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This paper will examine the implications of the April 2005 Sino-Indian statement of strtegic partnership on the tripartite relations among Russia, China, and India. Less than a decade after Russian foreign minister Yevgeny Primakov called for a strategic triangle among Russia, China, and India, the three countries have signed bilateral strategic partnerships with one another and regualarly meet in trilateral groups. The paper hypothesizes that the ties that bind these countries are tactical rather than strategic and therefore the long-term health of these partnerships will depend on whether changing identities and self-conceptions of leaders in each of these countries lead to a focus on absolute gains through cooperation versus an emphasis on relative gains leading to competition for influence and status in the Asian/Eurasian region. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

There are unmistakable signs of rising nationalism in contemporary Japan. It has manifested itself in Prime Minister Koizumi's visits to the Yasukuni Shrine, the rewriting of history textbooks, Prime Minister Abe'ss denial of the Japanese military's direct involvement in forced prostitution during the Second World War (the so-called "œcomfort women" issue), the recent revision of the basic education law designed to instill patriotism among the nation's youths, and the move to revise Article 9 and other parts of the constitution. Neither domestic opposition to nor foreign criticisms of these developments have had a marked impact on the shift to the right in the discourse on nationalism in Japan. On the contrary, against the backdrop of an increasingly assertive political leadership in Tokyo, the emergence of post-war generations of opinion makers and opinion leaders in Japan, and the growing uncertainty in the nation's security environment, the chorus of foreign critics may be having the opposite effect and strengthening the nationalists' cause. This paper explores this proposition through an examination of the way Japanese nationalists are using Japan's disputes with China, Korea, and Russia and these countries' criticisms of Japan to articulate their cause. The paper concludes that the Japanese nationalists make a selective use of ideas, events, and institutions from the past in reconstructing a post-postwar "Japan" in their image, anchor their arguments around Japan's bilateral disputes with the neighboring countries, and exploit foreign criticisms of Japan regarding those issues to advance their nationalist cause. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

“Post-communist” China, Vietnam, and Russia all have a common legacy of “home-grown” socialism. Further, in all, capitalism has emerged from industrialized, planned economies characterized by substantial economic equality. Yet only in Russia has this economic transformation been accompanied by political transformation. Nonetheless, there is evidence to suggest that citizens of China and Vietnam are more satisfied with the reform-era political system than are citizens of Russia. This paper will seek to explain why. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this paper I present a framework for approaching "emotional state behavior." I apply this framework to the post-September 11th behavior of Russia and China. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

As the two largest post-communist states that had experienced indigenous communist revolution, Russia and China today are both witnessing an increasingly prominent role of nationalism in politics. Nationalism, in the name of patriotism, has become a primary source of legitimacy for both the Russian state and the Chinese state, despite the former's official "democratic" trappings and the latter's authoritarian character. Moreover, the kind of nationalism growing in the society and fostered by the state in both countries thus far appears to be fundamentally incompatible with such core liberal values as tolerance and individual liberty. This paper focuses on the roots of illiberal nationalism in contemporary Russia, while taking into account the changing character of nationalism in China in order to generate a partial explanation for similarly illiberal forms of post-communist nationalism across different regime types and different levels of aggregate economic growth. It argues that the relatively successful fusion of communist principles and nationalist doctrines in these two countries unintentionally reinforced collectivist and particularistic elements of society that now provide a basis for illiberal nationalism in the post-communist period. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

