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Several research efforts were dedicated to analysing the effects of foreign direct investment (FDI) inflows on gross domestic product (GDP) and employment in the host economies. The variations in the conclusions signal that other variables influence and moderate the effects of FDI on GDP and employment. Institutional elements receive limited research attention, despite their influence on the host economies. This paper investigates the moderating role of institutional elements in the FDI-host economies on FDI’s effects on GDP and employment with China and India as case studies. The approach utilises three principal methodologies. The first methodology presents an in-depth analysis of China and India, highlighting selected institutional elements with the potential to influence FDI’s effects. The second methodology confirms the presence of a positive correlation between FDI and GDP and a negative correlation between FDI and employment-to-population ratio (EPR) in both China and India. The FDI, GDP purchasing power parity per capita, and EPR datasets are extracted from the World Bank – DataBank World Development Indicators to ensure the consistency of the data. The results of the quantitative analysis validate the qualitative analysis. The qualitative analysis confirms the moderating role of the selected institutional elements with variations in direction and strength. Significant variations in FDI’s effects on GDP and employment are strongly related to variations in the institutions of governance. The institutions of governance include the functionality of the state organs, the efficiency of the legal system and enforcement of the rule of law, and the quality of implementation of FDI-supportive policies. The findings aim to increase the absorption of the positive effects of FDI on GDP and employment in the respective countries. The research is a cornerstone of in-depth future research into the following areas: the role of selective FDI and constructive conditional FDI policies, the functionality of judicial authority controls, and FDI favourable exchange rates and interest rates policies. The novelty and contribution of the paper lie in its comprehensive exploration of the moderating role of institutional elements on the effects of FDI on GDP and employment in host economies, with a specific focus on China and India. The paper contributes significantly to the academic literature on FDI and economic development by emphasising the importance of institutional factors and providing actionable insights for policymakers and researchers. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Between the end of the Canton Crisis of 181-15, and the Bank of England Crisis of 1825, the financial usages of European houses in China had become better defined. Increased reliance and valuations upon negotiable paper instruments of finance were apparent. Quite apart from the extensive use of the East India Co.'s remittance paper as negotiable in India and China, the provision of private credit facilities for private trade in India and China were now explicit. Records of short-term lending on the spot and deposit accounts were now in evidence. The individual consigner of Indian cottons and opium who surveyed on a large scale for the China market could now also obtain direct credit backing from China agencies, albeit at the exorbitant rate of ten to 12 per cent. Indian agents of the China houses were also encouraging and financing groups of small investors under joint consignment accounts. In turn, the China houses now had sizeable credit accounts with their London, England, agents, which they covered by the periodic hypothecation of China goods to the United States. For a good many years the London money crisis of 1825-6 was slowly but clearly building up. In the build-up of the crisis conditions, the Bank of England was not above blame. Some China houses had not yet reached this level of rationale in their financial affairs, but the new mood of independence was symptomatic of the important changes through which the system was undergoing.

The present paper summarizes papers given at the 8th International Family Research Seminar in Oslo, Norway, 1963, which describe and explain differential frequencies of those decisions to marry which result in teenage marriage. Sociological analysis of marriage usually points out that age at marriage varies with the type of society and, therefore, reflects the stage of industrialization and urbanization. The lowest ages at marriage are generally found in peasant agricultural countries, such as India and China. During the rapid growth phase of urban industrial nations, age at marriage apparently rises, but later the age at marriage once again turns downward, though not rapidly. One way of viewing trends of teenage marriage is in terms of the percentage of males and females under 20 years of age involved in marriages contracted. During 1961, in 6% of all marriages contracted in Yugoslavia one or both spouses were under the age of 18. However, in such marriages the wife was under 18 years of age in 91 % of the cases, the husband in only 9 %. From 1953-1961 there was a gradual decrease in the percentage married under 18 years from 6.6 % to 6.0 %.

