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This paper addresses the contribution of neoliberal globalisation to the growing popularity and prevalence of nationalist movements in the past decade. The world has seen rising levels of populism and nationalism in recent years and Europe is no exception. Several European member states have seen parties of the far- right move from the outskirts of the political spectrum to the mainstream and into positions of leadership. To highlight the nationalist response to neoliberal conditions three emergent movements in founding EU member states will be analysed in detail: France's Rassemblement National (RN), Italy's Lega Nord (LN) and Movimento 5 Stelle (5SM) and Germany's Alternative für Deutschland (AfD). This paper will argue that the conditions of neoliberal globalisation have contributed to the rise and prominence of nationalist movements in Europe. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The COVID-19 pandemic is as much a process of globalization as it is its outcome. In the wake of the death, socio-economic devastation, and radical uncertainties it has unleashed, this paper re-examines globalization anew. This paper's focus is on the role that neoliberalism has played in precipitating the COVID-19 disaster, especially in the wealthiest nations of the West. Re-visiting history, the paper takes issue with the rhetoric of globalization that had been sold as a project ushering in an interconnected global village exalting culture and community. Against such exuberance, the paper recalls that globalization was a post-Cold War project celebrating liberal-capitalism's 'triumph' over state-socialism. It reveals globalization to be foremost about economic accumulation, not community edification. Moreover, in the realm of ideology and policymaking, the past four decades have seen liberalism devolving into neoliberalism, and many national states becoming financialized corporate states. Especially in the West, the liberal state has been captured and financialized. Austerity--not redistributive growth--has reigned, engendering historically unprecedented social polarization which COVID-19 has exposed and exacerbated. Globalization, I argue, has served as rhetorical cover for the social destructiveness of 'neoliberalism'. The approaches and outcomes of pandemic management in much of the West are a further indictment of neoliberalism. Whereas 'herd immunity' had been the early de facto pandemic strategy of many neoliberal Western governments, most of East Asia a state-led commitment to 'zero transmission' and minimum casualties, leading to vastly different health outcomes. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper seeks to answer the following question: does it still make sense today to speak of political emancipation, in particular in the sense bequeathed to us by Marx, as emancipation from capitalism? I consider three serious objections to this possibility: the objection that reference to 'capitalism' is unduly essentialist in view of the multiplicity of historical situations; the anti-utopian objection according to which the programme of emancipation from capitalism lacks any precise, practical content; and the normative objection that emancipation in and of itself does not specify the norms of the putative post-capitalist society. In the final section of the paper, I attempt to respond to these three objections, and seek to outline the different levels at which something like an emancipatory project, understood as a surpassing of capitalism, can still make sense today. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In the IPE literature, neoliberalism and nationalism have generally been portrayed as anti-thetical to one another. More recently, scholars have sought to challenge this binary view by examining how nationalists have employed neoliberal policies for nationalist reasons. However, while showing how neoliberal policies can be compatible with nationalist values, these approaches have not examined whether the reverse might also be true, whether certain nationalist policies (and discourses) might be genuinely compatible with neoliberal values. To address this gap in the literature, this paper makes two arguments. The first is that certain nationalist policies are not only compatible with neoliberal values, but that these values may actually be dependent on certain nationalist policies. The second argument made is that neoliberal nationalism may be on the rise due to a shift among social democratic forces from a broad strategy of economic nationalism to one of social democratic multilateralism. To demonstrate these points, the paper challenges the equation of neoliberalism with internationalism as well as showing why neoliberal nationalism is distinct from the nationalism of both populist and neoconservatives. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