China is entering the world energy picture like the dragon they claim to be. In the next 10 years China will rival the United States in oil consumption and some say, will be largest oil consuming country in the world. In order to get the oil it needs to sustain its large economic growth rates, China is seeking strategic oil partners throughout the world. Russia, Central Asian states, the Sudan, Iran, Indonesia, and now, Venezula are developing strong oil relationships with China. This paper will focus on the development of the relationship between China and countries in Central Asia over oil. The paper will argue that China is actively developing a relationship with the countries in Central Asia esp. Kazahkstan that is making them much more interdependent. This interdependence is making the likelihood of strong oil relations between China and Kazahkstan even more likely. I will look at how this relationship has developed and discuss where it is going in the future. Finally, I will look at what ramification this has for Chinese oil security policy in general. This paper will give an interesting look into how China's oil security policy is working in the international system today. ..PAT.-Conference Proceeding [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Established disciplines such as International Relations (IR) & International Political Economy (IPE), and even more explicitly interdisciplinary ones like Development Studies & Strategic Studies, are not always adroit in recognizing, let alone anticipating major trends. This deficiency is highlighted by the lamentable gaps in scholarship concerning the continuing reverberations from the end of bipolarity. Symptomatically, it was not scholars but a donor agency (DFID) which noticed in early 2005 that a quarter of the world's +/-200 states were 'fragile'. This paper explores whether a small group of 'emerging' economies might impact global politics, economics & societies through the first quarter of the new century as the NICs did towards the end of the last one. It is an early, experimental product of a novel collaborative project at CIGI on Brazil, Russia, India, China, South Africa, ASEAN & Mexico (BRICSAM). The paper focuses on four interrelated aspects of the emergence of BRICSAM on the world stage:i)non-state as well as state impacts on - local to global - governance;ii)regionalisms, institutional as well as 'new' informal modalities;iii)orthodox as well as 'new' (human) security; &iv)implications for various forms of multilateralism as a possible antidotes to US inclinations towards unilateralism. The paper concludes by reflecting on such a possible shift in geopolitics for the analysis & practice of IR & IPE, Development & Security Studies. ..PAT.-Conference Proceeding [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper will examine the significance of the bilateral strategic partnerships between Russia and China, Russia and India, and China and India by analyzing how the complex interactions among these countries influence their attempts to carve out an enhanced role in the world during a period of American dominance. Chinese aspirations for world leadership are more immediate than those of India, while Russia is engaged in reviving its lost status by reclaiming at least a strong regional role in Eurasia. Their attempts at developing bilateral ties with each other define both the challenges and opportunities facing these countries as they position themselves for a stronger presence in Eurasia under the shadow of the United States. The central question this paper seeks to address is whether the security dynamic will trump the many economic synergies among these countries or whether they will seek common cause in retraining the overweening power of the United States. This paper will argue that the policies of the United States toward each of these countries will play a vital role in shaping the geopolitical landscape in Eurasia. ..PAT.-Conference Proceeding [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Poster / paper presentation is based on draft article examining the establishment of the Shanghai Cooperation Organization (SCO) and regional antiterrorist structure (RATS) and their roles in the fight against terrorism and other national security challenges in the framework of Russia â€" China relations. Both states have politically subscribed pragmatic nationalism, based on a firm defense of national interests, realpolitik worldview with a strong pro-reform economical emphasis. Accordingly both states on the regional level have defined terrorism, separatism and extremism as major threats to internal, regional and global stability. The establishment of SCO and RATS has therefore offered multilateral means for handling the two former / future great powers’ strategic environments. Tendencies of both states, Russia and China, to emphasize “their own special domestic conditions”, and “strategic room for maneuver” with “strategic diversity” in Central Asia may manifest tendency to normal great power behavior. But ambitions also seems to prevail for (re)creation of a new world order, based on multipolarity, challenging the US-led structure with alternative definitions and operational models, including ideas of more “democratic” and “just” world order. Presentation seeks to discuss following themes including regional and global fight against terrorism, military and economic cooperation and the role of energy within the scheme of Russia â€" China relations bilaterally and multilaterally within SCO / RATS. The main theoretical and methodological challenge of this proposal is to conceptualize the strategic bilateral and multilateral behaviors of Russia and China, at the present moment unsuitable to any traditional IR-approaches. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Two factors?terrorism and energy-converge to make Central Asia the focus of competition between the United States and its NATO allies, and Russia and China. Regional collective security groupings such as the Shanghai Cooperation Organization present a growing challenge to American and NATO presence in this pivotal area. The Central Asian states have incentives to bandwagon with the US and NATO in the war on terror, but resist their emphasis on spreading western-style democracy. Beijing and Moscow eschew regime change in their foreign policies, and are encouraging their Central Asian neighbors, along with the South Asia and Iran, to join in their efforts to balance American unilateralism. This paper assesses the strengths and weaknesses of each approach in the context of Central Asian politics. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

A rational transformation of NATO congruent with the emergent configuration of the world polity into a polyarchic system (not really a unipolar or even multipolar system) would be based on the premise that NATO is a coalition of coalitions more than a viable alliance. With its expanding membership, NATO?s ability to generate the consensus required for robust security operations is likely to be an exceptional phenomenon. This will be especially the case with respect to situations in Central Asia, where NATO members have many cross-cutting and often clashing interests, not only with respect to the countries of Central Asia but also toward the non-NATO great powers (China and Russia) with strong interests in the region.NATO?s seizing of the unprecedented opportunity to take over the counterinsurgency role in Afghanistan is a major experiment in its capacity to perform out-of-theater robust military operations. Participating countries are issuing ?caveats? to the prospective rules of engagement. Over the coming year it will become evident (and the paper will include an analysis of) how much the conflicting attitudes toward the Afghanistan mission will inhibit a successful counterinsurgency effort, or whether the experience will engender creative approaches to the organization of multinational military operations. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