This paper explores some of the key features of the ‘second’ global shift or offshoring of a range of service functions from America and Europe to countries like India and China. Service offshoring or global sourcing is perceived by the media, policy-making communities and trade unions as a significant threat to existing and future service employment in developed market economies. This paper explores two issues. First, it explores the growth of call centres and data-processing warehouses in India and elsewhere as strategies that are being used to develop a new international spatial division of service labour based on blended delivery systems. Second, it explores the impact that the second global shift is having on service operators living in India. Service work is a hybrid form of work that contains within it various types of emotional labour. Emotional labour is usually understood to be implicated in face-to-face encounters between service producers and consumers. The second global shift, however, involves distanciated emotional labour in which firms located in developed market economies encourage foreign workers to alter the ways in which they project their identities. The offshoring of services to India and China encourages call centre operators based in India and China to become American or English at night and Indian or Chinese during the day. Unlike the first global shift, the geographies of the second global shift are partially determined by a country's colonial heritage. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The growing India-Japan engagements are not only focused on economic issues, but also cover a wide range of interests, including regional security, political, and maritime security concerns. Both countries are consolidating strategic partnerships to address the risks and vulnerabilities posed by the evolving regional balance of power. Through their embeddedness with China, both India and Japan form an intrinsic part of the Indo-Pacific geopolitical security architecture. The key transformation of relations between these two states in the region is in response to the geopolitical change brought about by China's rapid ascension. In this regard, the article further explains how both countries are systematically strengthening a strategic partnership and gradually reinforcing economic, political, security, and strategic cooperation against China. This article seeks to address how both states would restrain rising China's strategic maneuvering in the Indo-Pacific region through an analysis of the India-Japan alignment, with the main focus of this study being on analyzing how both India and Japan are now investing in a long-term strategy to balance China's hegemonic policies. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Lonicera ligustrina is a folk medicinal herb in China and India with highly potential medicinal value. Here, we reported the complete chloroplast (cp) genome of L. ligustrina (GenBank accession number: ON968694). The cp genome was 155,330 bp long, with a large single-copy region (LSC) of 88,855 bp and a small single-copy region (SSC) of 18,647 bp separated by a pair of inverted repeats (IRs) of 23,914 bp. We also reconstructed the phylogeny of Lonicera using maximum likelihood (ML) method, including our data and previously reported cp genomes of related taxa. The current study indicated that L. ligustrina is sister with the Nintooa clade of subgen. Lonicera. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

