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Substance use and depressive psychiatric symptoms have been associated with migration and mobility. The Mexico-Guatemala border is a key transit point for internal, regional, and international migration flows. However, there is limited knowledge of the role of substance use, migration, and mobility on mental health among migrants at this border. Our paper explores the association of migration and mobility patterns with possible major depressive symptoms among migrants at this key geographic region. We recruited 392 substance-using migrants using modified time-location sampling. Crude and adjusted logistic regression models were developed. We found that 12% of the sample had possible major depressive symptoms. After adjusting for relevant covariates, including gender, income, and perceived homelessness, we found that recent rural-urban and short-term migrants had higher odds of possible major depressive symptoms, whereas international migrants had lower odds. Findings of this paper suggest that although migrants experience hardship and uncertainty, they may respond with complex and nuanced forms of coping and planning. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Purpose: Undocumented Central American migrants in Mexico are legally eligible for free access to the public health system through the new Instituto para la Salud y el Bienestar (INSABI) health program, but many experience structural vulnerability and stigmatization that prevent them from accessing health-care facilities. The purpose of this study is to investigate the discrepancy between the migrants' Human Right to health, proclaimed by the Mexican Government and supposedly guaranteed by law, and the reality of the migration process. Design/methodology/approach: This study reviewed relevant literature on the health risk factors, social and structural vulnerability, stigmatization and structural violence experienced by undocumented migrants as obstacles to their Human Right to health. It also reviews the current legal framework in Mexico and internationally. Findings: This review demonstrates the lack of implementation of the current legal framework in Mexico and identifies a set of complex obstacles to effective access to health for undocumented migrants. Although the migration process itself was not found to be directly associated with major health issues, the social conditions of the migratory journey expose the migrants to serious threats, especially sexually transmitted diseases and tuberculosis. Practical implications: This paper makes 10 practical recommendations for interventions collectively involving the state, international and civil organizations and the migrant community. These are especially relevant since the implementation of the INSABI health program in 2020. Social implications: The paper lays the basis for influencing Mexican health system stakeholders to improve the health of migrants. Originality/value: The sociological barriers to health access for undocumented populations in Mexico have not been fully explored. In addition, this paper provides a unique reflection on opportunities and challenges linked to the 2020 health system reform. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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As wages in migrant-sending countries catch up with those in destinations, migrants adjust on several margins, including their duration of stay, the number of migrations they undertake, and the amount saved while abroad. This paper combines Mexican and US data to estimate a dynamic model of consumption, emigration, and remigration, accounting for financial constraints. An increase in Mexican household earnings shortens migration duration but raises the number of trips per migrant. For lower-income migrants, a rise in Mexican wages leads to a more than proportional effect on consumption expenditure in Mexico, arising from repatriated savings. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

One of the most contested issues in the 2016 U.S. Presidential Election was immigration: in particular, irregular migration across the U.S. border with Mexico. This paper seeks to examine the extent to which the securitization of immigration is an "isolated phenomenon" endemic to the Trump Administration, as opposed to a reality of U.S. policymaking that has pervaded previous administrations. By contrasting the immigration platform of the current administration with that of its predecessor, led by Barack Obama, this paper will assert that, despite the intensification of rhetoric against irregular migrants, much of the Trump Administration's response to immigration from the Southern border has been informed by, and is directly continuous with, actions taken by Obama between 2008 and 2016. It will argue that the same three factors: the post 9-11 conception of migration as an inherent threat, the deportation regime and the securitization (and sometimes militarization) of the southern border, have rendered the last decade of American immigration policy more or less consistent, despite vastly different stated ideological underpinnings. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of AIDS & Behavior is the property of Springer Nature and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This paper examines Mexico's output convergence across its 32 states for 1993-2006, a period including the start of NAFTA. Employing dynamic panel data methods, our estimates provide interesting new results. First, we find positive rates of output absolute convergence across Mexican regions: varying from 1.5% for the years 1993-2006 to 9.4% for the years 1996-2006. Second, trade, capital inflows and international migration exert positive effects on output per capita growth. Third, rolling panels suggest the Border-North region faces increasing output convergence speed (from 8.9 to 11.2%), while the South-Center experiences a declining trend (from 12 to 7.6%) more recently. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper explores the extent to which socio-political narratives about the U.S. and Mexico are circulated via Mexican headlines between the years 2000-2015, and questions if calculated jargon is orchestrated and distributed to serve national socio-political interests. It examines whether discursive formations represented by newspaper headlines function as a type of conformist, antipathetic, reproachful, and/or reclamative narrative producer that generates sentiment in the same manner that the Latino Threat Narrative, theorized by Leo Chavez, produces self-serving iterations of Latino (specifically Mexican) personification in the U.S. It then discusses the importance that geography has had in developing a political narrative within Mexico and proceeds to discuss how threat narratives are constructed with such historiography in mind. Finally, it analyzes headline jargon in the Mexican periodicals El Norte, Reforma, and Mural between 2000-2015. It is the intent of this paper to outline what function headline jargon serves in Mexican narrative arenas, and to examine whether the way they challenge the U.S. reconstitutes a Mexican identity, or establishes completely different priorities and socio-political agendas. Specific deliberation of Mexican print media geared towards a Mexican audience is absent from discussions on how the LTN and its counter-narrative effort operate. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper constructs and tests a model that incorporates relative deprivation into the migration decision. Relatively deprived individuals view their situations as less than a community standard. Another innovation of this paper is the utilization of a cluster approach to wage differentials. This cluster method takes account of individual characteristics while avoiding the severe multicollinearity problems inherent in the standard wage equation approach. Using data from the Mexican Migration Project, relative deprivation is found to be a significant motivating factor in domestic migration decisions. The results also suggest that Mexico-US migration may be increasing relative deprivation in Mexican communities. For policymakers, the results indicate that policies attempting to slow domestic rural-to-urban migration must address both relative and absolute outcomes in communities. Investments in communities that raise aggregate incomes, but increase relative deprivation, could result in an increase in migration out of the community, not in a decrease as intended. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Territorios: Revista de Estudios Regionales y Urbanos is the property of Universidad de los Andes and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Estudios Demográficos y Urbanos is the property of El Colegio de Mexico AC and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

A key component of archaeological research in the Basin of Mexico was a series of systematic regional surveys conducted between 1960 and 1975. This essay discusses efforts to finalize settlement data generated by those surveys, and preliminary analyses of the resulting dataset that include geographic information system applications to examine patterns of settlement over time. The paper begins by reviewing the surveys and the information they produced for more than 3,900 sites. Analyses of demographics, settlement hierarchies, and environmental patterning reveal periods of slow population increase and decrease that indicate no major demographic events, but noteworthy shifts in settlement types and environmental focus. Analyses of spatial patterning reveal evidence of considerable geographic shifts in settlement over time, probable widespread reliance on irrigation throughout much of the pre-Columbian basin, likely major shifts in adaptation to the central lake system in the region, and intraregional migration as a key demographic process in settlement patterning. Amid growing understanding of pre-Columbian settlement patterns in the Basin of Mexico, this paper also defines key research problems involving demographic mobility, the role of water control in adaptation and sociocultural evolution, and implications of changing environmental emphasis in settlement patterning. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

