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Labour market activation policies aimed at those with multiple barriers to employment require inter-agency collaboration between local organizations providing social and employment services. This local collaborative context is shaped by different institutional logics (state, markets, professions and community) that are crucial for policy implementation. Using case studies of nine German, UK and Swedish cities, it is argued that different institutional logics help shape the form and operation of local collaboration between different agencies and actors and thus the concrete support for service users at the local level. Although all three countries are characterized by centralized employment policies, each city shows a prevalence, but not exclusivity, of certain institutional logics over others. These differences, partly reflecting the local context, are likely to lead to local variations in understandings of solidarity, policy implementation, inter-agency collaboration and networks of actors and national–local tensions. The paper suggests that an institutional logics approach provides a useful framework for helping to understand local variations and potential national–local policy conflicts. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper explores trade union strategies to protect wages in the face of EU migration after the enlargement of the European Union. We argue that unions have three instruments at their disposal to deal with the risks linked to downward wage pressure: closure through immigration control, equalisation through collective bargaining and minimum wages, and the organisation of migrant workers. Using comparative case studies of Sweden, Germany and the UK, we show how different types of power resources shape union strategies: unions with substantial organisational resources (in Sweden) relied on a large membership to pursue an equalisation strategy and expected to be able to 'afford' openness. German unions with low membership but access to the political system pushed for a mix of closure and equality drawing on political intervention (e.g. minimum wages). British unions, unable to pursue either, focused their efforts on organisation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Journal of European Social Policy is the property of Sage Publications, Ltd. and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This paper argues that it is time for public understanding of science to develop a critical inventory of the forms, formats and methods of public participation and their respective implications and ambiguities. It highlights the need for analysing not only the limitations and deficiencies of participatory arrangements but also their constructive dimension, in particular the construction of the subject of participation. Looking into participatory governance arrangements in the issue area of genetic testing in Germany and the UK the paper presents a typology of formats according to the way the respective public is constructed and identifies four major constructions of publics: the general public, the pure public, the affected public and the partisan public. Each of these enables certain speaking positions while foreclosing others. The study shows that the main purposes of participatory arrangements in this issue area are knowledge production and education rather than political deliberation and decision-making. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Examines British policy towards Germany in the period between the end of World War I and the resumption of full diplomatic relations between the two countries in June 1920. Relationship between the Foreign Office and the War Office in determining British policy; Pressures brought to bear on Lloyd George to comply with a common Allied policy towards the resumption of diplomatic relations with Germany; Foreign Office's attitudes towards Lord D'Abernon as ambassador to Berlin.

Since 9/11, considerable research has been done on US interrogation and detention operations, but comparatively little is known about the involvement of other traditionally liberal states' intelligence agencies and their evolving perspectives on torture-related policies for foreigners abroad. Particularly, the United Kingdom and Germany provide interesting cases; despite similar levels of public and political pressure regarding their indirect involvement in Central Intelligence Agency's operations, the two states took different strategic decisions in 2010 on whether to implement new extraterritorial human rights safeguards. While the United Kingdom introduced a new intelligence guidance for interrogations overseas, the German government opted for policy-continuance, which raises the question why the two states embarked on different policy trajectories, even if they found themselves in contextually similar situations and were subjected to the comparable accountability measures. By bridging insights from Rationalist and normative literature, the article addresses this conundrum by clearly outlining the states' differing strategic preferences, and by dissecting the multi-layered composition of these interests. As a result, the article delineates how strategic constraints pertaining to the states' national, international, or political elite level affect decision-makers' policy responses. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The author presents a response to a comment by Anke Franz and colleagues on her article "British Policy on Teenage Pregnancy and Childbearing: The Limitations of Comparisons With Other European Countries." Franz and colleagues observes that comparative research can be advantageous and that sexual openness and sex education are important determinants of teenage pregnancy. It compares Great Britain with Germany and other European countries in terms of fertility culture, income inequality and youth transitions.