We aim to investigate the impact of environmental entrepreneurship and green innovations on CO2 emissions in highly polluting Asian economies. For empirical estimation, we have applied ARDL and NARDL models. In the short run, the linear estimates of environmental entrepreneurship are significant in China and India. The short-run non-linear estimates of environmental entrepreneurship are significant in the case of China, India, and Japan. Similarly, the short-run linear estimates of green innovations are significant in China, India, and Japan, whereas the non-linear estimated coefficients of green innovation appeared to be significant in India, Japan, and Russia. In the long run, the linear estimates of environmental entrepreneurship are negative and significant in three countries, namely China, Japan, and Russia. Similarly, the estimates of green innovations are negative and significant in China, India, Japan, and Russia. In the non-linear model, the estimated coefficients of positive shock in environmental entrepreneurship are significant and negative in the case of China, India, and Japan; while, the estimates of negative shock in environmental entrepreneurship are negative and significant in India only. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Background: Resource allocation in health is universally challenging, but especially so in resource-constrained contexts in the Global South. Pursuing a strategy of evidence-based decision-making and using tools such as Health Technology Assessment (HTA), can help address issues relating to both affordability and equity when allocating resources. Three BRICS and Global South countries, China, India and South Africa have committed to strengthening HTA capacity and developing their domestic HTA systems, with the goal of getting evidence translated into policy. Through assessing and comparing the HTA journey of each country it may be possible to identify common problems and shareable insights. Objectives: This collaborative paper aimed to share knowledge on strengthening HTA systems to enable enhanced evidence-based decision-making in the Global South by: Identifying common barriers and enablers in three BRICS countries in the Global South; and Exploring how South-South collaboration can strengthen HTA capacity and utilisation for better healthcare decision-making. Methods: A descriptive and explorative comparative analysis was conducted comprising a Within-Case analysis to produce a narrative of the HTA journey in each country and an Across-Case analysis to explore both knowledge that could be shared and any potential knowledge gaps. Results: Analyses revealed that China, India and South Africa share many barriers to strengthening and developing HTA systems such as: (1) Minimal HTA expertise; (2) Weak health data infrastructure; (3) Rising healthcare costs; (4) Fragmented healthcare systems; and (5) Significant growth in non-communicable diseases. Stakeholder engagement and institutionalisation of HTA were identified as two conducive factors for strengthening HTA systems. Conclusion: China, India and South Africa have all committed to establishing robust HTA systems to inform evidence-based priority setting and have experienced similar challenges. Engagement among countries of the Global South can provide a supportive platform to share knowledge that is more applicable and pragmatic. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The Sino-Indian rivalry traces its origins to the founding of each state in the late 1940s. Over the past decade Indian concerns over Chinese activities in South Asia have significantly increased. While New Delhi has sought to counter Beijing in South Asia, a key question is to what extent has China responded to India in the same region? Do we find evidence of a tit-for-tat rivalry escalation process in South Asia where both China and India are actively trying to counter each other? The central argument in this article is that China is not actively engaging in a direct form of rivalry reciprocity with India. While certain activities by Beijing in the region are designed to enhance Chinese influence and power, there is less evidence that these are a direct response to India. This is in contrast to New Delhi's behavior in the region where we do find evidence of Indian leaders directly responding to China. This articles' main contribution is to demonstrate that maintenance in asymmetrical positional rivalries does not require clearly identifiable points of escalation, or follow a linear path of a tit-for-tat action-reaction cycle. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Despite the tremendous economic potential of the Brazilian, Russian, Indian, and Chinese (BRIC) economies, few studies have compared technological innovation in these countries. This study investigates three main issues related to technological innovation in BRICs: 1) indicators of technological innovation were evaluated and used to compare capability of technological innovation between the four countries; 2) differences in innovative configurations were mapped based on constructs of "fundamental vs. applied innovation "and "incremental vs. radical innovation "; 3) the absolute and relative innovative strengths of these four countries were examined in 31 different technological fields. The empirical findings are based on analysis of a patent and citation data set comprising all utility patents granted by the U.S. Patent and Trademark Office to BRIC inventors from 1976 to 2006. These findings elucidate the comparative development of technological innovation in BRIC countries. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article focuses on economic growth and economic development models in Latin America. It states that Latin American governments have used three different economic development models in the 20th Century: the Ricardian comparative advantage model, the import substitution industrialization model, and trade liberalization. It comments on problems with trade liberalization and its negative effects on economic recovery in many Latin American countries. It examines long-run economic growth patterns in Latin Americans between 1960 and 2006 and compares it to Asian economies in China, India, and South Korea which did not use the Washington Consensus framework.

India and China are two powers in Asia, having common borders but different sense of entitlements and vulnerabilities. China's global profile has become much stronger than India's. How India and China deal with each other will determine peace and stability in the Indo-Pacific region. The challenge for New Delhi is to factor its national self-interest and security into dealings with a rising China. India is threatened by Chinese assertiveness, given its outstanding boundary disputes with China, Belt and Road Initiative, uncritical Chinese support for Pakistan and China's increasing penetration into the Indian Ocean region. However, current Indian stance toward China is characterized by hedging, which has severe limitations dues to many structural constraints. The article argues that India should unhesitatingly increase its strategic engagement with America, Japan and Australia to strengthen the Quadrilateral. Despite some obvious differences, all four maritime democracies share a set of common strategic perceptions, which could deepen their security arrangements to manage China's growing assertiveness. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this article, the authors conduct a comparative review of the strategic imperatives driving Sino-Indian policy on Afghanistan in the post-2014 scenario. The article argues that divergent strategic imperatives make cooperation difficult and/or unlikely. This analysis is based on a broader consideration of both contemporary history and geopolitical dynamics shaping the foreign policy considerations of these two countries, and an assessment of the impact of ongoing bi-lateral and regional aspirations. The authors begin by highlighting the salient dynamics that have historically characterized and driven Indian and Chinese foreign policy in general and on Afghanistan. They find that Afghanistan, although not a primary focus of either state’s foreign or security policy, historically, is increasing in importance for both; India and China compete on a range of economic and security issues. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