This paper finds that minimum wages of the United States and Mexico measured carefully in Purchasing Power Parity (PPP) help explain the well-documented post-2010 fall in Mexico-U.S. migration. Declining inequality also plays a role since the purchasing power of the minimum wage increased relative to the average wage in Mexico. Using time-series data, we find two positive partial correlations between minimum wages and net migration: one driven by wage differentials between the two countries and the other by wage inequality in Mexico. However, these results are found to be mediated through migrant social networks. Though relative wages are a classic migration driver, this paper is the first to explore the full minimum-average wage nexus. One clear policy implication of these results is that maintaining the real purchasing power of minimum wages helps reduce migration. An in-depth analysis is needed to demonstrate the causality of these correlations. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Organized criminal actors increasingly diversify criminal portfolios, streamline illicit supply chains, and expand social networks in a process referred to as convergence. The frame is simultaneously used by State actors to justify the criminalization of certain populations, including irregular migrants. Relying on ethnographic and quantitative research with Central American migrants in Mexico, this paper argues that the supposed threat posed by convergence grossly overstates the relationship between organized criminal activities and migrants' own experiences. There are spaces and times when migrants do interact with organized criminal actors to facilitate their transits. These interactions, though, do not point to convergence. Rather, they demonstrate the brief but fundamental encounters of migrants with criminal/ized actors in Mexico. I refer to these instances as fusion points to elucidate the ways that Central American migrants advance their journeys. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Urban Studies (Sage Publications, Ltd.) is the property of Sage Publications, Ltd. and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This article uses a 1958–1962 strike at the Peyton Packing Company in El Paso, Texas, to examine how labor unions in the U.S.–Mexico borderlands used racial stereotypes and Cold War paranoia to influence the adoption of a more rigorous labor certification standard for those applying for a visa to enter the United State. Ultimately, labor unions and Mexican American workers sought to end the practice of border commuting by adopting and advancing the language of immigration restriction deployed by many Mexican American civil rights leaders of the era. This rhetoric ignored pleas for improving the minimum wage laws and protections and overlooked the fact that many border commuters wanted to migrate to the United States, but were often prevented from doing so by existing immigration laws. This case study forces historians of immigration and labor to reassess the role that labor unions played in helping to make the 1965 Hart-Cellar Act more exclusionary than previously thought. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In recent years, a historically unprecedented number of Mexican migrants to the U.S. returned to Mexico. Compared to previous cohorts, recent return migrants are distinct in their motivations for return, who they return with, and where they settle. Family reunification remains a pull, but more stringent enforcement of immigration law forced return as a result of deportation, and recent recessions eroded economic opportunities in the U.S. labor market, perhaps spurring others to leave. A growing number of U.S.-born migrants, many with limited experiences in Mexico, are also accompanying family members on return. Increasingly this exceptional flow of migrants is settling outside of traditional sites of emigration/return, dispersing throughout Mexico. This paper addresses how the economic incorporation of this diverse group of migrants varies across regions in Mexico over a transformational period. Using the 2000 and 2010 Mexican Censuses and a 2015 Intercensal Survey, we compare the labor market outcomes of migrants across regions of return. We find that relative earnings of recent cohorts of returnees and U.S.-born migrants are lower than those garnered by previous cohorts. The declining fortunes of individuals with U.S.-Mexico migration experience are largest in the non-traditional northern, southern/southeastern, and central regions. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper examines the socioeconomic and contextual determinants of internal and international indigenous migration from Guerrero's Mountain Region (GMR), one of the poorest areas in Mexico and Latin America. Drawing on data from Mexico's 2015 Intercensal Survey, we used logit and multilogit models to identify the determinants of migration. Empirical results reveal that indigenous people living in the GMR do not possess the necessary skills (education and information) and capabilities (assets, income, and savings) to face the costs associated with international, or even national, migration. This finding highlights the urgent need to create inclusive and comprehensive community-building strategies focused on improving welfare in this region. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Although 'Seguro Popular' (SP), a healthcare programme for the uninsured, has been in place in Mexico for more than a decade, its consequences for international migration both to and from the country have received little scholarly attention. Using the spatial variation in the programme's coverage generated through the rollout over time, this paper examines the effects of SP on the number of emigrants and return migrants per household. Based on data from Mexico's National Survey on Demographic Dynamics for 1997–2014, the analysis confirms that being affiliated to SP does not reduce the number of emigrants per household, but such affiliation is, however, positively related to the number of returnees per household. These results are valid across different subsamples of the population and time periods and are robust to omitted variable bias. Our findings have important implications for understanding the effects of social protection policies on international migration patterns. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Culture, Health & Sexuality is the property of Routledge and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This paper identifies a causal effect of Mexican immigration on crime using an instrument that leverages temporal variation in rainfall in different regions in Mexico as well as persistence in regional Mexico–U.S. migration networks. The intuition behind the instrument is that deviations in Mexican weather patterns isolate quasi-random variation in the assignment of Mexican immigrants to U.S. cities. My findings indicate that Mexican immigration is associated with no appreciable change in the rates of either violent or property crimes in U.S. cities. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The purpose of this article is to outline a model of multinational mobility as revealed via the trajectories Haitian migrants embark on today. Qualitative, semi-structured interviews administered to migrants in Tapachula, Chiapas, Mexico, recount the "lived experience" of Haitians' migratory journeys, including protracted displacement. Research findings show that the complex and "long arc" of migration involves paying attention, across time and space, to stepwise and onward migration, (im)mobility, agency in waiting, and instrumental emplacement, all of them constitutive elements, sometimes fully, sometimes partially, of multinational mobility. Aspirations, opportunities, and expectations also play a role in the dynamics of multinational mobilities. A turn of events along a trajectory may induce new goals, perhaps recalibrating or reformulating any previous plans, that is, the readjustment of an imagined "horizon of migration." Results from this study also indicate that multinational mobilities do not follow a unidirectional path; hence, they must be analyzed from a processual standpoint. Haitians' current journeys through the Americas offer valuable insights into multinational mobility, a fluid and common experience among those populations on the move who are in search of safety and stability. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In recent years, unaccompanied minors have been journeying to the United States (U.S.)-Mexico border in great numbers in order to escape violence, poverty and exploitation in their home countries. Yet, unaccompanied children attempting to cross the United States border face treatment at the hands of government representatives which violates their inherent rights as children. The result is a human rights crisis that has severe health consequences for the children. Their rights as children are clearly delineated in various, international human rights documents which merit increased understanding of and recognition by the U.S. government. This paper calls for the improvement of policies and procedures for addressing the rights of unaccompanied immigrant children; it provides specific, rights-based recommendations which work together to safeguard the rights of the child at the U.S. southwestern border. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper investigates the impact of human out-migration on long-standing commons institutions in the Sierra Norte of Oaxaca. Local communities have been increasingly engaged with national and international markets for wage labour, with many losing a significant percentage of their resident populations. This paper shows how demographic and cultural change is impacting the two social institutions-cargos and tequios-that underpin the highly autonomous form of governance the region is famed for. The loss of able-bodied men and women has meant that these customary systems are struggling to remain operational. A number of responses and institutional adaptations have been introduced by community authorities, including the forging of translocal ties that show potential for reducing the vulnerability of affected villages. While migration was temporary or circular from the 1970s to the 1990s, more permanent forms of migration have come to dominate since that time. Such a shift undermines adaptation efforts at the community level. Within this context, the lessons for commons theory are discussed, while a new layer of complexity is added to the body of work examining the consequences of rural depopulation on Mexican village life and landscapes. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper examines the role of migration networks in determining self-selection patterns of Mexico-U.S. migration. A simple theoretical framework shows the impact of networks on migration incentives at different education levels and how this affects the composition of migrant skills. Empirically, we find positive or education-neutral selection in communities with weak migrant networks but negative self-selection in communities with stronger networks. This is consistent with high migration costs driving positive or intermediate self-selection, as advocated by Chiquiar and Hanson (2005), and with negative self-selection being driven by lower returns to education in the United States than in Mexico, as advocated by Borjas (1987). [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper reviews changes in homogamy by migration status and educational level in Monterrey, Mexico, through the analysis of marriage patterns for two cohorts of men born in 1905–1934 and 1940–1969. Results show a significant increase in educational homogamy, as well as in homogamy by rural origins. The changes suggest that education has played an increasingly important role in the process of mate selection, although certain particularistic characteristics, such as being a rural immigrant, are still important in marriage formation. The paper concludes with a discussion of the implications of these findings for the relationship between homogamy and social stratification. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Despite the centrality of Mexico–US border policing to pre- and post-9/11 US immigration geopolitics, perhaps the most significant yet largely ignored immigration-related fallout of the so-called war on terrorism has been the extension of interior immigration policing practices away from the southwest border. As I outline in this paper, these interior spaces of immigration geopolitics—nominally said to be about fighting terrorism, but in practice concerned with undocumented labor migration across the Mexico–US border—have not emerged accidentally. Rather, the recent criminalization of immigration law, the sequestering of immigration enforcement from court oversight and the enrollment of proxy immigration officers at sub-state scales have been actively pursued so as to make interior enforcement newly central to US immigration geopolitics. I argue here that these embryonic spaces of localized immigration geopolitics shed new light on the spatiality of US immigration governance, which has typically been thought of by geographers as active predominantly at the territorial margins of the state. I conclude the paper with some thoughts as to how geographers might rethink the what and where of contemporary US immigration geopolitics. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Prior studies suggest that the passage of the Immigration Reform and Control Act (IRCA) in 1986 signalled a deterioration in the labour market conditions of Mexican migrants. In this paper, we examine whether and how labour market conditions worsened for Dominicans and Nicaraguans after 1986, and the extent to which these shifts were comparable to those experienced by Mexicans. Our analysis relies on a new source of data that offers comparable data across the three national origins. We estimate multivariate models that capture the effects of demographic attributes, human and social capital, migration-specific human and social capital, legal status, period of trip, national origin, and other controls on the hourly wages earned by household heads and whether they received cash wages on their last US trip. Models with interaction terms reveal significant pre- and post-1986 wage effects, but few differences in these effects between Mexicans and Dominicans or Nicaraguans. In contrast, group differences appear in the risk of cash receipt of wages. Dominicans and Nicaraguans experienced a greater increase in this risk relative to Mexicans pre- and post-1986. Together, these findings depict a broader, negative impact of IRCA on Latino migrant wages than has been documented elsewhere. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This art‐based, participatory action research sought to foster dialog between art therapists working on both sides of the US (Southern California)–Mexico (Tijuana) border in 2019. The paper summarizes the narratives from three initial focus groups, highlighting main findings arising from systematic analyses of verbal, creative and reflective writing input of participants. Identified themes include therapists' need to respond to immigration crisis; the realities of being a part of a border town; observing differences between communities; learning from the art of art therapists working with immigrants and refugees; and identifying challenges as a therapist. These themes inspired the creation of preliminary guidelines and are discussed within the context of mental health services around the border at this time. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper identifies the Trump administration's violent practices toward Central American and Mexican asylum-seeking families as a defensive response to the legal framework that grants them this protection tool in their relationship with the State. Through in-depth interviews and participant observation with migrant families in Tijuana during 2017-2020, it is concluded that the various measures implemented sought to limit asylum as a right and to configure an illegal subject based on suspicion, criminalization, and trauma. In this way, it was sought to reverse the character of legality that protects asylum seekers and rebuild a dominant vertical relationship of racialized subjection. The analysis seeks to contribute to migration studies by understanding the tension between the legality of asylum and the Trump administration's actions to disrupt this framework. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Since 2017, a rising number of Cameroonians fleeing political persecution have come to the US via its border with Mexico. This paper takes an autoethnographic approach to reflect on questions of anti-Blackness and the US border regime through the personal experience of a Cameroonian man. The first part contextualizes conditions that have fueled the forced migration of Cameroonians in recent years. This is followed by an introspective account of how the US immigration system disproportionately targets African and Black immigrants for detention and deportation. Concluding remarks point to a politics of resistance that emerges out of the shared bonds of oppression and solidarity forged among African immigrants, particularly Cameroonians. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]