Unemployment rates are insufficient indicators of the level of economic activity because they say little about the scale of non-employment in a given working-age population. Empirical research has started to recognize this and policy debates increasingly concentrate on working-age inactivity as a relevant gauge of the state of labour markets (OECD, 2003). However, the causes for transitions between employment and different states of non-employment are not well understood. Why do levels of working-age inactivity sometimes vary significantly across countries and over time? Apart from stages in the business cycle, welfare-state institutions and benefit designs can be assumed to influence movements into and out of labour markets and between different states of non-employment. This paper investigates the impact of changes in welfare-state institutions in the UK and Germany. Analyses of longitudinal data show that economic conditions, as well as policy changes, have had significant effects on transitions between labour activity and inactivity among working-age men during the 1990s. In particular, the findings suggest that shifts to more means-tested benefit arrangements can have unintended consequences, in terms of increasing levels of labour-market detachment. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Journal of European Social Policy is the property of Sage Publications, Ltd. and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Among the thousands of camps Britain operated in the twentieth century were some that gained a notorious reputation for how they treated prisoners. Such places were often seen as aberrations within their individual contexts. Their recurrence across different places and times – including in Aden, Cyprus, and Northern Ireland – nonetheless renders it difficult to dismiss them as mere anomalies. This article examines one of the first post-war camps to have attracted such attention in Allied-occupied Germany, which was closed down following an investigation into its appalling conditions. Seeking to understand how an establishment ended up departing so drastically from accepted interrogation norms, which saw torture as unproductive and un-British, it finds that prisoners were subject to a combination of neglect due to difficult circumstances and malevolence. Tracing the camp's successors, the article also finds that political considerations ensured future camps in Germany did not step out of line; nevertheless, there was a failure to ensure the same for other cases more generally and to turn this into a one-off affair for Britain. Overall, while the camp existed within a unique post-war context, its history points to conditions and structures that may serve as units of analysis for investigating similar establishments. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper examines whether the supply side characteristics of the low paid are associated with the labour market wage setting institutions of five countries; Britain, Luxembourg, Germany, Spain and the USA, using the harmonised PAnel Comparability (PACO) data based on household panel studies and the Spanish European Household Panel survey. The age, education, marital status, children, lone parent status, household type, employment status of spouse, and housing tenure of the low paid are examined. The links between these characteristics, the low paid and labour market institutions are examined through multi- variate analyses. Labour market wage setting institutions clearly influence the characteristics of the low paid and explain the variations in supply side, as well as demand side characteristics across countries. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article focuses on the attitudes of British press towards German statesman Otto von Bismarck and his role in European affairs. It mentions that the attitude of non-daily British press concerning Bismarck was dependent on the continental role that was played by Prussia, Germany, saying that the country played negligible role in 1860s. It states that it was not surprising that the non-daily press has completely overlooked the appointment of Bismarck as the Prussian Minister-President on September 22, 1862. Moreover, it adds that the myopia of the non-daily press concerning Bismarck during his period are demonstrated in the article "Under the Limes: Pen-and-Ink Photographs from Berlin" in the July 1863 issue of the periodical "Blackwood's."

The power of nationalism is evident in how people perceive the world around them as 'normal'. A national normality is constituted through education and media but also in everyday encounters with the state or state-regulated institutions in the fields of education, welfare provisions, medical care, finance and others. When people migrate between countries, their sense of 'normality' can become disturbed. Migration might impact how people think of their relationship to the state and its institutions. This article is based on analysis of 120 interviews with Polish migrants in the UK and Germany. It asks if migration creates a 'post-national situation' in which national categories are questioned and negotiated anew. The contexts of Poland, which is undergoing a return to conservative national identity, the UK and its struggle over Brexit, and Germany in its claim to European leadership, provide an instructive case for the discussion of intersections between nationalism and post-nationalism. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The analysis of wage distribution has attracted scholars from different disciplines seeking to develop theoretical arguments to explain the upward or downward trend. In particular, how the middle management wage premium changes in different contexts is a relatively neglected area of research. This study argues that wage distribution changes in different contexts, representing different forms of capitalism. To shed light on this, we considered the size and the shape of the wage premium to supervision paid to middle managers in Germany and the UK. We find evidence of two forms of context: middle managers are paid differently for the same task according to the economy where they work; of this amount, about half of the difference is related to the context. We frame the analysis within the literature on varieties of capitalism. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The aim of this article is to reconstruct the ways in which the organizational elites of the Quantified Self and Maker movements curate their respective pioneer communities. Based on a media ethnography carried out in Germany, the UK, and the USA it is demonstrated that the two movements adopt different curatorial models: curation through the use of an 'unenforced trademark' in the case of the Quantified Self movement and curation through 'franchising' in the case of the Maker movement. The fragility of both models is not necessarily a disadvantage to either and it has contributed to the rapid global spread of both communities. An analysis of these curatorial practices demonstrates that while these communities like to present themselves as having emerged from local groupings, rising 'from below', they are, in fact, figurations whose origin and overall exertion of influence can be traced back to Silicon Valley and the Whole Earth Network. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

