successfully organized mass rallies and other events. The first part of the paper discusses four components of collective identity that need to be taken into consideration in order to understand the rise and the content of anti-migrant stances in Chios (but also in the other islands). The four collective identity components cover the national (dominant stances and perceptions in Greece), the regional (insularity, “frontiermanship”) and the local level (political tradition and class structure in Chios). In the second part, based on a selected set of 200 articles from the local press (between April 2016 and June 2017), the paper highlights the reinforcement of the anti-migrant stances in Chios. The first section seeks a) to identify main themes of the local public sphere through exploring the coverage of the refugee issue by local media, and b) to highlight the stance of local authorities, political groups and civil society organizations. It is suggested that these two elements examined in the first section constitute the local ‘political opportunity structure’ (POS) with regards to the refugee issue. The second section examines instances of collective action which have an ‘anti-migrant’ character. This includes not only openly xenophobic mobilization, but also – or, mostly – collective claims-making that protest an aspect of the refugee presence in Chios. Particular emphasis is put on the “Committee”, the activities of which are separately examined. The third part discusses main findings and proposes an explanation for the emergence of ‘anti-migrant’ mobilization, by employing particular ‘social mechanisms’ from the Contentious Politics literature (especially those proposed by the authors of the book Dynamics of Contention).

This paper analyses the crisis that transformed the modern British state in the second half of the twentieth century and examines the consequences for social stability. The crisis shifted Britain from a nation that relied upon a social democratic state to one where the balance was tipped more in favour of the market. Social democracy required governments to deliver welfare and employment to the people, in return for their political support. This close relationship was intended to support a homogeneous society in which reciprocity between people and government was well understood. It also featured the collective organisation of interests powerfully linked to production. The liberal market system that emerged from the crisis of the social democratic state saw a looser relationship between state and people, with less direct government responsibility for economic management and greater stress on individual choice. Its key actor is the consumer not the producer. This form of state has considerable strength because of the way it conforms to global influences in the economy and communications. It also seems to be consistent with a more heterogeneous society produced by greater mobility of people. But there are also criticisms that it provides an imperfect means of sustaining collective and individual identity, so its value as a source of social stability may be qualified. The paper begins by comparing two classic analyses of conditions in the middle of the twentieth century, which give powerful insights into social transformation: J.A.Schumpeter's Capitalism, Socialism, and Democracy, and F.A Hayek's The Road to Serfdom. It considers their contrasting views as to what causes the transformation of societies, as well as a number of related issues: the importance of knowledge; the nature of democracy; and the significance of private property. At the conclusion of this analysis it is possible to make some comments on the foundations of social order, as differently conceived by both authors. The significance of the British Prime Minister, Margaret Thatcher (1979-1990), in this transformation will be analysed. The importance of culture for the cohesion of societies, a factor which carries little weight in liberal market societies, will also be assessed. Although much of the material in this paper relates to Britain, it is also relevant to more general questions arising from globalisation and change. The centrality of the economic process suggests that all societies will continue to be subject to almost universal influences driven by modern communications and patterns of consumption. Yet at the same time, culture and tradition-which are essentially local and specific in their character-continue to make real and important contributions to personal and collective identity.

The online communicative environment is expected to revolutionize political discourse as it expands to cover underrepresented groups and ideas. In this platform, marginalized groups such as indigenous communities from the developing world can articulate claims, strategically mobilize and participate in the forms of meaning-making that constitute them. However, there is skepticism on the actual value of online spaces in effecting agency in an internet-mediated environment. Using James Scott's notion of 'hidden transcripts' and Andrew Feenberg's 'democratic rationalization of technology', the paper explores strategic approaches and historical, social, and political conditions embedded in the construction, negotiation, and transformation of indigenous online activist media. In-depth interviews and textual analysis of online spaces were conducted to understand the experiences and online articulations of two indigenous groups based in the Philippines, Tebtebba and Cordillera People's Alliance with specific attention to the: (a) forms and characteristics of online struggles, (b) dynamics and strategies behind the production and distribution of online dissent, (c) process of negotiation of technological use, and (d) perceived implications of online mediations on group identity, culture and struggle. Problematizing the complex interaction of technology and indigenous identity, the paper finds that indigenous activists' online media engagement constitutes a sustained balancing act between accommodation and resistance and online spaces are used creatively with reflection on the dangers and benefits of online spaces to the organization and the struggle.