In 2018, Samir Amin called for a 'new wave of revival and progress' which would replace the system of neoliberal globalisation which is to blame for leaving multiple, interlinked global crises. Five years after his death, this article aims to evaluate if his call has been heeded and how far the world is from a new wave of revival and progress. The article investigates the movement of 'progressive internationalism' - as a movement that opposes the perpetuation of the legacy of global imperlialism that has manifested in global power assymetry, producin structural inequality and poverty - as a possible response to Amin's request.. The core research question is: 'how far are we from realising Amin's vision'. To do this, the article will also explore initiatives of the progressive internationalist movement with reference to south-south cooperation thorough the BRICS bloc, structural reform of the international system and the United Nations Security Council, and Active Non-Alignment, among other nascent initiatives. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Canadian Social Work Review / Revue Canadienne de Service Social is the property of Canadian Association for Social Work Education and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

May 1968 was defeated in a sense, with the people going back and living conventional lives, but at the same time it was a milestone of change of mind. It inspired new cultural and political imaginations and the creation of alternative cultures, anti-capitalist, anti-war, anti-colonial, and against conventional logic. And it was surrounded by student uprisings in the USA and by Prague 1968 and broader openings in many world areas, which boosted the effect of May 1968. ‘I would object to comparisons with Greece 43 years later, and we still do not know whether the Greek May of 2011 (celebrated in the picture) or 2012 (the pivotal election) is successful yet. But the banner really makes the point that the May of 2011 and all that followed, also inspires alternative cultures and imaginations against the hegemony of neoliberal neocolonialism, so it is anticapitalist too, against the new more exploitative face of capitalism and the democratic deficit that it creates. Though it is surrounded by insulting and racist remarks from abroad, it draws solidarity only from single intellectuals who see its pioneering intervention that might snowball and lead to a change of mind throughout Europe, against conventional logic which has the banks in power rather than parliamentary democracy. (Leontidou)1 Professor Lila Leontidou was discussing her photograph of a year ago which shows a banner posted by the Theatre du Soleil in Syntagma to, as she puts it, ‘celebrate solidarity between Athens and Paris.’ ‘Solidarity in Greek’, she continues, ‘is “allilegyi”, which means literally “close (egys) to each other (allilous)”. Indeed, the Left Party of Syriza on the rise in the 2012 May elections and now, has made allilegyi the basic discourse of their political campaign. To those who attack them (everybody does these days, media and politicians attack them harshly with the scare of the Greek drachma), these people say that they do have a chance if they draw “allilegyi” from abroad.’2 ‘Athens’, she concludes, ‘is as massive as Paris, and as young and inventive as that.’ Professor Leontidou was speaking before the June 17 election. Syriza has since significantly increased its vote but failed to win the election.3 But the movement against ‘conventional logic’ to which she refers, ‘against the hegemony of neoliberal neocolonialism, i.e. anti-capitalist too, against the new more exploitative face of capitalism and the democratic deficit that it creates’, seems set to continue.4 The ‘conventional logic which has the banks in power rather than parliamentary democracy’ has come to seem more fragile and unacceptable, even if the prospect of parliamentary democracy itself has also come to seem more fragile and questionable. This issue of CITY seeks to chart and analyse the struggle between this conventional and enshrined logic and an alternative logic emerging from the potentially transformative solidarities, within and across movements, nations, moments of time, across the face of, and towards a new future for, the planet. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

This paper discusses the political opportunity structures which facilitated the creation of sites of interaction and protest against the Asian Development Bank during the Bank's Annual General Meeting in Chiang Mai, Thailand, in 2000. The factors which facilitated the coming together of Thai social movements and their regional and international counterparts are mainly their shared critique of the neo-liberal paradigm and its adverse effects on their respective countries. The strategies they used to highlight these effects enhanced their sites of engagement and confrontation with the Bank and included dialogue with Bank officials, demonstrations, and the use of the media to highlight their concerns. Importance was also placed on the manner in which they were able to mobilize resources for the anti-Asian Development Bank campaigns and the process by which they framed their issues to gain the sympathy and support of the public. The 1997 Asian financial crisis, which highlighted the shortcomings of the Bank's development paradigm, as well as the ongoing democratization process in Thailand during that period, provided the impetus in fostering the anti-globalization alliances of local and transnational social movements in a common venue. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