The article presents the opinion of the author on the nuclear explosion in the atmosphere by China in the third week of October 1980. The author says that the reaction of the United States was very little in contrast to atomic test by India in May 1974, which was conducted within the terms of the Limited Test Ban Treaty, signed by India. He argues that why other nations should not be entitled to engage in similar nuclear arms races in response to similar perceived threats.

After twenty years of economic reform and liberalization, is India now on pace to close the development gap with China? To assess this prospect, I analyzed multi-decade trends across six dimensions of human capabilities crucial to both individual and national development: 1) economic, 2) health, 3) infrastructure, 4) knowledge and technology, 5) public administration and 6) gender equality. I also conducted a focused comparison of two industrial sectors: software services and equipment manufacturing. The evidence shows that India is starting to catch up in several sectors, but overall China currently has a significant lead on most economic and technological indicators. Whereas most scholars studying this divergence have focused on shifting economic policies as the key to convergence, I argue that lingering development gaps may primarily be a result of India’s lower levels of social investment. Thus, if India is to catch up and surpass China, it will not only need supportive economic policies but must also concentrate heavily on expanding and improving rural infrastructure, education, and especially gender equality. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

In his 1997 analysis of the history of Tibetan and Chinese relations (The Snow Lion and the Dragon), Melvyn Goldstein advised in his concluding chapter that Tibetans were unlikely to indefinitely put up with the Chinese occupation of Tibet without resorting to violence. However, despite continuing speculation, more widespread or sustained campaigns of violence have largely failed to materialize. The principle objectives of this study are to establish why the scale of violence that Goldstein warned about has so far failed to emerge; and to assess whether existing evidence supports or undermines claims that violence may in the future emanate from Tibetan exile communities in India. It will be argued that previous analyses have been premised on a relatively narrow assessment of the situation and context, and that a more informed and nuanced evaluation of the potential for future violence requires comprehensive analysis of a much wider range of factors. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

While India is internationally acknowledged as a rising power, there is a surprising lack of responsive ideas and discussion about India's rise within the country. This stands in sharp contrast to China, the other rising power, where domestic discussions of China's rise are expansive and broad ranging, and often seek to shape international perceptions of China. This article argues that India does not respond to international discourse about its rise as prolifically as China because of the benign content of international ideas about its changing status, as well as a statist domestic structure that is resistant to ideational diffusion. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In the past 60 years, India-China relations have oscillated between friendship, hostility and indifference. In recent times, both countries have started competing for global economic gains and political status. In light of these events, the objective of this article is to analyze various strategies used by China against India, and India's policy response to these strategies. The article evaluates the process of foreign policy decision making in India, and traces the historical evolution of India's foreign policy towards China. It then deconstructs China's foreign policy towards India, and provides the rationale behind its strategies. The article suggests that after initial engagement with India on the question of boundary disputes, Chinese foreign policy has undergone a dramatic shift since 2007. It specifically evaluates the twin Chinese tactics of military incursions and denial of legitimacy to the Indian territories of Arunachal Pradesh and Ladakh. Based on an analysis of China's previous boundary disputes resolution record with neighbors, these tactics are identified as an extension of China's new strategy for resolving such disputes. The article concludes by suggesting various policy options available to India to counter China's new strategy on the Sino-Indian border. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

This article discusses the implications of the development of ASAT technologies by India from an Australian perspective. It sets these developments within the context of the future of US engagement in the Pacific in the next 30 years, and especially the way in which China and the US manage their relationship as the relative strength of the former grows and the latter declines. How India responds to and seeks to influence these shifting forces will be determined largely by how India perceives and seeks to assert its place in the region. Australia's approach to space is changing, with 2009 considered to have been a tipping point. Some description of this changing context is provided as background to and rationale for the article's conclusion, which is that the development of ASAT capabilities by India is considered a natural technology progression and a somewhat less important factor in India's emergence as a regional power with the capacity to participate in and influence grand strategy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