This paper explores the construction of collective identity by students in an academic learning environment, and shows how such collective identity may hinder or slow down individual learning or what may be referred to as independent learning. To demonstrate this I draw on language as a tool used for the construction of identity, and for showcasing and defending identity. The goal of this paper is to draw the attention of students and educators to the role of non-linguistic variables such as identity in student learning, and particularly in learning in a second language. 1

Although different concepts regarding the analysis of the phenomenon of religious re-affiliation do exist, they are most of the time lumped together under the buzzword “conversion”, thereby conflating the nuances and social realities of the phenomenon and limiting this concept‘s validity. Starting off from Richard V. Travisano‘s differentiation between conversion and alternation and taking into account Arthur D. Nock‘s concept of adhesion, this paper investigates different modes of change of religious affiliation. Drawing from Frauke Kurbacher‘s conceptualization of what constitutes conviction, it re-assesses what is commonly understood as religious conversion through an analysis of different manifestations of re-affiliation with Islam in West European societies. The author juxtaposes converts to ‘reflexive Islam’ (who internalize their faith as a new system of belief in an individualized, cognitive process which leads to a broadening of their perspective and the strengthening of their self-identity as well as of their self-esteem and their agency) to youths who join groups which advocate Salafi interpretations of Islam (where role-taking within a collective identity is of particular importance) and those who engage in jihadism (where an us-against-them perspective becomes absolute). This includes an analysis of the re-affiliate‘s motives and of the social implications of his or her choice. The aim of this paper is to refine an empirically based understanding of the concept of religious conversion through differentiating it from other forms of religious re-affiliation. Therefore, the paper will predominately focus on conversion, referring to alternation and adhesion as functionally different forms of religious re-affiliation to emphasize the differences between the different concepts and thus reduce the fuzziness of the term.

The starting point of the Paper is the fact that Israel is a bi-national, multi-cultural and multi-ethnic society, with Jews constituting in 2000 something around 79% of the population and the Arabs about 20%. It goes on to explain that the cleavage between these two sectors is both political as well as social and cultural. This fact has severe repercussions in as much as the Israeli collective identity is concerned. And yet, the dominant Jewish majority has committed itself since the Proclamation of Independence in May 1948 to DEMOCRACY, i.e. to equality for all the segments of the population. The Jewish majority also pledged to safeguard the minority's rights. The Paper analyzes the negative stereotypes and negative attitudes prevailing among the Jewish component of the population against the Arab minority group. It moves on to evaluate how well the system of formal education has managed to tackle the problem of innate intolerance typical of the majority group in its relations with the minority group. It draws on a content's analysis of a sample of primers and readers widely used in the primary education system throughout Israel in the 1990s. It reaches the unhappy conclusion that these primers and readers fail in their task as vehicles for inculcating ethnic tolerance, understanding and mutual respect. It reaches the conclusion that the ministry of education has missed the opportunity to try and foster at least a common CIVIL identity, uniting Jews and Arabs living side by side in Israel.

The article describes the system of Burundian political parties as it has formed after 1990. The ruling CNDD-FDD and the state security apparatus under its control systematically repress opposition activities. However, certain political parties maintain their organizational cohesion in spite of this pressure and continue to challenge the electoral authoritarian regime. The paper argues that explanations at the level of party organization and the society's identity divisions must be combined for the logic of the party system to unravel. The selective genocide of Hutus in 1972, the 1993-2004 civil war and the post-conflict liberal democratic faith gave birth to five collective identities, each represented by one political party. The CNDD-FDD works on strengthening its position by building a clientelistic state-party merger. The former single party UPRONA represents the interests of the Tutsi minority. The organizational cohesion of the remaining three parties in the system – FRODEBU, FNL and MSD – stands and falls with their thin networks of highly committed activists. The paper claims that these core structures emerge and maintain long-term cohesion only if the constituencies that the parties represent are sufficiently large, geographically spread and their collective identities sufficiently strong. The account is based on an analysis of general elections in 1993, 2005 and 2010 and fieldwork conducted in 2012.