What is there to the Sino-Russian strategic partnership, a centerpiece of bilateral political diplomacy since the mid-1990s? Russia?s handling of its China relations under Putin, its decision to deny oil and gas pipelines to China in a time of the latter?s worsening energy security most noteworthy, requires a scrutiny of the substance beneath the rhetoric. This paper reviews the evolution of Sino-Russian relations, political and economic, under Putin and in the Northeast Asian regional context. The main thesis is that the ?strategic? nature of Sino-Russian relations lies in solidifying the basis, however feeble, for substantive engagement in the future. While that future is not assured, the mutual learning that has taken place, provides good ground for a stable relationship between the two power in the Northeast Asian region. ..PAT.-Conference Proceeding [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper examines the transformation of civil-military relationships in two post-Communist states and so called "managed liberalization" as a move away from the militarized Communist state ethos and assesses to what degree this represents genuine liberalization and hence demilitarization of civil-military relationships. ..PAT.-Conference Proceeding [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

With the end of overt Cold War rivalries, many analysts observed and celebrated the evolution of the UN Security Council, particularly its permanent membership, into a more cooperative and thus effective body in which the use of veto was greatly curtailed ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The SCO has enabled Russia and China to develop a rich dialogue based on the content of cooperation and a strong stable driving force. Both countries believe themselves to be highly complimentary (fmprc.gov.cn). Through the SCO, China and Russia have dee ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

A study of Russia’s increasing military wariness suggests countervailing tendencies may not be exclusively Russian; but Medvedev’s forays to use China to redress European balances resonates traditional IR imperatives, placing the SCF on the line : (a) It ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

To understand how the Chinese leadership views Sino-Russian partnership, it is important to see how relations with Russia fit into China’s overall foreign policy framework, particularly key tenets of Chinese foreign policy such as peaceful development, win-win diplomacy, and the creation of a harmonious world. The first section examines the link between China’s evolving identity as a rising power and changing appraisals of Russia as a great power. A second section assesses Chinese foreign policy, political, economic, and military interests in the Sino-Russian partnership. A third section evaluates China’s record in addressing challenges posed by cross-border problems within the context of the leadership’s increasing attention to non-traditional security problems and multilateral cooperative efforts. A final section examines the future prospects for Sino-Russian partnership. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Increasingly, Central Asia, and specifically the Caspian Sea Basin (CSB), is becoming a “crowded” place, as government officials and oil interests from EU countries, the United States, Russia, China, Iran, Turkey and elsewhere (including increasingly energy-thirsty India) vie for partnerships with the energy-rich Former Soviet Republics. Russia lays special claim to what it sees as its ‘near abroad’ (notably, the Caucasus and Central Asia), and its leaders strive to limit U.S. influence over the energy resources of the CSB. China, a global economic power still in ascension, not only works with Russia to counter U.S. influence in the area, but seeks to develop and import more of the region’s energy resources to fuel its own unprecedented economic expansion. Both China and Russia aim to curb rising Islamic influence in the region. This research examines the interests and policies of Russia and China, respectively, in the Caspian Sea region since the end of the Cold War, and their bilateral relationship. While the two countries enjoy a ‘strategic partnership’ that principally serves to counter the United States economically, politically and militarily, lingering mistrust and divergent policy interests could work to limit the extent of this relationship between these two giants of the non-western world. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

American hegemony has passed its peak. The twenty-first century will see a more multi-polar international system. Yet Western European countries may not be the United States' main foils in decades to come. Four new poles of the international system are now widely known in the business and financial press as the "BRICs economies" (Brazil, Russia, India, and China). Does the concept of "the BRICs" have meaning within a rigorous political science framing? From the perspective of an economic liberal employing neoclassical assumptions to understand the world economy, the category's justification is surprisingly weak. In contrast, a political or economic realist's framing instructs us to focus on states that are increasing their relative material capabilities—as each of the four is. Finally, within a liberal institutionalist's mental model, the BRICs countries are a compelling set, yet one with a deep cleavage between two sub-groups: large emerging powers likely to remain authoritarian or revert to that state, and those that are securely democratic. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article compares the potential of Russia and China for economic growth and industrial development. According to the literature on modernization and development, the federation was more advanced than China in terms of literacy levels and numbers of specialists as well. Also emphasized is the difference in how Chinese and Russian elites view globalization. It analyzes whether a Chinese model of development really exists.

