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This document is an editorial that pays tribute to the late Samir Amin, a prominent African scholar and activist. Amin was known for his Marxist perspective and his critique of capitalism and Eurocentrism. He advocated for delinking from capitalism and imperialism as a means of achieving inclusive development. The editorial highlights Amin's contributions to various fields, including development economics, political economy, and decolonization in Africa. It also introduces a special issue dedicated to Amin's legacy, which includes papers on topics such as Africa's socio-economic development, alternative development theories, and decolonization. The editorial emphasizes the continued relevance of Amin's ideas for Africa's development and the importance of implementing his recommendations. [Extracted from the article]

In this paper, I unpack how youth organizers became politicized activists through their engagement in the prefigurative practices of the fair trade movement. Prefiguration refers to the practices of a movement that are embedded in and reproduce their shared political visions; prefigurative politics allows social movement groups to embody their politics through their interactional practices, their tactical repertoires, and their outwardly oriented campaigns. As novices within United Students for Fair Trade (USFT), through their immersion in the organization's community of practice and their increasing participation in the prefigurative practices of the community, participants came to identify as and be identified as activists, shift their worldviews, and adopt new political philosophies. This paper examines the activist practices that supported legitimate peripheral participation, including group agreements, keeping stack, and antioppression interventions. The article concludes with a discussion of the ways that prefigurative politics enabled particular activist identities and philosophies and encourages further investigation into political identity development as a learning phenomenon. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The topic of global trade has become central to debates on global justice and on duties to the global poor, two important concerns of contemporary political theory. However, the leading approaches fail to directly address the participants in trade and provide them with normative guidance for making choices in non-ideal circumstances. This paper contributes an account of individuals’ responsibilities for global problems in general, an account of individuals’ responsibilities as market actors, and an explanation of how these responsibilities coexist. The argument is developed through an extended case study of a consumer’s choice between conventional and fair trade coffee. My argument is that the coffee consumer’s choice requires consideration of two distinct responsibilities. First, she has responsibilities to help meet foreigners’ claims for assistance. Second, she has moral responsibilities to ensure that trades, such as between herself and a coffee farmer, are fair rather than exploitative. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Sentimental cosmopolitans argue that cultivating empathy for distant others is necessary in order to motivate action to address global injustices. This paper accepts the basic premises of the sentimental cosmopolitan project but argues that it ought to be extended to include cultivating other cosmopolitan emotions, particularly anger and shame. There is a tendency to think of anger and shame as unworthy, or as base motives to be overcome; but I argue that, in fact, they constitute an important resource for motivating action to address global injustices. The argument proceeds in three parts. Section 1 outlines sentimental cosmopolitanism and explicates the relationship between empathy, and anger and shame. Section 2 examines the link between anger and shame and responsibility, arguing that anger and shame are well-suited to capturing notions of responsibility for injustice, something lacking in an empathy-based account of sentimental cosmopolitanism. Section 3 provides two further arguments in favour of anger and shame: (i) anger represents a powerful source of energy for political action, and (ii) shame can motivate cosmopolitan action where empathy is absent. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper contributes to the discussion of the ethics of brain drain against the background of the bookDebating Brain Drainco-authored by Gillian Brock and Michael Blake. Whereas Gillian Brock argued in this book that a plausible response of global justice would, under certain conditions, permit that developing countries impose taxes or demand compulsory service from their professionals who emigrate, Michael Blake rejects such claims in his defence of the right to emigrate. Extending this debate to the context of reverse immigration, I attempt in this paper to establish if the arguments provided by both scholars are capable of accounting for the cogency or otherwise of preference in reverse immigration. My proposal is that the arguments provided by both Brock and Blake require further contextualisation to make them capable of deciding the question of preference in reverse immigration. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