This paper shows that union members are consistently more supportive of redistribution than other citizens. This is partly because union members are drawn predominantly from socio-economic strata characterized by relatively low incomes and relatively high exposure to labor-market risks, but it also appears to be the case that unions alter the way individuals in the same objective circumstances perceive their interests. Furthermore, this paper shows that the group identity effect varies by electoral system, by changing political parties' electoral incentives. The union-membership group identity effect is more pronounced in countries with more proportional electoral system and becomes moderated where electoral system is disproportional. It is because disproportional electoral systems provide incentives for political parties to mobilize a variety of cross-cutting social identity such as ethnic, religious or national identity.

The paper provides an overview of the constitutional and legal regulation of collective rights of the constituent peoples and national minorities in the political system of Bosnia and Herzegovina as an example of the application of one of the forms of multicultural politics. The political system of Bosnia and Herzegovina dominantly represents the collectives and collective identities in the public sphere providing them with protection and effective power through a set of collective rights. The paper moves within the domain of clearly differentiated ethnic collectives, and does not tackle those not having ethnic but rather having an ideological identification, which puts them in the group of the ethnically undeclared citizens.

In this paper I explore recent theoretical expositions on culture and identity as they relate to forces of globalization on the one hand, and to the place-bound politics of contemporary nationalisms on the other. At the centre of my interest lie questions and ambiguities over contested sources of collective identity. In particular, I explore two contradictory processes: the supposed emergence of a global civil society (representing one important realm of globalization); as well as the territorial parochialism expressed through some nationalist movements. I argue in this paper, however, that these seemingly opposing forces should not be read simply as just another anomalous dichotomy of modernity, but rather as belonging to the inextricable phenomenon of globalization. I am interested in exploring notions of identity and difference to show that space/place as signifier is critical to sources of collective identity and that the politics of this signification is quite contradictory in terms of expressing forms of resistance and domination. My analysis is neither exhaustive nor definitive, but rather more cautionary and explorative in tone. In what follows is a critique: first, of the notion of ‘global civil society’ and its suggested significance for identity patterns and their associated political forms; and second, of sovereignty and nationally defined territories as sites of political change. I conclude by arguing for a reconstituted nation-state rather than its demise—a reconstitution that is becoming increasingly globalized and making us rethink our ideas about community Copyright © 1997 Elsevier Science Ltd

Several researches have been conducted on the nature, character and causes of underdevelop- ment in Africa. Some scholars have alluded to the imperativeness of leadership in fostering de- velopment in Africa while some pointed a robust accusing finger to the structures of the interna- tional political system. While this paper does not join issues with these scholars, it however fo- cuses on locating the dilemma of social identity as the missing factor in all inter personal rela- tionships in Africa with special bias for the relationship between the led and the leaders. This pa- per briefly engages the arguments and counterarguments of the paradox of development in Africa and then goes on to show how the absence of social identity or group identity has been the bane of development in Africa. While dwelling on available secondary data, this paper theorizes the inter- play among politics of underdevelopment, leadership and social identity in Africa. It concludes by arguing for the necessity of class suicide of the political class and also cognitive re-orientation of the led through education.

The paper explores the relationship between social identity and HIV/AIDS, with special reference to gay men in Britain. This relationship was first seen as significant since it might have a bearing on the spread of HIV in the population. Three major forms of commentary have emerged on the issue: (i) basic research into the relationship between sexual identities and behaviours; (ii) applied research on how to convert the findings from (i) into health promotional materials, and (iii) discourse from within the politically gay community on what HIV/AIDS means for gay people. These different forms of commentary arise from a diverse range of voices, within and outside academia. The paper draws comparison between different disciplinary approaches to questions of identity and HIV/AIDS, in terms of their relative strengths and weaknesses (for example, contrasting psychology with anthropology). An ethnography of a day centre for people living with HIV/AIDS is used to illustrate the need to understand identity from a processual perspective, so that both individual and collective identities are seen as emerging from specific historical circumstances and struggles. A dialogic approach to understanding identity, tied to qualitative empirical research, is suggested as necessary to understanding how different forms of identity engage with HIV/AIDS (gender, ethnicity, age, sexual orientation), and how the identities of individuals and groups are always complex, shifting mosaics.

This paper study The Chiang Mai Initiative Multilateralisation (CMIM) in order to understand the internalization of political culture of ASEAN. In contrary to Realist and Liberalist theories that see cooperation at the minimum as non-existent and at the maximum as purely instrumental in the pursuit of self-interest this paper will use a constructivist approach from Alexander Wendt towards the establishment of the CMIM. By analyzing Wendt’s three master variables that resembles the formation of collective identity of ASEAN and the legitimacy of the CMIM political culture, this paper concludes that the establishment of the CMIM has only for a small part internalized the political culture of ASEAN to a higher degree.