We seek to understand the role of the Internet in policy monopolies characterized by a dominant coalition in traditional political venues. In these settings, we identify coalitions and counter-coalitions on the Web and ask how these coalitions differ resource-wise and where these differences come from. To do so, we combine link tracing and quantitative content analysis in the field of climate change in Germany and the United Kingdom. Our results show that online contestation is indeed structured by competing coalitions of climate advocates and skeptics. Moreover, the counter-coalitions of climate skeptics turn out to be the true winners of online communication: they have not only incorporated conservative media as their allies, but also managed to make themselves more visible than climate advocates. This visibility stems from their own link setting activity, which makes climate advocates' passive online strategy of just ignoring the skeptical camp ineffective. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article puts contemporary debates about the relationship between immigration policy and the welfare state in historical perspective. Relying on new historical data, the article examines the relationship between immigration policy and social policy in Western Europe in the late 19th and early 20th centuries, when the modern welfare state emerged. Germany already had comparably strict immigration policies when the German Empire introduced the world's first national social insurances in the 1880s. Denmark, another early social-policy adopter, also pursued restrictive immigration policies early on. Almost all other countries in Western Europe started out with more liberal immigration policies than Germany's and Denmark's, but then adopted more restrictive immigration policies and more generous social policies concurrently. There are two exceptions, Belgium and Italy, which are discussed in the article. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The attitudes of British and German socialists vis-a-vis religion before the First World War has been described by one of the most eminent scholars in the field of the history of religion, Hugh McLeod, as being diametrically opposed -- German socialists were largely secular, irreligious and anti-clerical whereas within British socialism, Christianity, especially dissenting Protestantism, was a far more important streak. In this article I would like to modulate the stark contrast contained in this commonly held view by looking at a slightly different time frame than McLeod, and by emphasizing more the ambiguities and uncertainties of that relationship between socialism and religion in both countries. It shall be argued that a longer-term positive relationship between religion and socialism in Britain can be juxtaposed with a rapprochement between the forces of religion and socialism in interwar Germany. Hence the article will provide a crosscountry diachronic comparison of the relationship between religion and socialism in Britain and Germany. It will highlight, in particular, a common utopianism of religion and socialism, that could also be called utopianism of the social ethics of the Sermon on the Mount; attempts to forge socialism as new religion shall be examined on the subsequent pages. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Since the 2000s, Chinese Christians in Europe have witnessed an increasing flow of resources and evangelists from Chinese Christian Communities in North America. Based on information gathered in the UK, Germany and China, this article aims to reveal the mechanisms and dynamics behind the space-making and network-building in overseas Chinese Protestant Christians’ missionisation processes. The authors suggest that the increased flow takes place in an imagined faith community reinforced by the discourse on the ‘suffering’ of the Chinese nation, that it is a result of a far-reaching geographical imaginary with ethnic Chinese evangelists as God’s new chosen people, and that it is linked to the dynamics in the specific locations of North America, Europe and China. These mechanisms and dynamics are entangled with a ‘network of moralities’ arising from the discourses on ‘authenticity’ and ‘suffering’. The result is a distinct ethno-religious space, which, however, does not conflict with the cosmopolitan aims of the grand missionary enterprise. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article investigates differences in the likelihood of becoming an insider in Germany and the United Kingdom. Consistent with recent literature on dualization it contends that insider protection is more pronounced in the corporatist system and conservative welfare state of Germany. In conjunction with micro-level labour market sociology, the study argues that this affects the job matching process of the labour market. Using individual level panel data in event history models, it contrasts leaving non-employment for an insider position, that is, permanent full-time employment, with staying on the outside of the core labour market, that is, remaining without employment or taking up an atypical job. Results demonstrate that insider positions are harder to attain in the German labour market as a consequence of the institutional context that makes the said posts so appealing in the first place. At the same time, the German labour market regime strengthens the mechanisms of selection in terms of gender, age and education. The insider/outsider divide thus works in two ways. First, it increases inequality between insiders and outsiders in terms of economic and positional stability. Second, a stronger divide interacts with micro-level matching processes on the labour market. By reinforcing social differences in the chance to obtain an insider position, inequality is thus even further pronounced. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