China has been a nuclear weapon power since October 1964 and India and Pakistan openly since May 1998. Each had its own reason to acquire nuclear weapons—Pakistan to counter India, India to counter both Pakistan and China, and Beijing has always viewed the U.S. and for some time the former Soviet Union as possible nuclear threats. Within Asia, no meaningful dialogue has ever been carried out between China, India and Pakistan on nuclear issues: either on confidence building, doctrine and safety, or on each other's perception of the nuclear threat. Even necessary risk reduction measures have not been attempted. However, some Track Two level dialogues have taken place and this has contributed to some understanding of nuclear policies, strategies and doctrines. In this backdrop, the present study examines the doctrine, strategy and command, and control arrangements prevailing in these countries and recommends the necessary confidence-building measures. These include greater transparency on doctrine, clearer examination of likely strategy and means to universalize “no first use.” [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article examines the relationship between exiled Tibetans and Indians. The source comes from documents by refugees and Tibetan and Indian officials. The research is also based primarily on interviews with Tibetans in exile in various northern Indian towns, cities and settlements, as well as public discourse and the media. Topics include citizenship, national and cultural boundaries, and Tibetan Buddhist philosophy in regard to the Tibetans' attitudes towards suffering and other social problems.

The article focuses on contemporary geographies of trade between Lhasa, China and Kalimpong, India. The article examines the reopening of a trade route that has historically connected Lhasa with Kalimpong. The transnational mobility across border regions is examined and issues related to economic change in Tibet, India, and China are analyzed. A brief history of the trade route is provided. Anecdotes based on ethnographic fieldwork are provided. Also provided is an examination of how two groups, one for and one against the reopening of an additional trade route, both coincide with and fight against state-focused ideas about space.

The article explores the development of a strategic rivalry between India and China concerning each country's interests and influence in military-controlled Burma. Among the factors contributing to Burma's status as an area of interest to India and China are its geographical location, its abundant natural energy resources, and its potential for economic development. The author traces the construction of infrastructures connecting both countries with Burma in the form of the Chinese and Indian corridors and analyzes how xenophobic nationalism in Burma has proven an obstacle to China's and India's efforts to build influence there.

Within the first half of this century the international political system will include two new rising powers—India and China. These two countries will effect great changes on the dynamics of the U.S. hegemonic framework; exactly how these changes will manifest themselves remains speculative. While Sino-American and Indo-American economic and political exchanges will be scrutinized, mulled over, and rehashed, the relationship between China and India demands equal attention. These two rising giants will flourish nearly simultaneously, an economic and geopolitical phenomenon unrivaled in recorded history. Policies between the two countries will be a direct reflection of their perceptions of each other. Academic literature and media coverage of India's perceptions of China is bountiful, but because of language and cultural barriers information on perceptions going the other direction—from China toward India—is limited at best. This article helps fill this gap in the academic literature. A fresh look at Chinese perceptions of India for the twenty-first century has been gleaned from a review of current literature and media and, more importantly, through primary research with contemporary scholars, bureaucrats, and journalists. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Projected economic growth for China and India presents considerable opportunities and dilemmas for the African region, especially for human development, rights and security around its own growth centre, South Africa. This article juxtaposes a set of overlapping perspectives - emerging economies versus nics, fragile versus developmental states, new regionalisms, resource conflicts and new South - South relations - to analyse the present and prospective implications for sub-Saharan and South African development. Sustained Chinese and Indian growth may present opportunities, even windfalls, for some countries, companies, classes and sectors on the continent but not for all. This opens up a number of fundamental questions in terms of an expanded research agenda. Will Chinese and Indian multinational corporations and supply chains operate similarly or differently from familiar Anglo-American ones? Will civil societies within and diasporas around India and China affect their respective transnational relations? And will African regional institutions be able to moderate any negative impacts from these changing dynamics? Recent review articles have suggested that international relations (ir) in Africa is 'different'. But what is neglected is how the emerging relationship with China affects this assertion. The article concludes with reflections on implications for development policy and theory arising from 'drivers' such as China, India, and South Africa at the start of the new century. Our thesis is that, given growing divergences in Africa to sustain resource extraction, the emerging economies have to deal with fragile well as developmental states. Crucial in determining this outcome is whether or not the continent's single 'superpower' can facilitate or mediate this process given its own national interest and human development concerns. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