A relevance, distinctiveness and plausibility (RDP) analysis is a conceptual framework that can be used to identify when potential confounds are a problem for interpreting experimental results. We illustrate this analysis using the creation or enhancement of natural group identity by the means of priming manipulations as employed in the experiments of five target papers. Such priming manipulations may lead to experimenter demand effects and may spuriously induce behavior change. Using a RDP analysis, we show how these potential confounds are likely to be problematic for all but one of the target papers.

Protracted social conflicts (PSCs) are “hostile interactions which extend over long periods of time with sporadic outbreaks of open warfare fluctuating in frequency and intensity” (Azar, Jureidini, & McLaurin, 1978). According to Azar and colleagues, protracted social conflicts (PSCs) are a mixture of socioethnic and interstate elements that defy traditional settlement methods, and generate escalating perceptions and behaviors. Because crises are managed to restore the status quo and keep conflict at only a moderate intensity, the conflicts take on an inertial or even ‘frozen’ quality, lacking any resolution despite repeated attempts at settlement. PSCs also involve deep-seated religious, racial and ethnic animosities that set these conflicts apart from those not involving group identities and the rights asserted and sought through these (Azar and Farah, 1981).However, ethnicity is not the sole causative factor in these conflicts. Azar and Farah (1981) highlight the role played by structural inequalities and political power differences, particularly when these in turn result in differential distribution of rewards among groups in the society. These differentials typically are reinforced through unequal international connections, meaning that uneven and unequal development benefits will actually further exacerbate differences. One group dominates over others, thereby linking discrimination and victimization to group identity. Group identity and hatred frames all interactions and attributions, and passes from one generation to the next through socialization.Models of conflict give us frameworks for thinking about what needs to change in order to move out of the worst sorts of conflict. Most frame intractable conflict not only as a clash of interests, but also as a dysfunctional relationship (Saunders), etc.. In order to change dysfunctional relationships, changes are needed in attitudes and interaction patterns, but also in inequities in participants’ abilities to address their needs. A more thorough and nuanced understanding of how different interventions aim to change different contributing factors can help us shape realistic and appropriate expectations, and corresponding assessment, for exploring and improving the success of various intergroup conflict interventions (d’Estree, 2001). Parties require not only opportunities to learn about one another and form relationships, but also require opportunities to craft realistic political solutions that will address the structural inequities and injustices that are at the root of protracted social conflicts.This paper revisits one classic method for creating both new awareness but also new solutions: interactive problem-solving. This paper briefly reviews the history, development and design of interactive problem-solving, but focuses primarily on recent applications of this approach and the modifications that attempt to expand on strengths and address weaknesses.Finally, a case is made for better documentation of impacts and relative contributions of methods designed to address intergroup conflict. Peacebuilding requires changing both the willingness of conflicting parties to engage with each other, but also requires the ability to find a path forward. While contact and dialogue approaches may be best designed to change attitudes and perceptions and thus change parties’ willingness to engage, integrative negotiation approaches may be best designed to jointly develop solutions to problems and thus identify a path forward. It can be shown that interactive problem- solving approaches as they have been more recently modified not only engage parties in attitude change and in negotiating constructive solutions, but also more explicitly engage parties in the changing of structural inequalities that are key to movement in protracted social conflicts.

Demos or the people with a sense of collective identity is a sine qua non element for democracies, and for the European Union, it occupies a key place concerning its democracy. However, the nature and the content of the demos or the type of references used to constitute it are crucial aspects in terms of its eventual results as either being inclusionary or exclusionary. This paper, against this background, aims to analyze whether the institutional views on the creation and the nature of the European demos with respect to being defined as political/legal or ethno/cultural by the European Parliament and the Commission include or exclude Turkey and discusses various implications of a future integration of Turkey into the EU from the viewpoint of demos formation in the EU. Turkey is an interesting case in terms of being a cultural and religious other of Europe and is also a negotiating country with the prospect of becoming a member. Therefore, the paper brings the issue of European demos and Turkey together by analyzing the institutional documents which offer institutional views on the creation and the nature of a European demos which is in the process of development and argues that while the political/legal definitions would be inclusive, ethno/cultural definitions tend to exclude Turkey with respect to its references to a shared past, heritage and religion. The research shows that while the Commission documents tend to approach to the development of the European demos in political/legal terms, the members of the European Parliament tend to view the European demos both in political/legal and ethno/cultural terms also with a reference to Christianity. Two different ways of conceptualization of the European demos have different implications for the possible integration of Turkey into the EU.