This article locates an understanding of the Shell to Sea social movement (mobilised in response to the building of an onshore pipeline dispute in County Mayo) within a wider narrative which incorporates understandings of civil society containing a diverse set of 'epic conflicts' such as the antiglobalisation movement and neo-liberalism or phantasmagoric mythic zones and magic realism. In so doing, it puts forward a deeper understanding of the narrative of `the civil society'; one which has its roots in the Aristotelian civics which are integral to the ars vitae or art of living the 'Good Life'. The article sets out a framework for understanding the Shell to Sea dispute as one where the civil society of a local rural community is targeted by the planners and shapers of a globalised type of risk-based post-modernity, causing a resistance which is embedded in the basis of civility which state, industry and society are meant to embrace and devise opportunities for, rather than having such communities targeted and undermined. The paper approaches these issues using a range of communications theories, including Habermas, narrative theory and interpretation and analysis, and identifies some of the societal strains surrounding the issue of community in (post) modern Ireland. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The recent emergence of global justice networks (GJNs) to counter neoliberal globalization has been an important political and geographical phenomenon. Much has been written about the emergence of a new global civil society, centred upon a new 'network' ontology. In engaging with these debates in this paper, our purpose is to develop a more critical spatial perspective. We argue that issues of space and place are critical in understanding the operation of GJNs and their potential to contribute to an alternative global politics. Spatially, the global linkages of GJNs can be seen as creating cultural and spatial configurations that connect places with each other in opposition to neoliberalism. However, the individual movements that comprise networks, while not necessarily place-restricted, remain heavily territorialized in their struggles. Additionally, networks evolve unevenly over space. Some groups and actors within them are able to develop extensive translocal connections and associations whereas others remain relatively more localized. Potential conflicts arise from such complex geographies, which only become evident through analysing the operation and evolution of different networks. This leads us to focus not solely on the transnational character of networks but also upon how the global is enacted through the localized practices of movements within them, in considering the potential for GJNs to form more sustainable political alternatives to neoliberalism. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper uses Freirean theory and field studies of counter-globalist campaigns to add greater lucidity and normative deliberateness to our understanding of resistance to neo-liberal globalism. A difficult tension exists between complete submersion in movement struggles, versus a mythical position of objective analytic detachment. We sketch out the basis for a productive dialogue between these two competing pulls of political engagement and analytic objectivity. To do this, we draw from the writings of Paulo Freire, a Brazilian thinker famous for his theories of popular education. Freire's writings have not seriously entered academic studies of globalization, even though activists in the ‘globalization-from-below’ camp frequently draw on his words for inspiration. We seek to remedy this omission, and construct a dialogue between Freire and social movement struggles on four dualisms centred on epistemology, normativity, methodology and strategy. In each dualism, we outline how Freirean concepts can help redefine these binaries as productive tensions to be developed, rather than conflicts to be suppressed. These insights are not intended as a theoretical injunctive delivered from upon high, but are used in dialogue with examples from global justice campaigns in order to clarify what is already taking place on the ground. Identifying Freirean priorities can also encourage openings for more emancipatory approaches to critical globalization scholarship. While academics cannot engineer resistance to neo-liberal globalism from the top down, they can contribute their research energy and resources, becoming more actively engaged in the process of envisaging alternatives. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Since the early 1980s, Australian governments have embraced neoliberal policies as a means of improving the nation's global economic competitiveness. The impacts of such policies in regional areas have been quite profound, leading to socio-economic polarisation, population loss, and the growth of anti-globalisation sentiments. In this paper, we examine the process of regional restructuring that arises from this trajectory in Australia, and examine current policy responses to change under the neoliberal regime. We argue that while many such responses are individualistic, and based upon policies of personal responsibility, self-advancement and entrepreneurship, others are imbued with the language of community, social capital and collective action. The existence of individualism and community within the same policy agenda may appear contradictory, yet it is suggested that neoliberalism brings together these two opposing discourses through a process of what Nikolas Rose calls ‘governing through community’. We explore how neoliberalism underpins community approaches to regional development in Australia, arguing that such strategies do little to counter the negative forces of globalisation in non-metropolitan parts of the country. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The global environmental agenda, alongside the broad neoliberal agenda, may be viewed by developing states and societies as a neo-imperialist adventure to be resisted. This paper argues that while the idea of ‘eco-imperialism’ reflects the uncertain location of politics, the ambivalent role of states, and unchallenged state-centred assumptions about world politics, it also introduces conceptual confusion. It is an unusual case of imperialism, in so far as it involves diverse actors who may not be pursuing the same objectives. It appears that eco-imperialism may be both hegemonic force and anti-capitalist movement. In order to explain this apparent contradiction, we must note the contradictions in globalisation, but also how the mix of underlying political orientations create strange bed-fellows of, for example, developing country activists and oil company executives. In doing so, a nuanced view of the dynamics of global environmental policy and the prospects for matching these to particular political contexts may be discerned. While the exploitative and dominating aspects of global environmental policy deserve to be challenged and studied, these may have less bearing on global governance per se than on the globalised world in which it occurs. In recognising the intent of the critique, one must also note the mutual constitution of governance and resistance, local-global reverberations, and the prospects for bottom-up support identified by ‘environmentality’. Hence, any signs of eco-imperialism imply ‘participatory empire’ at worst, which should inform rather than obstruct global environmental governance. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article explains how the global justice movement in the U.S. developed a critical interpretation of neoliberal globalization that undermined its hegemony using the counter-hegemonic frame analysis. Topics discussed include the content of the global justice movement's framing repertoire, the aspects of the repertoire that contest neoliberal hegemony, and an ethnographic content analysis of archival data.

A key to Trump’s political success, this economist argues, has been his pro-worker “masquerade,” including his anti-globalization rhetoric. But his true economic interests are much different. Trump will strongly criticize globalization, but the bark will be worse than the bite because globalization has increased corporate profits. Trump also opportunistically expresses a neocon unilateralist vision, which has important implications for international relations. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

This commentary suggests that a countermovement for educational and social justice must learn from the dominant global neo-liberal movement and its successes in creating institutions and knowledge-making processes and networks. Local struggles for educational justice are important, but they need to be linked to a broader educational justice movement. Such a movement itself has to be seen as part of a struggle for genuine democracy. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

Copyright of Ankara University SBF Journal / Ankara Üniversitesi SBF Dergisi is the property of Ankara University SBF Journal and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Consumer activism as a means to advance an anti-capitalist agenda is filled with contradictions and contingencies. Most research to date examines the structures and representations involved with various consumer activist efforts, particularly those related to alternative trade such as the fair trade movement. This study problematises the subjectivity of the consumer activist who engages in alternative trade. Research on neoliberal subjectivity, and specifically the Foucauldian subjectivity of homo economicus, are drawn upon in addition to the work of Ulrich Beck and others addressing risks and uncertainty in late modernity. Findings from open-ended questionnaire responses are analysed for emergent themes. The analyses indicate consumer activists are influenced in part by a homo economicus subjectivity rather than a collectively oriented subjectivity. Findings also suggest consumer activists, operating as homo economicus, act self-reflexively to environmental risks stemming from late modernity and, in the process, commodify social relationships in an effort to manage various risks. Theoretical implications arising from the recognition that the anti-capitalist activism of consumer activists are being advanced by individuals motivated in part by a homo economicus subjectivity are discussed and suggestions for future research provided. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This work draws on Deleuze and Guattari's image of the ‘rhizome’ to develop a framework for mapping and understanding the global social forum process and its implications for the broader global left. The image of the rhizome is insightful for analytically accentuating the nature and workings, as well as the challenges and contemporary shortcomings, of the social forum process and more generally the broader global movement(s). Thriving on multiplicity and thus lacking a dominant core or main axis, the social forum-as-rhizome emphasizes the multi-connectivity and heterogeneity of this process, which has no central actor, issue, strategy, or ideology, beyond the strong opposition to neoliberalism. While what I call the ‘Global Social Forum Rhizome’ allows for unprecedented connections as well as tempering and managing inherent antinomies of the alter-globalization movement(s), its logic simultaneously limits the degree of congealed and resilient movement building. In the final analysis, these intrinsic rhizomatic characteristics foster a rather thin articulation of commonalities and convergences, which result in a politics often unable to move beyond mere symbolic acts and resistances and towards organizing, campaigning, and concrete movement building. Este trabajo se inspira en la imagen del ‘rizoma’ de Deleuze y Guattari, para desarrollar un marco para representar y entender el proceso del Fórum Social Global y sus implicaciones para la más amplia izquierda global. La imagen del rizoma es reveladora, tanto para acentuar analíticamente la naturaleza y el funcionamiento, como los retos y las carencias contemporáneas del proceso del Fórum Social y en mayores rasgos, el(los) movimiento(s) global(es) más amplio(s). Creciendo en multiplicidad y por lo tanto carente de un núcleo dominante o de un eje principal, el Fórum Social como rizoma enfatiza la conectividad múltiple y la heterogeneidad de este proceso, que carece de un actor central, cuestión, estrategia o ideología, más allá de la fuerte oposición al neoliberalismo. Mientras lo que yo llamo el ‘Fórum Social Global del Rizoma’ tiene en cuenta a las conexiones sin precedente, como también atenuando y controlando las antinomias inherentes del(los) movimiento(s) de alterglobalización, su lógica limita simultáneamente el grado de congelación y tenacidad del desarrollo del movimiento. En el análisis final, estas características intrínsecas del rizoma fomentan una articulación bastante escasa de similitudes y convergencias, que resultan en una política frecuentemente incapaz de moverse más allá de actos meramente simbólicos y de resistencias y hacia la organización, las campañas y el desarrollo concreto del movimiento. 本文借鉴了德勒兹与瓜塔里的“块茎说”，发展出一种测绘和理解世界社会论坛进程及其对更广义全球左派的意义的框架。“块茎说”是解析社会论坛进程和更普遍、更广泛的全球运动的性质、运作、挑战和当前不足的真知灼见。作为块茎的社会论坛因多样性的繁荣导致其缺少主导的核心或主茎，强调多元连通和进程的异质性，除了强烈反对新自由主义外，社会论坛缺少核心行为体、议题、战略或意识形态。虽然我所谓的“全球社会论坛块茎”虑及前所未有的连通和对另立全球化运动的内在矛盾的调节和管理，其逻辑同时限制了静态和有弹性的组织建设。总而言之，这种内在的块茎特点致其共同点和交汇点甚少，导致了一种往往无法超越仅为象征的行动和反抗，无法开展组织、竞选和具体的运动建构的政治。 이 글은 지구적 사회포럼 과정과 그것이 전 세계 좌파에게 주는 함의를 찾아내고 또 이해하기 위한 틀을 발전시키기 위하여 드뢰즈와 카타리의 ‘리좀(rhizome)’ 이미지를 다룬다. 리좀의 이미지는 사회포럼 과정과 보다 일반적으로 더 광범위한 지구적 운동들의 성격과 작동뿐만 아니라 도전과 현재의 부족한 점을 분석적으로 강조하는데 있어서 통찰력을 제공한다. 다양성이 증진되면서 지배적인 중심이나 주축이 없는 리좀으로서의 사회포럼은 과정의 다연계성(multi-connectivity)과 이질성(heterogeneity)을 강조한다. 이 과정은 신자유주의에 대한 강력한 반대 이상으로 중심적인 행위자, 이슈, 전략 혹은 이데올로기가 없다. 내가 ‘지구적 사회포럼 리좀’이라고 부른 것은 대안 세계화 운동들의 내적인 자기모순을 완화시키고 관리할 뿐만 아니라 전대미문의 연계를 허용하지만, 그것의 논리는 동시에 응집되고 끈질긴 운동의 건설을 제약한다. 최종 분석에서 이러한 내적인 리좀의 특성들이 공통점과 수렴의 약한 절합을 촉진시키며, 때로 단순히 상징적인 행동과 저항을 넘어서 구체적인 운동을 조직하고 선전하는 쪽으로 나아가지 못하는 정치로 끝난다. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

This article explores the relation between globalisation and images of Jews. Globalisation along neoliberal lines has often had serious impacts on the livelihoods of the poor, particularly in the global South: economic distress must be taken seriously when discussing how 'old' images of the 'economic Jew' emerge within social movements. Resistance to negative economic effects of globalisation takes a number of forms, some advocating a return to more enclosed societies; others, building international links while opposing neoliberalism. However, images of Jews as representing finance capital are recurrent; this is in part because these are rooted in European Jewish history. Although such imagery is not pervasive within anti-globalisation movements, there has been some crossover between Left and Right. There exists a temptation to split off 'bad'/unwanted parts of capitalism; this can only be confronted through the difficult work of analysing globalised capitalist systems. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The global justice movement has often been associated with opposition to the broad programme of 'neoliberalism' and associated patterns of 'corporate globalisation', creating a widespread impression that this movement is opposed to liberalism more broadly conceived. Our goal in this article is to challenge this widespread view. By engaging in critical interpretive analysis of the contemporary 'corporate accountability' movement, we argue that the corporate accountability agenda is not opposed to the core values of a liberal project. Rather, it is seeking to reconfigure the design of liberal institutions of individual rights-protection, adjusting these for new material conditions associated with economic globalisation, under which powerful corporations alongside states now pose direct and significant threats to individual rights. This activist agenda is, therefore, much less radical in its challenge to the prevailing liberal global order than it may initially appear, since it functions to buttress rather than corrode many core normative commitments underpinning the liberal political project. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Globalisation's advent is based on the dominant role of liberalism in the development and organisation of the world system. In both economic and political realms, liberal values and theories guide the process of globalisation. Today's neoliberal form of globalisation, however, is under attack nowadays. While attention is usually directed to anti-globalisation movements, this article examines Russia's re-emergence in the global system and her impact on globalisation. It argues that, politically and economically, Russia acts principally as an 'anti-globalising' force. She rejects western style capitalism, and retains a strong role for the state in economic activities. She fights against US supremacy and works for the establishment of a multi-polar global system. In this attempt, Russia aims to establish a Russian-led regional zone in her near abroad, thus fortifying regional tendencies and countering globalising trends. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Social forces at the core of the world economy were sheltered from world-ordering processes for more than a century before being abruptly exposed in the current phase of globalisation. In this context, resistance appears as a new political movement, with its own finalities and tactics, and a proper – if insubstantial – subject of reference (the “we” who are part of the anti-globalisation movement everywhere). Another world is possible, but to make it happen we must use proper politics. At the periphery, social forces have always constituted themselves in their meeting with world order. “We”, whoever we may be, have been there before. Against this history, current resistance is not defined by the political form it now may be taking or the subject on whose behalf a different world order is now envisioned or argued for, but in relation to how other social forces at other moments have defined their connection to world order. Informed by these complementary perspectives, we can better understand the depth of present resistance to neo-liberal globalisation, and think about ways to marshal its transformative potential. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The 'left' populist argument of 'culturally-perceived' poverty, proposed by subsistence ecofeminist Vandana Shiva, is gaining increasing currency in the contemporary 'Anti-Globalization' Movement. This article maintains that, instead of challenging neoliberalism, however, this notion lends itself to complicity with it and, moreover, with fundamentalist and reactionary currents that are on the rise worldwide. In order to make this case, it examines four main political currents influencing Shiva: Gandhism, Western maternal feminism, the post-development framework of Gustavo Esteva, and the New Age eco-spirituality of Rudolph Bahro. Also considered are some of the theoretical overlaps with the Right in which Shiva and these mentoring currents have become implicated. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Within the study of global politics and global political economy there has been an increase in literature within the last few years on the growth of resistance movements geared toward challenging the hegemony of US-inspired neoliberalism. This article questions much of the normative literature that is emerging, particularly from international political economy, on the nature of resistance and the anti-globalization movement. Using the case of Britain as an example, it argues that it is necessary to assess the various parts of the movement before any claim to counter-hegemony or counter-movement can be made. By looking at the various fragmented anti-globalization strategies and struggles that have been articulated within Britain, we also warn that any potential progressive or emancipatory ‘counter’ project is likely to suffer both from potential reactionary forces and from the lack of a clear transformative agenda. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]