There is a long history of debate about the changing Hindu Kush-Himalaya (HKH) environment, but with important disjunctures between research, international environmental agendas and institutions, and various different domestic policies at the national level. Within academe, a retreat from the Theory of Himalayan Environmental Degradation (THED) since the late 1980s has not been reflected to any degree in domestic policy agendas of India and China. Here, we make a comparative analysis of the “upstream downstream” debates (which claim that the resource use practices of upstream users have serious detrimental costs to those downstream) in two of the most powerful and populous countries of the HKH region: India and China. We find that the rejection of THED is, on the whole, contradicted but sometimes appropriated by different national players within important political arenas, and in this sense it becomes a discursive pawn in “games of the state.” Parts of the retreat from THED are simply ignored, and others are actively resisted. Set against these discursive maneuvers within domestic politics, the academic “state of the game” has undergone profound changes, shifting away from technically derived and science-led imperatives of environmental management toward issues of plural environmental truths, environmental justice, and hybrid knowledge. However, national debates have taken their individual routes, shaped largely by national political events. Thus, the poststructuralist turn in the social sciences in the academy and in some policy arenas, too—the deconstruction of one grand environmental narrative after another (e.g., deforestation, the wood fuel crisis, overstocking), the faltering claims of positivist science to deliver truth, and growing attacks of uncertainty—all this has had a contingent, but usually peripheral, impact upon national academic, political, and policy agendas in China and India. Some conclusions about policy studies are drawn. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article describes an action-research project which has the multiple objectives of mapping the range of home-based work in different countries, investigating the ways in which such work is embodied in local or international production chains, and developing a methodology which will facilitate the establishment of sustainable organisations of home-based workers. The article focuses mainly on Latin America and Eastern Europe, though the project is also active in India and has begun to explore the possibilities of working in China. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Examines three tertiary-level educational policies in Kenya and India as strategies adopted by the states to promote or sustain their legitimacy. Strategies of compensatory legitimation; Achieving legitimation using the educational system; Maintenance of low fees and high subsidies; Commitment to a meritocratic selection process; Education as a source of political capital.

Explores the implications of the demilitarization of Tibet for China and India, as well as for Sino-Indian relations and Asian security in general. Overview of the Strasbourg Proposal put forth by the Dalai Lama; China's attachment to Tibet; India's position on demilitarization of India.

Warns of the prospect of a Sino-Indian conflict. Power vacuum in Asia due to withdrawal of American forces; War-fighting doctrine of the People's Liberation Army (PLA) of China; Russian-made arms buildup in China and India; Modernization of armed services of India; Development of local arms and ballistic missile industries; Conflicting economic and military interests of China and India.

Aristobia reticulator (Fabricius, 1781) is an important coleopteran pest of guava and litchi in India and China. The draft mitochondrial genome (mitogenome) of A. reticulator is ca. 15,838 bp long and consists of 13 protein-coding genes (PCGs), 2 ribosomal RNA genes, 22 transfer RNA (tRNA) genes, and a control region (MK423971). The nucleotide composition of the mitogenome was significantly A + T-biased (A: 39.3%, T: 39.2%, G: 8.7%, C: 12.8%). All 22 tRNA genes show typical secondary cloverleaf structures. The mitogenome gene content and gene order was as described for a majority of coleopteran species. Phylogenetic analysis revealed that A. reticulator was closely related to Anoplophora chinensis (Forster), Anoplophora glabripennis (Motschulsky), and Anoplophora lurida (Pascoe, 1857) of the coleopteran tribe Lamiini (Cerambycidae, Lamiinae). [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]