This paper discusses the concept of toleration as it has been manifested in modern society through two contrasting processes - the prevalence of group identity, and the prevalence of identity defined according to citizenship and individual rights. Referring primarily to the work of political theorist Michael Walzer, the paper describes the historical development of toleration in the U.S., insofar as it is an immigrant nation which has passed through several phases of intolerance and toleration that continue to characterise the dynamics of American society, particularly in the city. Special reference is made to the city of Chicago, the largest city in the Midwest, where immigrants from all over settled, establishing ethnic neighbourhoods. Globalisation and migration have made diversity a defining feature of contemporary society, and cities in particular. The multiplication of identities is being experienced on an individual level as well, giving rise to the recognition of the increasingly hybrid nature of social and personal identification. The paper concludes by calling into question the implications of this post-modern model on the conceptualisation of toleration as well as its manifestations.

This relatively short paper, written for an online symposium honoring Owen Fiss's "Groups and the Equal Protection Clause," frontally challenges his "group disadvantage theory." While his theory exhibits some attractive features, the conceptions of groups and group competition that frame and infuse the theory were unconvincing when he wrote the article in 1976, and are even more unconvincing today in light of remarkable gains by blacks in almost every area of American life. The diversity, dynamism, and competition of group life, together with the individualistic culture in which are embedded, constitute the generative social context in which groups form their identities, achieve and compete for status, and form relationships with other groups in civil society, including the state. Fiss's failure to take adequate account of this context renders his theory mistaken in fundamental respects, and his failure to provide a coherent account of status and status harm leaves his theory radically incomplete. The paper is divided into two main sections - (1) the empirics of black progress and political influence, and (2) the anti-discrimination principle - and concludes with a brief discussion of several facts and dilemmas that any serious theory of group identity and group competition must confront: the decline of discrimination against blacks, the large and growing intra-group heterogeneity of blacks, and the emergence of other ethno-racial groups competing with blacks for public resources and recognition.

This Introduction to the special issue “Narratives of Vicarious Experience in Professional and Workplace context” presents the first dedicated collection of papers on NoVE in professional and workplace contexts. It begins with a brief overview of the origins of Narrative Pragmatics (NP) that accounts for the breadth of analytic interests NP currently pursues. While traditionally NP focused on Narratives of Personal Experience (NoPE), namely stories about the teller himself/herself, more recently a number of studies have begun to examine Narratives of Vicarious Experiences (NoVE), that is stories about others. The Introduction summarizes some key structural and functional similarities and differences between NoPE and NoVE, focusing on the idiosyncratic features of NoVE with regard to teller perspective, story introduction, epistemic authority, and function. The second part introduces the contributions to the special issue that span different workplaces and professional contexts (from a pharmaceutical company, to a newsroom, to job interviews), and include face-to-face interactions and other media. Consistent across the contexts are several functions of NoVE. They serve as a powerful tool in constructing one's personal and professional identity. They also serve as ‘shared repertoire’ of experiences told through stories that foster group identity and the sense of belonging.

This paper analyses how narratives contribute to the multiple and sometimes conflicting corporate identities in a pharmaceutical company. Stories are important for companies; they enable members to legitimize internal decision-making, and to represent themselves towards new employees and clients, as well as within the company (Linde, 2001). In corporate settings, these narratives are often stories of vicarious experience, i.e. “stories about other people engaged in actions that the tellers did not witness” (Norrick, 2013a: 385), as a result of the collective nature of corporate identity. Drawing on a linguistic ethnographic data, we demonstrate how two dominant narratives of vicarious experience, the founder's narrative and the so-called Bad Pharma narrative, serve as shared resources that are strategically mobilized by different tellers (Georgakopoulou, 2007). We examine how these contradictory stories constitute the company's identity discourse. To account for this co-existence, we examine what tellers include in (re)tellings of and reflections on the narrative; how they account for and mitigate certain narrated events; how they establish epistemic authority; and how they position themselves in relation to the narrative by mobilizing personal and collective identities in different ways, including or excluding themselves as protagonists and/or as original tellers of the different identity narratives.