In industrialised democracies, welfare state provisions have offsetting implications for anti-globalisation nationalism, central to the position taking of populist radical-right parties. On the one hand, social protection has an 'embedded liberalism' effect, mitigating economic insecurities associated with globalisation and thereby dampening anti-globalisation nationalism. On the other hand, social protection has an 'embedded nationalism' effect, awakening worries that globalisation may undermine hard-won provisions, thereby deepening anti-globalisation. This paper argues and finds evidence that which of these dynamics predominates depends on the particular kind of anti-globalisation debated and on the particular party family doing the debating. Welfare effort does generally dampen anti-globalisation nationalism, but it can deepen more than dampen anti-globalisation with respect to immigration and EU-integration that more directly impact existing national welfare provisions. Welfare effort can also deepen more than dampen anti-globalisation among radical-right and radical-left parties taking issue-ownership of anti-globalisation and of protecting national welfare-state competencies from global pressure. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this paper I explore some ways in which Africa can contribute to the discourse on global justice. I first note the wide range in the circumstances in which judgements of justice continue to be made—from the domestic to the local and national, and from the national to the international. I conclude the paper with a look at the international human rights situation, suggesting areas where African wisdom and criteriology can be brought to bear on discussions of global justice. In doing this, I call attention to John Rawls’s important distinction between a people and the state which the people call their own. The state does not constitute the people, but the people may constitute a state. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper argues that the dominant discourse on cosmopolitanism has largely focused on its constitutive character (what the law tells us) while ignoring its substantive essence (human fellowship, subjective good). While recognizing the contribution made by other intellectual traditions, the paper argues that none of the approaches have yet answered basic questions of how to live with the stranger beyond the requirement(s) of the law. The paper is also critical of those versions of cosmopolitanism that privileges subjective preference to members of our community over the stranger, or that advocates eradication of boundaries as key condition for cosmopolitanism. The paper champions subjective equality through dialogue as a key condition for cosmopolitanism. Subjective equality on the other hand defines our terms of global justice. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper offers a response to the common claim that a world government is undesirable because one would not be able to leave its territory. This claim nearly always appears as an adjunct to the possibility that a world government would be irredeemably bad. I separate out two implications of the impossibility of exit: first, that a world government is unable to respect human rights; and second, that regardless of its status as rights-respecting, it is, all things considered, better to be able to leave a territory if one wishes to do so. As a response, I develop a concept of exit rights. This shows that respect for exit rights is not necessarily undermined by the presence of a world government, and that a world government is able to provide for the substance of the right or the interests that it secures. Next, I argue that the normative force of the claim that one ought to be able to exit the territory of a bad government lies in a false asymmetry between territorial states in the states system and a world government. For individuals who live under an illegitimate government, it makes practically no difference whether there exists some other legitimate government if they are unable to move to or live in its territory – the situation of the vast majority of individuals already living under ‘very bad’ regimes. I conclude that an illegitimate world government is not worse than an illegitimate territorial state with regards to the ability to exit. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

This paper is about the innovative future of service industries, with a focus on knowledge-intensive business services (KIBS). The authors discuss the unique characteristics of service industries, the effects of internet technology and standardization in the realm of globalization and the future global knowledge based society. The paper analyses the link between the assessment of KIBS - by both stakeholders and clients - and commensuration, which is defined as comparing different entities to a common metric and measurement. This conceptual paper argues that the temptation to 'quantify' the value of KIBS as if they were commodities in global free markets is mistaken and especially problematic in a knowledge based society and that the necessary conceptual framework will include commensuration and possibly concepts from the sociological study of exchange and gift-giving. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this paper, we explore the Canadian fitness advocate and coaching legend Lloyd Percival's fabled The Hockey Handbook, and its influence on player development and team strategy in Canada, Sweden and the former Soviet Union. Utilizing the notion of global 'scapes', as developed by Arjun Appaduari, to more fully understand the complexity of the global development of ice hockey, we argue that globalization of the game must be perceived as a multi-faceted interaction at both the global and local levels, i.e. as a critical binary relationship. According to the conventional, evangelistic narrative, Percival's instructional manual was responsible for the rise of ice hockey in Europe and the USSR. Our contrary argument is that the global cultural flow of The Hockey Handbook was a complex combination of factors related to the movement of capital, technologies, people, ideological considerations and mediated images. As such, it brings into question, the presumed status of The Hockey Handbook, as a dominant influence of the global hockey world. Rather, our argument suggests, it is a manufactured 'scape', serving to privilege a Canadian ice hockey system while relegating other 'narratives' and ice hockey systems to that of mere receivers. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