It is often stated that there is no standard definition of a ‘welfare state’. A survey of the standard textbooks supports this claim. It is also often the case that academic works on welfare state and social policy history earmark lines or even pages to discussing the origins of the term welfare state. However, these brief accounts are often wrong in the details and are missing important aspects. In our article we offer the first detailed study of the origin of the term ‘welfare state’ tracing it back to the mid-19th century Germany and following its diverse and changing definitions in the German and British context until the 1940s. The study adds decades to the conventional understanding of this history and offers a more nuanced understanding of the different definitions attributed to the term before its political breakthrough in the late 1940s. Projecting this post-war understanding backwards in time – what the literature generally does – is too simple and anachronistic. Both in Germany and Britain the dominating understandings differ from our present day understanding of the ‘welfare state’ as a social security system. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

This article analyses the reaction of mainstream political elites to acts of terrorism and assesses whether opposition parties will rally around the flag, much like they do during military or diplomatic crises. A statistical analysis, conducted on 181 terrorist events in five countries (France, Germany, Spain, the United Kingdom and the United States) over the period 1990 to 2006, indicates that rallies around the flag are the rule. Overall, the results show that the repetition of acts of terror is a strong factor affecting political parties’ responses to terrorist acts, as repeated attacks are more likely to prompt criticism. The magnitude of the act (i.e. the number of fatalities) is also associated with a rallying effect, as larger attacks are more likely to result in a unified front across parties. Other variables, such as the identity of the perpetrators and the existence of a formal anti-terrorist pact between the parties, are significantly related to the likelihood of a rally. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

The argument that multipolar international systems are less stable because certain states have an incentive to externalize the costs of defense to other states has been built on interpretations of the behavior of France, Russia, and especially Great Britain between the two World Wars. This article addresses flaws in both the use of the French and Russian cases, but is most tightly focused on the British case, which was the strongest, prima facie, of the three. This article demonstrates how the British scheme for defense against Germany was not a policy of attempted externalization on either the political or military level. Consequently, the long debate over the relationship between systemic structure and systemic stability, which has been heavily influenced by the belief in the existence of an incentive to externalize defense costs under multipolarity, must be re-examined, with new tests run and new conclusions explored. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

Debates surrounding the approach to and distinctiveness of contemporary history qua history that had been simmering ever since the professionalization of history in the late nineteenth century re-emerged with vigour after 1990. This article attempts to identify what characterizes and distinguishes (the history of) our present time, by comparing the evolution of what has been labelled ‘contemporary history’ in France, Germany and Britain over the last 90 years. In discussing some of the conceptual problems and methodological challenges of contemporary history, it will be revealed that many in Europe remain stuck in an older, ‘national’ (and transnational) fixation with the second world war and the nazis’ atrocities, although working in medias res today appears to point to the investigation of events and phenomena that are ‘global’. The article will seek to make a fresh suggestion of how to delimit ‘contemporariness’ from the older ‘past’ and end with some comments on the significance of the role of contemporary history within the broader historical discipline and society at large. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

Family policies have been expanded in many OECD countries, whilst developments along other welfare state dimensions have been characterized by retrenchment. Although the contribution of gender analyses of the welfare state to a better understanding of family policies is widely acknowledged, the literature so far has largely failed to provide a comparative account explaining the recent expansions of employment-oriented family policies in countries that were previously categorized as pursuing policies in accordance with the strong male breadwinner model. This article aims to make a contribution to the comparative literature by investigating the socioeconomic conditions and politics of employment-oriented family policy expansions in Britain and Germany since the 1990s. We pay special attention to processes of post-industrialisation and especially changed skill compositions as well as the role of key policy actors, with a special focus on organized business. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