The increasing diversity of societies raises questions about the consequences for redistributive preferences. This paper assesses the impact of social identity on distributional preferences in a modified dictator game. I estimate individual-level utility functions with two parameters that govern the trade-offs between equity and efficiency and giving to self and to other. Subjects on average put less weight on income of the out-group. The out-group treatment also changes the distribution of equity-efficiency concerns. However, the experiment also uncovers a large individual heterogeneity of preferences. An analysis of GARP violations reveals that choices in both treatments overwhelmingly stem from well-behaved, yet systematically different underlying utility functions. Hence, the evidence presented here suggests that the rational choice approach is a useful tool for understanding the effect of social identity on preferences.

Companies increasingly utilize social media for marketing campaigns to project a successful business identity and attract new customers. While the affordances of such participatory websites allow customers to consume what companies generate on their corporate profiles, the comment-posting platforms also permit customers to support or undermine the corporate messages. In other words, companies lack complete control over their self-representation. Drawing on a corpus of about 70 interactional instances collected from two social media platforms of a state-owned transport company, the paper investigates the use of aggressive humour by online participants wishing to oppose company's public portrayal. The analysis demonstrates that participants employ humorous posts to highlight the inadequacy of the services supplied by the company. In so doing, they often align with each other in denigrating the company and creating an in-group identity. This, in turn, distorts the company's desired identity, spreads negative word-of-mouth and further reinforces negative stereotypes about the company.

In sequential decision-making experiments, participants often conform to the decisions of others rather than reveal private information – resulting in less information produced and potentially lower payoffs for the group. This paper asks whether experimentally induced group identity affects players’ decisions to conform, even when payoffs are only a function of individual actions. As motivation for the experiment, we show that U.S. Supreme Court Justices in preliminary hearings are more likely to conform to their same-party predecessors when the share of predecessors from their party is high. Lab players, in turn, are more likely to conform to the decisions of in-group members when their share of in-group predecessors is high. We find that exposure to information from in-group members increases the probability of reverse information cascades (herding on the wrong choice), reducing average payoffs. Therefore, alternating decision-making across members of different groups may improve welfare in sequential decision-making contexts.

Group decision-making processes are often adopted to strengthen social bonds. In this paper, I study experimentally the effects of group decision-making on social preferences towards group members, while distinguishing between participation and outcome effects. I find that participation in a group decision-making process enhances kindness towards group members, irrespective of whether the decision leads to a success or a failure. Specifically, group decision-making increases the probability of allocating a higher payoff to a group member by 6 percentage points. Moreover, it lowers willingness to punish group members for perceived negative intentions, and increases charity concern, i.e., aversion towards receiving a higher payoff than group members. The positive effects of group decision-making on pro-social behavior towards group members do not spill over significantly to others outside the group. Consistent with observed behavior, subjects from decision-making groups report a stronger feeling of attachment towards group members than non-decision-making groups.

In this paper, we define the problem of group identification in an extended environment. We concentrate on the problem where the society is required to self-determine the belongingness of each member to a specific group, characterized by a single attribute. In general terms, this case consists of a collective identity issue that can be regarded as an aggregation problem of individual assessments within a group. Here we introduce the possibility that opinions are incomplete and that a status quo option intervenes in the process.

This paper explores how social identity is constructed and manifests itself in interaction in reality television discourse, two national versions of the gameshow Big Brother – Australia 2012 and UK 2012. The analysis concentrates on two forms of group formation, spontaneous and imposed, and how different attitudes towards group formation are revealed in interactional practices. The findings show that in both types of group formation, the prevailing tendency among the Australian housemates is the avoidance of public group discourse, especially when it might suggest the superiority/inferiority dichotomy. In the British house, on the other hand, groups are frequently referred to in terms of them being popular/unpopular, with the unpopular group striving to reach popularity. Furthermore, unlike in the case of spontaneous groups, unwillingly becoming a group member does not trigger group identity construction and explicit membership claims. In both houses, a strong link to the original group identity seems to be preserved.