There has been a rise in recent decades of consumer campaigns to promote more ethically responsible food and consumer goods production. These campaigns have spanned movements such as fair trade, food miles and organics. They have evoked significant if uneven response from producers and some government agencies. These responses, seen in changes to production methods, ownership structures, distribution systems and marketing have involved new ways of thinking and operating and can be regarded as interesting forms of Responsible Research and Innovation (RRI). Adopting combined sectoral and locality case study perspectives, this paper examines the example of the wine industry in a number of production locations (South Africa, Australia and New Zealand) and analyses how ethically responsible values of justice (fair trade), sustainability (organic production) and provenance (Geographical Indications) have been translated into forms of industrial innovation embodied and perpetuated through and in 'ethical value networks'. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper focuses on one of the strategies proposed in the name of ‘fair trade’: the inclusion of social clauses in trade agreements. Although the social clauses could cover any non‐economic aspect of trade exchanges, such as environment, they are more commonly used to protect labour rights. Although examined in other disciplines, this issue is still elusive for marketers, despite its implications for this discipline. This paper attempts to answer the question: Will the inclusion of a social clause in bilateral and multilateral trade agreements help to achieve the objective of fair trade? After analysing the possibility and the effectiveness of such a social clause and examining whether the objectives attached to the social clause are coherent with those of the fair trade movement, the conclusion follows that only to some extent will the inclusion of a social clause in trade agreements help to achieve the goals of the Fair Trade movement. Since it does not aim at altering ‘unjust’ trade structures but ‘unfair’ labour practices, the social clause should be better understood as an improvement of existing Ethical Trade initiatives. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper explores the relationship between micro-economic business models, economic structure, and locally sustainable prosperity. In this respect, the paper takes as a premise the contention that sustainable mobility requires a sustainable industry to create the vehicles and business models to deliver that mobility. The interactions between locality and scale are explored within the context of the anti-globalisation discourse. Thereafter, the paper provides a brief outline of some business models from the automotive industry where alternatives to the monolithic and centralised structure of the mainstream industry have been proposed. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Prefigurative politics and social movement strategy: The roles of prefiguration in the reproduction, mobilisation and coordination of movements. Rethinking prefiguration: Alternatives, micropolitics and goals in social movements. The concept captures a variety of social experiments which critique the status quo (Cornish et al., [7]) whilst constructing 'alternative or utopian social relations in the present either in parallel with or in the course of, adversarial social movement protest' (L. S. Yates, [41], p. 236). [Extracted from the article]

Recent studies point to the relevance of situational factors in the emergence of violence. This paper applies these insights to a systematic analysis of how and why peaceful protest marches transform into violent clashes. It focuses on the micro-situational patterns and emotional dynamics during protests. The exploratory study compares 20 peaceful and violent protests of the Global Justice Movement in the United States and Germany. It employs a triangulation of visual data with document data. The study relies on in-depth qualitative analysis, based on the principles of process tracing. Findings suggest that in those protests where violence emerges, a prior micro-situational pattern is systematically visible. The discussion of exemplary cases shows that two emotional phases precede the outbreak of violence. These phases emerge in a specific temporal danger zone of 1–3 h after the start of a protest. Further, specific triggering moments seem to prompt the outbreak of violence, like the breaking-up of police–protester lines, actors being outnumbered, or falling down. The emotional dynamic between protesters and officers during a protest likewise influences the intensity of violence and how violent situations end. Consequently, the paper suggests that actors need to go through a confrontational micro-situation in a demonstration in order to be able to use violence. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

The ICJ's advisory opinion on the legal consequences of the separation of the Chagos Archipelago from Mauritius in 1965, prior to Mauritian independence, is a significant development in a long-running transnational legal process. The UK's detachment of the Chagos Archipelago from Mauritius has resulted in multiple lawsuits brought by Mauritius or by the displaced Chagossians through domestic and international courts and tribunals. The ICJ has now clarified the dispute's international legal context, by concluding that the Chagos Archipelago's detachment was unlawful—meaning the decolonisation of Mauritius remains incomplete. This paper situates the advisory opinion within the context of the transnational legal process of the Chagos dispute. The paper analyses the significance of the ICJ's focus on General Assembly resolutions in reaching its conclusions, the potential of increasing multipolarity in international relations to strengthen decolonisation norms, and the relationship between the UK's decolonisation obligations, Brexit and notions of 'Global Britain'. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Conventional global justice theory expresses a concern for the suffering of individuals around the world, yet very often the experience of those individuals plays little role in the work of theorising global justice. In this paper I argue that global justice has tended to take an architectonic approach in which the theorist orders the world by offering idealised principles of justice that serve as guides to necessary global reforms. This approach draws on a flawed geography of injustice, in which the world is divided into just and orderly regions that must save unjust and disordered regions, while also misunderstanding the causes of injustice. In place of this architectonic approach, I offer a consummatory approach that conceives of justice as a quality of social relationships and which draws on the experience of individuals suffering injustice, using the Grenfell Tower fire as an example. This consummatory approach is then further developed by outlining a situationist global justice theory drawing on the philosophy of John Dewey. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper seeks to answer the following question: does it still make sense today to speak of political emancipation, in particular in the sense bequeathed to us by Marx, as emancipation from capitalism? I consider three serious objections to this possibility: the objection that reference to 'capitalism' is unduly essentialist in view of the multiplicity of historical situations; the anti-utopian objection according to which the programme of emancipation from capitalism lacks any precise, practical content; and the normative objection that emancipation in and of itself does not specify the norms of the putative post-capitalist society. In the final section of the paper, I attempt to respond to these three objections, and seek to outline the different levels at which something like an emancipatory project, understood as a surpassing of capitalism, can still make sense today. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Can states become committed and competent agents of cosmopolitan justice? The theory of ‘statist cosmopolitanism’ argues that they can: their citizens can be turned towards a commitment to cosmopolitan principles and actions by moral entrepreneurs constituting a ‘cosmopolitan avant-garde’, and can be sustained in their commitment to those principles by their pre-existing attachment to the state as a political community. Taking cosmopolitan principles as axiomatic, this paper subjects statist cosmopolitanism to critique. First, I question the scale of the transformation that a cosmopolitan avant-garde can engender given the complexity of the causal chains the avant-garde seek to elucidate, as well as the countervailing potency of the state itself which reinforces particularistic attitudes in its citizens. Second, I argue thateven if, contra my preceding argument, the cosmopolitan avant-garde were to be successful, states would find it desirable to federally integrate in order to be better able to realise their cosmopolitan commitments. Such integration is compatible with statist cosmopolitanism’s motivational theory, even if not its institutional vision. Finally, I re-characterise the cosmopolitan avant-garde as agitators for the transcendence, rather than just transformation, of the state system. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

In the IPE literature, neoliberalism and nationalism have generally been portrayed as anti-thetical to one another. More recently, scholars have sought to challenge this binary view by examining how nationalists have employed neoliberal policies for nationalist reasons. However, while showing how neoliberal policies can be compatible with nationalist values, these approaches have not examined whether the reverse might also be true, whether certain nationalist policies (and discourses) might be genuinely compatible with neoliberal values. To address this gap in the literature, this paper makes two arguments. The first is that certain nationalist policies are not only compatible with neoliberal values, but that these values may actually be dependent on certain nationalist policies. The second argument made is that neoliberal nationalism may be on the rise due to a shift among social democratic forces from a broad strategy of economic nationalism to one of social democratic multilateralism. To demonstrate these points, the paper challenges the equation of neoliberalism with internationalism as well as showing why neoliberal nationalism is distinct from the nationalism of both populist and neoconservatives. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

This paper explores understandings of gender equality and education and the nature of global goal and target setting, drawing on empirical data collected in central and local government departments in Kenya and South Africa reflecting on their implementation of Millennium Development Goal (MDG) 1, concerned with poverty, MDG 2, concerned with education, and MDG 3, concerned with gender equality. The study raises questions about the ownership of the MDGs and the reasons for the kinds of changes in meaning about gender and rights made by differently situated officials. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Anti-globalization movements first emerged in Western countries during the 1990s and gradually diffused to other countries. This paper attempts to trace the way these movements emerged and developed in Turkey and their repertoires of action, drawing on data from newspaper articles and in-depth interviews. Anti-globalization movements emerged in Turkey following the diffusion of ideas from abroad through the translation of papers into Turkish and the participation of Turkish activists, unionists, and researchers in meetings and events organized abroad. As a result of this diffusion process, the action repertoires of anti-globalization movements in Turkey and other Western countries are similar. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper takes issue with global justice theory, seeing it as a 'global-local' in which the perspectives and demands of post-Kantian Western liberalism silence ways of being in the world that move beyond a narrowly circumscribed definition of 'reasonableness'. Taking its cue from critics of dominant liberal conceptions of the self, such as Spivak, Deleuze and Freire, the paper examines the impact of epistemological diversity and the radical 'otherness' of indigenous, peasant and marginal epistemologies on how Western intellectuals might think about global justice. We look at a number of examples of indigenous and marginal resistance to injustice in the global system, including the West Papuan and Zapatista movements, and conclude that the goals of such movements cannot be encapsulated in distributive or juridical terms. An alternative theorisation of global justice might, contra global justice theory, insist on a dialogical, contingent basis for discussing justice, whether local or global. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