Using data from several large-scale longitudinal surveys, this article investigates the relationship between the work histories and personal incomes (from both public and private sources) of older women in the UK, US and West Germany. By comparing three countries with different welfare regimes and pension systems, we seek to gain a better understanding of the interaction between the life course, pension system and women’s incomes in later life. The association between older women’s incomes and work histories is strongest in West Germany and weakest in the UK, where there is evidence of a ‘pensions poverty trap’ and where only predominantly full-time employment is associated with significantly higher incomes in later life. Work history matters less for widows (in all three countries) and more for recent birth cohorts and more educated women (UK only). The article concludes with a brief discussion of the treatment of women under different pension regimes assessed by the criteria of adequacy, proportionality, vertical equity and horizontal equity. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

The concept of policy transfer (or ‘lesson-drawing’) has been used by theorists of public policy to explain how programmes developed in one context emerge in another. This article explores how far the insights of policy transfer can be used to understand better how campaign strategies move cross-nationally in cases where lender and borrower campaigns can be identified. Drawing on the policy transfer literature, it puts forward the following hypotheses: (1) transfers are from incumbent to opposition parties; (2) transfers are between parties with similar ideological positions; (3) the US is the dominant lender country; (4) party leaders, party staff and consultants are the agents of transfer; and (5) campaign strategy transfer is increasing over time. Based on a set of 32 election campaigns from the UK, USA, Israel and Germany, the article finds high levels of support for hypotheses 2–4 but more limited support for hypotheses 1 and 5. Like policy transfer, campaign strategy transfer involves a range of personnel from like-minded parties, with the United States as the predominant lender. However, campaigners appear more willing than policy-makers to learn ‘negative lessons’ (Dolowitz and Marsh, 2000: 12), and there is no evidence that campaign strategy transfer is becoming more prevalent over time. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The negative effect of childbirth on mothers' labour supply is well documented, though most studies examine only the short-term effects. This study uses retrospective life history data for Germany, the Netherlands and Great Britain to investigate the long-term effects of childbirth on mothers' labour supply for successive birth cohorts. Probit estimates with correction for selection into motherhood and the number of births show strong drops in participation before first childbirths and strong recovery after the birth of the last child, especially in Great Britain. Younger cohorts display a less sharp decline in participation around childbirth and a faster increase in participation in the 20 years after childbirth, especially in the Netherlands. However, mothers' participation rates do not return to pre-birth levels in any of the countries studied here. Labour market conditions and institutional public support seem to contribute to explaining the cross-country variation in participation after childbirth. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article revisits the assumption that the welfare delivery state does not fit into the vertical or hierarchical model of political accountability in light of its recent organizational arrangements. Although a distinction in any analytical framework between managerial and political accountability bears some fruit, the replacement of the latter with the former is contestable and misleading. In contrast to the claims that managerial accountability is a technical and neutral exercise in the application of politics-free criteria, and, as such, it more readily fits the complexity of the 21st-century welfare state, this article suggests that the new organizational arrangements of state schools and hospitals indicate that traditional forms of accountability to elected officials have not withered. The process of developing new welfare state organizational arrangements cannot be divorced from fundamental institutional questions about each democracy. By empirically investigating the effects of the introduction of managerialism on democratic accountability in Britain and Germany, the article aims to further our understanding of the link between the managerial and political dimensions of accountability in the welfare delivery state. Points for practitioners Social policy practitioners, including secondary school teachers, and nurses and doctors in public hospitals, are accountable to their peers through a mechanism that is fundamentally different from the hierarchical form of accountability. Professional accountability is essentially a horizontal and internal type of control. Managerialism has challenged clinical and pedagogical autonomy in many ways, lowering the morale of practitioners, who have traditionally perceived their function well beyond the achievement of objective targets and performance outputs. Yet, it is easier to dismiss such managerial attempts and overlook the fact that public managers are themselves part of the same medical and teaching profession with which they often share common interests. However, there is an important distinction to be made between professional and managerial functions, namely that public managers in a democratic and representative government are accountable also to elected officials through external mechanisms of control. One of the key challenges for public managers, thus, is the acknowledgement of what managerial accountability entails and also in practice what it may exclude, when aimed at replacing political accountability. This may run against the very foundations of the welfare state. Social policy practitioners are inextricably located at the heart of a complex web of political mechanisms of accountability, which make the welfare delivery state one of the greatest contributors to our democratic institutions, and far from being only a machinery for satisfying material needs. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In recent years, there has been an increasing interest in — though an insufficient understanding of — changes in the governance of welfare and related governance regimes, with the latter being conceptualized as systems of multifaceted inter-agency relations and associated modes of coordination. Referring to evidence from France, Britain and Germany, the article explores these changes with an eye on the role of voluntary organizations within these regimes. It challenges widespread typologies of 'welfare mixes' as well as general assumptions about international variation. It argues that, throughout Western Europe, similar governance regimes emerged in the postwar settlement, materializing in an 'organized welfare mix'. It then illustrates how these regimes currently undergo a process of permanent dis- and reorganization, again irrespective of international differences. Long- established patterns of a system-wide coordination via negotiated public-private partnerships turn into volatile configurations, with a growing albeit varying influence of the market rationale. Moreover, there is an increasing distance between voluntary provider organizations and both the welfare state and civil society, with this entailing precarious, but also more dynamic interrelations. Finally, civic action becomes more fluid, sporadic, dispersed but also more creative in many places. Hence, there is the paradox of the new welfare mixes exhibiting innovative dynamics and systematic organizational failure at the same time, with (more) output heterogeneity as an inevitable consequence. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Why are international institutions designed in one way and not another? Using the European security and defence policy (ESDP) as a case study, this article suggests that the social representations dominating the national and organizational world of institution-makers are key to our understanding the shape and content of an emerging institution of international security cooperation. A focus on social representations, which are the product of institutional practices, helps to break the interest/idea dichotomy that underpins most theories of preference formation when they try to explain institutional designs. This article shows that foreign and defence policy-makers from France, Germany and the United Kingdom have shaped ESDP by projecting their respective social representations, notably with regard to the role of the state, the nature of security challenges and the purpose of their organization. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