This paper reports preliminary evidence from a pilot study (n = 91, with 455 decisions) on issues of decision time and race in distributive fairness decisions in South Africa. We conduct a dictator game to gather data on transfer amounts and time taken for decisions, where dictators are paired with a series of partners with whom they either share or do not share race. Our results are not in line with the empirical evidence that suggests that impulsivedecisions are fair: transfers in our sample increase with decision time, with fairer decisions taking longer than selfish decisions. We note significantly higher transfers to black receivers from black decision-makers. White dictators give more to white receivers in very short (Data and stata dofile for the analysis are included here

Communities negatively affected by construction projects are becoming increasingly empowered, organised and willing to engage in protest. The importance of communities as project stakeholders is widely recognized in the project management literature, but there is little empirical research to help project managers understand how to effectively engage with communities to prevent protests developing and escalating. Contributing to the emerging ‘Relationship Approach’ in project management theory which focusses on communities as legitimate stakeholders in projects, this paper draws on theories of collective identity and social capital to present an ethnographic analysis of community action against a large-scale and highly controversial construction project in Australia. The results show that dealing with community protest is a complex and dynamic challenge for project managers due to the anarchic and self-organising properties of community-based protest groups. It is concluded that effective community engagement strategies require project managers to adopt trust-building strategies early in projects and an intimate understanding of community concerns and social structures.

Published online: 24 June 2017 This paper presents an experimental study on the relationship between other-regarding preferences, in-group bias and political participation. We conjecture that subjects who are more other-regarding and exhibit higher in-group bias are more likely to bear the costs of participating in group action. Using a participation game, we implement laboratory elections in which two groups compete for victory. We induce different levels of in-group bias across subjects in order to implement treatments in which the competing groups are either highly biased towards the own group vis-à-vis the other one or are characterized by low levels of such in-group bias. Our results show that, at the aggregate level, participation is higher in environments where in-group bias is more pronounced. Furthermore, the least other-regarding subjects participate much less often that others, while the more other-regarding sustain high participation levels. These findings suggest that interpersonal preferences and intergroup bonds can explain the higher participation of close-knit (political) groups observed in the field.

This paper investigates the determinants of price discrimination in the rice market in one neighborhood of Lagos, Nigeria. There has been little empirical study of how ethnicity and class shape economic outcomes in informal market interactions. We conduct an audit experiment—one of the first audit experiments in Africa—seeking to address this gap. We experimentally manipulate class, with confederates presenting as different classes; this may be the first audit study to take this approach. This is also one of the first in-person audits to have multiple transactions for each buyer and seller, thus allowing for the use of buyer and seller fixed effects. We find little evidence that, all else equal, sharing an ethnicity on its own influences market treatment. Class, however, does have substantial effects, at least for non-coethnics. High-class non-coethnics receive higher prices per unit than low-class non-coethnics. Our findings suggest that the boundaries of group identity appear to be at least partially defined by class in the informal economy.

This paper investigates language use and ideologies in Ajegunle among the members of the Performing Musicians Employers' Association of Nigeria (PMAN). Ajegunle has been characterised by lack of social cohesion and group identity. Due to the diverse ethnic composition of the neighbourhood, Nigerian Pidgin has been used as a main community language in the last decades. The reggae musicians in Ajegunle also use Nigerian Pidgin in their songs and during their weekly meeting. Their sociolinguistic profile suggests that they use Nigerian Pidgin as a first language. In their discourse they put forward ideologies that are different from those commonly associated to the pidgin, and I named them ‘belonging’, ‘seriousness’, ‘overseas’ and ‘Yoruba.

The three main types of tanged flint arrowheads (A, B, and C) characteristic of the Neolithic Pitted Ware hunter, fisher and gatherers of southwestern Scandinavia are traditionally viewed as chronological conditioned. However, recent studies have shown their simultaneity during the early 3rd millennium BC. Based on a study of more than 1500 arrowheads from Denmark and western Sweden, this paper explains the stylistic variation of the Pitted Ware arrowheads as functional determined representing two main categories: relatively short and wide hunting arrowheads (type A) and long and slender war arrowheads (type C). Type B represents a multifunctional group of arrowheads that mixes features from type A and C. Furthermore, diverging production schemes (schema operatoire) used for the shaping of hunting arrowheads has helped to identify social groupings within the larger southwestern Scandinavian Pitted Ware complex and contact across the Kattegat during the Middle Neolithic.