A conflict between the local and the global is built into the contradiction of being a linguistic animal, at once bound by one's bodiliness to the local and able to conceptualize (and therefore to act) far beyond it. The paper considers some of the effects of this conflict, before proceeding briefly to examine four interrelated but distinct terms: universal, international, cosmopolitan and global. This paper was originally delivered as a lecture given at the Norwegian University of Science and Technology's conference ‘Navigating Globalization: Stability, Fluidity and Friction’, sponsored by the NTNU Globalization Programme held in Trondheim, Norway, August, 2005. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this paper I respond to the symposium on my book Global Economy, Global Justice: Normative Objections and Policy Alternatives to Neoliberalism, with contributions by William Milberg, Julie Graham, Maliha Safri, and Eray Düzenli. This paper explores a topic just briefly mentioned in Global Economy, Global Justice--namely, the politics associated with the pursuit of the form of justice that I advance in the book. I argue that the book's principal arguments are informed by the theoretical perspectives in evidence in the papers of Milberg, Graham, and Safri and Düzenli, though I had chosen not to explore these perspectives in detail. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The life of a Third World international lawyer is devoted to resistance to the norms of international law designed by agents with power to promote the interests of the powerful sections of the international community. Increasingly the instrumental norms of international law are fashioned through the use of private power, making the positivist claim that public international law is a law between states illusory. The task of this paper is to identify a framework of common concerns so that a collectivity of Third World lawyers can work together, examine how mechanisms of power can be countered, and devise a confrontational strategy. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

A retired manager and university teacher reflects on global ethics, on the purpose of life, and on the challenges facing global ethics in a contemporary world where there is no certainty about shared belief or shared values. The future lies, he concludes, with process and with a deeper understanding of one another. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Requirements for a decent life are to be found in the dimensions both of humantimeand ecologicalspace. While the latter has attracted attention from some global justice theorists, the former is a comparably neglected matter. This paper aims to integrate temporal and ecological perspectives in order to provide an enriched conceptual framework for grasping what global justice means today. We begin by showing that while contemporary political philosophy tends to assume a somewhat undifferentiated conception of time, treating temporal justice as a future-oriented concern distinct from issues of intra-generational justice, there are richer understandings to be found in some influential schools of critical social theory. Drawing then, particularly, on Alf Hornborg’s theory of ‘unequal exchange of time and space’, and supplementing this with insights from David Harvey, we analyse three ways in which disadvantage can be perpetrated in the dimension of time. We then show how those categories of temporal disadvantage broadly correspond with the three basic rights identified by Henry Shue. On this basis, we claim there is a strong argument for regarding temporality as an integral aspect of global justice here and now, for the generation already – although too often precariously – living. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

In 2018, Samir Amin called for a 'new wave of revival and progress' which would replace the system of neoliberal globalisation which is to blame for leaving multiple, interlinked global crises. Five years after his death, this article aims to evaluate if his call has been heeded and how far the world is from a new wave of revival and progress. The article investigates the movement of 'progressive internationalism' - as a movement that opposes the perpetuation of the legacy of global imperlialism that has manifested in global power assymetry, producin structural inequality and poverty - as a possible response to Amin's request.. The core research question is: 'how far are we from realising Amin's vision'. To do this, the article will also explore initiatives of the progressive internationalist movement with reference to south-south cooperation thorough the BRICS bloc, structural reform of the international system and the United Nations Security Council, and Active Non-Alignment, among other nascent initiatives. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Thomas Nagel's conservative position of the political conception for world politics and his insightful ‘Minimum Humanitarian Morality’ (MHM) view on global justice are laudable. He admits that the path from anarchy to justice must go through injustice. But Nagel does not clearly identify the conditions under which we put up with global injustice. This paper reviews the conception of MHM through the lens of the institutional political economy. In my view, to recognize the degree of structural failure (weakness in governance) as well as the degree of transition failure (elite bargain or personalization of power being interlocked) in each state can give us a hint on how to conceptualize and apply Nagel's MHM. We also argue that the scope and degree of humanitarian aid may vary in accordance with the options to global justice open to each state. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The 2010 Winter Olympics initially encountered not only scepticism on the part of local critics concerning the levels of public expenditure on the Games and protests by anti-globalisation activists but also the death of a Georgian luger during a training-run crash on the first day. This tragic event and a number of other logistical difficulties fuelled international criticism of the Games that sparked consternation within the host community and across Canada. This paper examines how nationalistically charged responses to these criticisms were evoked and enacted through the creation of officially encouraged street activities on the streets of downtown Vancouver. Attention is given here to the ways in which those who garbed themselves in various forms of Olympic paraphernalia and took to the streets became active participants and featured performers in an informally choreographed undertaking to transform the Games into an experiential and mediated ‘success’. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

May 1968 was defeated in a sense, with the people going back and living conventional lives, but at the same time it was a milestone of change of mind. It inspired new cultural and political imaginations and the creation of alternative cultures, anti-capitalist, anti-war, anti-colonial, and against conventional logic. And it was surrounded by student uprisings in the USA and by Prague 1968 and broader openings in many world areas, which boosted the effect of May 1968. ‘I would object to comparisons with Greece 43 years later, and we still do not know whether the Greek May of 2011 (celebrated in the picture) or 2012 (the pivotal election) is successful yet. But the banner really makes the point that the May of 2011 and all that followed, also inspires alternative cultures and imaginations against the hegemony of neoliberal neocolonialism, so it is anticapitalist too, against the new more exploitative face of capitalism and the democratic deficit that it creates. Though it is surrounded by insulting and racist remarks from abroad, it draws solidarity only from single intellectuals who see its pioneering intervention that might snowball and lead to a change of mind throughout Europe, against conventional logic which has the banks in power rather than parliamentary democracy. (Leontidou)1 Professor Lila Leontidou was discussing her photograph of a year ago which shows a banner posted by the Theatre du Soleil in Syntagma to, as she puts it, ‘celebrate solidarity between Athens and Paris.’ ‘Solidarity in Greek’, she continues, ‘is “allilegyi”, which means literally “close (egys) to each other (allilous)”. Indeed, the Left Party of Syriza on the rise in the 2012 May elections and now, has made allilegyi the basic discourse of their political campaign. To those who attack them (everybody does these days, media and politicians attack them harshly with the scare of the Greek drachma), these people say that they do have a chance if they draw “allilegyi” from abroad.’2 ‘Athens’, she concludes, ‘is as massive as Paris, and as young and inventive as that.’ Professor Leontidou was speaking before the June 17 election. Syriza has since significantly increased its vote but failed to win the election.3 But the movement against ‘conventional logic’ to which she refers, ‘against the hegemony of neoliberal neocolonialism, i.e. anti-capitalist too, against the new more exploitative face of capitalism and the democratic deficit that it creates’, seems set to continue.4 The ‘conventional logic which has the banks in power rather than parliamentary democracy’ has come to seem more fragile and unacceptable, even if the prospect of parliamentary democracy itself has also come to seem more fragile and questionable. This issue of CITY seeks to chart and analyse the struggle between this conventional and enshrined logic and an alternative logic emerging from the potentially transformative solidarities, within and across movements, nations, moments of time, across the face of, and towards a new future for, the planet. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

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Assuming similarities between the domestic and global spheres of justice, I consider how lessons from the debate over women's rights and multiculturalism can be applied to global justice. In doing so, I focus on one strain of thinking on global justice, current moderations and modifications to cosmopolitanism. Discussions of global justice tend to approach the question of gender equity in one of two distinct ways: through articulations a cosmopolitanism ethic, advancing women's rights with the discourse of universal human rights or through the lens of Care Ethics. The former approach emphasizes a universal core shared by all human beings, the latter the specific relationships we each are situated within. Recently, the discourse of global justice has moved away from this universal/particular dichotomy, with a range of theories, call them rooted cosmopolitanisms. My goal in this paper is to consider how these rooted versions of cosmopolitanism might respond to issues of gender equity and women's rights. (1) In pursuit of this aim, I first outline the parameters that define rooted cosmopolitanism. (2) I then assume, for the sake of argument, a continuity between domestic and global domains of justice, a continuity which allows for a translation of insights gained in domestic debates over multiculturalism into the global domain. (3) Finally, offering an answer to my leading question, I claim that rooted cosmopolitanism might assist in the struggle to protect the well-being of women as it endeavors to advance global justice. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In what sense must global ethics be global? In one sense, it must deal with global issues. In another, it must not be parochial but inclusive of normative views from around the world. So far, global ethics has met the first standard much better than the second. Authors based in the global South contribute approximately 5% of the internationally published research on global ethics. With this in mind, the co-editors of this special issue sought to bring more perspectives, experiences, and authors from India into the international global ethics conversation, and so they launched the Indian Global Ethics Initiative. Their first step, this special issue, presents Indian experience and authors on topics including urban development, care ethics, women's empowerment, fair trade, distorted policy research, poverty, and health. Much of this work is grounded by the authors' experience in policy-making and advocacy for social and global justice. The co-editors invite contact from interested readers who would like to join and continue this Indian Global Ethics Initiative, as well as readers who would like to take similar initiatives in other regions. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this paper I argue that respect for human dignity establishes a justificatory presumption in favor of egalitarian rules, which presumption is applicable to the global economic association. This is the basis for condemning several feature of current global inequality as unjust. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this paper we interrogate the demand and practice of autonomy in social movements. We begin by identifying three main conceptions of autonomy: (1) autonomous practices vis-a-vis capital; (2) self-determination and independence from the state; and (3) alternatives to hegemonic discourses of development. We then point to limits associated with autonomy and discuss how demands for autonomy are tied up with contemporary re-organizations of: (1) the capitalist workplace, characterized by discourses of autonomy, creativity and self-management; (2) the state, which increasingly outsources public services to independent, autonomous providers, which often have a more radical, social movement history; and (3) regimes of development, which today often emphasize local practices, participation and self-determination. This capturing of autonomy reminds us that autonomy can never be fixed. Instead, social movements' demands for autonomy are embedded in specific social, economic, political and cultural contexts, giving rise to possibilities as well as impossibilities of autonomous practices. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Because of the negative impacts of capitalist globalisation, some commentators are anticipating an alternative form of globalisation. This paper examines the potential of alternative tourisms to be catalysts for more just and sustainable forms of globalisation. While it is argued that various forms of alternative tourism, including ecotourism, sustainability, peace through tourism, and pro-poor tourism have been co-opted by a defensive tourism industry in the face of widespread criticism and an active anticapitalist globalisation movement, it is suggested that the niche of justice tourism provides a singular model of difference. Justice tourism is a relatively new and under-analysed phenomenon that seeks not only to reform the inequities and damages of contemporary tourism, but also to chart a path to a more just global order. An examination of justice tourism indicates that its 'products and services', its structures and its agendas are radically different from the other segments of the alternative tourism phenomenon. In particular, the formation of the Tourism Interventions Group, with its collaboration with the social justice movement meeting under the auspices of the World Social Forum, shows that justice tourism aims for a fundamental transformation of the contemporary global order. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The paper is concerned with the phenomenon whereby certain high profile meetings and conferences attract large numbers of protestors and the problems that result for destination authorities preparing for and managing such events. Tourism is shown to be influenced by, as well as an influence upon, politics in such circumstances. Issues are discussed within the context of Singapore which held a major event involving world financial institutions in 2006. The analysis reveals the appeal of this distinctive form of business tourism, but also highlights potential limitations including the dilemma of how to deal with the question of demonstrations that are affected by prevailing political cultures. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper explores the configuration of the anti-globalization movement network in Madrid. It identifies a central tension between two different approaches to political practice, which fall along autonomous/institutional lines. Despite ideological heterogeneity and frame convergence on both sides of this 'divide', the differences in approach to political practice create real tensions when these groups attempt to work together. These tensions have recently become visible at the European Social Forums (ESFs), and are often superficially treated as a difference between 'horizontals' and 'verticals'. Through an analysis of these tensions with the use of data drawn from ethnographic fieldwork conducted in Madrid from 2002 to 2005, I argue that autonomous groups in Madrid benefit from a discursive legitimacy gained from the centrality of autonomous principles in the global movement, but that they are still dependent on institutional left organizations for crucial resources. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper uses Freirean theory and field studies of counter-globalist campaigns to add greater lucidity and normative deliberateness to our understanding of resistance to neo-liberal globalism. A difficult tension exists between complete submersion in movement struggles, versus a mythical position of objective analytic detachment. We sketch out the basis for a productive dialogue between these two competing pulls of political engagement and analytic objectivity. To do this, we draw from the writings of Paulo Freire, a Brazilian thinker famous for his theories of popular education. Freire's writings have not seriously entered academic studies of globalization, even though activists in the ‘globalization-from-below’ camp frequently draw on his words for inspiration. We seek to remedy this omission, and construct a dialogue between Freire and social movement struggles on four dualisms centred on epistemology, normativity, methodology and strategy. In each dualism, we outline how Freirean concepts can help redefine these binaries as productive tensions to be developed, rather than conflicts to be suppressed. These insights are not intended as a theoretical injunctive delivered from upon high, but are used in dialogue with examples from global justice campaigns in order to clarify what is already taking place on the ground. Identifying Freirean priorities can also encourage openings for more emancipatory approaches to critical globalization scholarship. While academics cannot engineer resistance to neo-liberal globalism from the top down, they can contribute their research energy and resources, becoming more actively engaged in the process of envisaging alternatives. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Given the incredible diversity of the anti-globalization movement, developing inclusive and participatory spaces is an enormous challenge. Inequities in power, resources, and experience between Northern and Southern activists are of particular concern to a movement that values democratic participation. Dialogue is seen as a critical new way of addressing conflicts within the movement. For three decades, women's organizations dealt with similar issues at the UN World Conferences on Women. It was not until the 1990s that a global women's movement emerged. This paper, which is based on a qualitative study of women's peace organizations gathered at the Fourth UN World Conference on Women in 1995, addresses the development of positive coalition dynamics. The focus on individual activist stories fills in gaps left by studying organizations as units of analysis or on transnational movements as a whole. My research shows that if transnational activists use constructive approaches, conflict can assist in building coalition dynamics necessary for effective and equitable cooperation. I conclude that a commitment to respond to conflict in a constructive manner is as important for coalition building as formal processes or mechanisms that foster dialogue. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The dominant American social movement scholarship has become detached from the concerns of actual social movements. But the dramatic growth of social movement activity in recent years, especially the global justice movement, is creating the conditions for an emerging new direction in social movement scholarship which prioritizes the relevance of such work to the movements themselves. A problem in the current social movement literature is that the different schools of thought tend to overemphasize particular variables and pit them against one another. Rather than simply seeking to emphasize a different variable in the lifecycle of a social movement, a movement-relevant approach has the potential to transcend these schisms (such as structure versus culture). At the same time, this approach does not categorically reject earlier theoretical perspectives, but instead seeks to glean what is most useful for movements from these earlier works. Likewise, this emergent direction entails a dynamic engagement with the research and theorizing already being done by movement participants. In this paper, we explore this growing convergence of movement-relevant scholarship, identifying the academic work being used by movement participants as well as the analysis taking place within the movements themselves, with a particular focus on the global justice movement. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Since the early 1980s, Australian governments have embraced neoliberal policies as a means of improving the nation's global economic competitiveness. The impacts of such policies in regional areas have been quite profound, leading to socio-economic polarisation, population loss, and the growth of anti-globalisation sentiments. In this paper, we examine the process of regional restructuring that arises from this trajectory in Australia, and examine current policy responses to change under the neoliberal regime. We argue that while many such responses are individualistic, and based upon policies of personal responsibility, self-advancement and entrepreneurship, others are imbued with the language of community, social capital and collective action. The existence of individualism and community within the same policy agenda may appear contradictory, yet it is suggested that neoliberalism brings together these two opposing discourses through a process of what Nikolas Rose calls ‘governing through community’. We explore how neoliberalism underpins community approaches to regional development in Australia, arguing that such strategies do little to counter the negative forces of globalisation in non-metropolitan parts of the country. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper examines the return to an anticapitalist approach within lesbian/gay and queer antihomophobic activist struggles. Arguing that notions of queer identity are governed by a triumvirate of approaches which take into account economic structuration variously, I make a case for a stronger link between marxian and queer theory approaches by discussing the ways in which queer performative identities are constituted within a matrix of coherence that is implicated in late capitalist culture. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Abstract This paper examines one of the less-discussed modes of anti-globalization, relocalization or local autonomy. It describes a range of autonomous movements, summarizes their political economic ideas, and discusses some common social critiques raised in regard to local autonomy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]