There is a strong effect of childbirth on female labour supply. This effect, however, is changing over time. This article uses panel data on the last two decades on three European countries (the Netherlands, Germany, the UK) to study changes in female labour force behaviour around childbirth and tries to find an explanation for these changes by looking at differences between the three countries. We conclude that there are substantial differences in participation patterns between the three countries in our study and that policy measures and institutions such as childcare that make the costs of combining work and family lower relative to being a full-time mother seem to increase female participation rates. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Considers the British attack on the German supply vessel Altmark in Norwegian territorial waters in February 1940. Case study in the use of political propaganda by both sides in the war; Manipulation of the episode for propagandistic purposes; Argument that the British accounts of the heroism of the Royal Navy and the brutality of the Germans were greatly exaggerated.

Looks at how the war of 1914-1918 and the war of 1939-1941 was conceptualized. Focus on the four principal countries like Britain, France, Germany and the United States; Preference of France and Great Britain for the 'great war'; Use of the term 'world war' by Germany and the U.S.; Role of geography and ideology on the conceptualization of 'world war.'

Examines efforts by the British Special Operations Executive in 1944 in gaining support from anti-Soviet Cossacks and Russian prisoners of war (POW) by offering repatriation to Russia. Aim of subverting the Russians who were fighting for the Germans in Western Europe; Events that led to the Russians being made POW by the Germans; Interaction between Russian and British officers concerning the POW.

The article presents a study which examined the views of German and British journalists towards their relations to the public. The study shows that German journalists are either unaware of or unwilling to admit their attitudinal differences with their public. The study indicates that the British journalists are very decisive in their interpretation for they believe it might conflict with norms in the political or communications systems. The study concludes that the perceived level of agreement by journalists with their public in both countries is quite limited and that German journalists is more limited than the British journalists.