A major theory from social psychology claims that external threats can strengthen group identities and cooperation. This paper exploits the Russian invasion in Ukraine 2014 as a sudden increase in the perceived military threat for eastern European Union member states, in particular for the Baltic countries bordering Russia directly. Comparing low versus high-threat member states in a difference-in-differences design, I find a sizeable positive effect on EU identity. It is associated with higher trust in EU institutions and support for common EU policies. Different perceptions of the invasion cause a polarization of preferences between the majority and ethnic Russian minorities.

A key orientation of the microsociology of Collins’ interaction rituals is that it is the focused performances of situated interactions, or ‘encounters’, that need to be the centre of analysis, not ‘the individual’. It is in the moment of the encounter that structure and agency coalesce, and are performed and negotiated. As such, it is through encounters that self and collective identities are forged and given meaning, both successful and failed encounters being potential moments of high emotion and real and symbolic import to participants, marking confirmation or refutation of status and social membership. As such, rituals are crucial to understanding solidarity and the social order. Criminology has touched upon ritual theory although sometimes implicitly. Where it has done so explicitly this has most notably been in the context of formal organised rites, such as the degradation ceremony of the court, rather than in the more informal, everyday situated encounters and experiences that are at the heart of interaction ritual theory. This paper sketches the key ideas of interaction ritual theory and locates them within criminological theorising. It then uses interaction ritual theory to revisit and revise thinking on the symbolic dimensions of policing, and to explore the relationship between policing and the reproduction of social order. It argues that understanding police-public encounters as moments of ritualised recognition or denunciation that have serious consequences for citizens and officers raises important questions about police legitimacy. The argument also questions key tenets of interaction ritual theory in problematizing what counts as an ‘encounter’ and a security signifier in a world increasingly characterised by fragmented layers of policing and security, and mediated by and experienced through technologies that reconfigure ‘co-presence’. In doing so it identifies both possibilities in which to rethink police-public encounters and very real risks to the social order and solidarity.

This policy brief shows that only a small minority of Deliveroo riders in Belgium, who are predominantly male, young and students, hold negative views about trade unions. Lack of exposure to and knowledge about unions was instead cited as the biggest reason why many of the riders are not members, with many of them undecided or ambivalent about the idea. The paper also examines the low unionisation rate among riders that seems to be partly due to a lack of organising initiatives and strategies on the part of trade unions. Organising the riders, fostering solidarity between student, migrant and self-employed riders, and building a collective identity requires tailored organising strategies which take into consideration the riders' individual situations as well as the labour market context. Trade unions could offer stability, experience and knowledge in the fast-changing platform-based food delivery industry.

This paper examines whether women leaders behave differently when they believe they are elected by a gender quota or by merit and if their behavior is affected by group gender composition. We conduct a laboratory experiment in which participants decide whether to invest or not in a project that presents coordination failures. Leaders can send a risky signal (their investment) to persuade the other members of their group to invest in the project. The group can attain the cooperative equilibrium if the leader is followed. We provide experimental evidence that when investing is costly, the behavior of women leaders is affected by both the way they are elected and the gender composition of their group. We find that gender quotas do not have a significant effect on cooperation but meritocracy triggers selfish attitudes of female leaders when they face all-male or mixed gender followers, undermining cooperation. We argue that group identity may be the underlying explanation of all our findings. When investing represents a social dilemma, leaders elected by merit don't identify themselves with their followers, they believe they are superior and reduce their investment. However, gender identity seems to offset this behavior and reconnect leaders with followers, as the negative effect of meritocracy does not hold when female leaders are facing female followers.

Activist identities in contentious events are the product of local interactions, and of evolving and mobile cycles of protest. In other words, they are both territorialized and deterritorialized. This paper proposes a way of understanding processes of collective identity within contentious events. It builds on existing conceptions of collective identity, (della Porta, Diani, Flesher Fominaya, Tilly), but uses Deleuze and Guattari's conception of assemblage to show how at any one time and place, identities are multiple and in motion. Social relations shape the ‘being’ of relationships amongst identities within a movement event, and make possible future ‘becomings.’ Such complexity is made visible by combining ethnographic data of the 2010 G20 summit protests in Toronto, with logistic regression of a survey of 379 activists participating in those protests. The results show the multiple, and entangled identities activists use in what might simply be described as a ‘global-justice movement’ event. By better understanding the assembled relations among movement identities, one can better understand the complex ways that movement events can unfold and be understood.