The article looks at the changes in the role of the People's Liberation Army (PLA) within the Chinese political system during the post-communist transitions in comparison to the Russian Armed Forces. The features of armed forces in Leninist societies and its distinction from civil-military relations in Western liberal democracies are discussed. It details a background discussion on the Maoist version of the Leninist party-army. It also considers the economic role of the PLA.

The emergence of new forms of production in postcommunist economies has been accompanied by the resilience of informal, particularistic social ties. Although China's economic reforms have been more gradual and have not been accompanied by an abrupt regime change, institutions such as the Township and Village Enterprises (TVEs) reflect this duality. Although now well-established components of China's rapidly growing economy, TVEs are also marked by informal, particularistic social ties (such as ethnic or personal networks). A close look at the internal organizational dynamics of TVEs suggests that these ties are not necessarily dysfunctional. In fact, as new institutions while establishing and consolidating themselves, managers of TVEs can take advantage of the familiarity and trust created by these more personal, particularistic ethnic ties as they recruit new workers and expand their productive capacity within a new market environment. A comparison to emergent forms of production in Russia, however, reveals that the persistence of informal, particularistic social ties is not always a positive feature of postcommunist economic institutions. In Russia, informal social ties tend to be based on more instrumental considerations on the part of both patrons and clients, and tend to generate less positive outcomes for the enterprises as a whole. Thus, the long-standing significance of "native place" identity in China's industrial economy may prove to be a more fruitful source of social capital for the consolidation of TVEs than is the case with the more diffuse and fragmented ties characterizing informal social networks in Russian enterprises. In the long run, however, there will likely be some convergence among successful firms in both countries in that they will have to combine elements of community with flexibility to thrive in the fast-changing environment of post-Fordist global capitalism. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article compares the influence of the legacy of communism on the labor movement in post-communist China and Russia. According to studies, the mutually beneficial relations between workers and enterprise management during the communist era posed difficulties for Russian workers to shift to an active defense of their interests against adversarial owners in post-communist societies. It notes the efforts of the All-China Federation of Trade Unions (ACFTU) and labor activists to protect workers in post-communist economy.

The article compares the state and labor in Russia and China and identifies potential pathways that would foster the emergence of robust labor movement in post-communist Russia. It asserts that the legacy of Soviet-era labor relations reflects an impediment to the evolution of normal labor relations in Russia. The willingness of labor unions and their efforts to defend the rights and livelihoods of workers are tackled. It mentions the significance of the diversity of labor organizations in Russia.

The article presents an analysis of the role of Russia in Chinese oil security. The growing consumption of energy resources every year and the depletion of energy resources exponential rates make energy security an important part of the security of a state. Factors that show why states will give up sovereignty to make their energy supply secure are cited, including the need to have increasing energy consumption rates. Among main foreign sources of Chinese oil are Iran and Oman.

Some scholars argue that foreign capital liberalization fosters development by providing the needed capital and knowledge and technology transfers for industrial development. Others argue that foreign portfolio and direct investment export gains abroad r ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Since the end of the Cold War, scholars and foreign policy analysts have debated over strategies of global governance. In order to maintain economic and political stability in the international system, the United States must integrate Russia and China in ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Russia and China have emerged from the transition to global capitalism without embracing the liberal values and institutions of the leading Western powers, leading some to suggest that a new anti-American, authoritarian axis will come to dominate the 21st ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

How can the United States promote effective multilateral cooperation in a unipolar world? More specifically, how can the United States enlist the active cooperation of rising major powers such as China and Russia? The paper’s goal is to introduce an approach to promoting multilateral cooperative international order that does not rely on shared institutional affiliation, commitment to liberal democratic norms, or the logic of economic interdependence. Our approach emphasizes states’ quest for a positive international identity and, more specifically, the influence of status and prestige concerns on their foreign policies. We argue that, properly channeled and adequately recognized, rising states’ concerns for international prestige and status can motivate them to contribute to the dominant power’s global governance project and world order. Our argument is illustrated by parallel case studies of the extent to which Russia and China have cooperated in multilateral efforts. The results indicate that both countries are more likely to cooperate if treated with respect and accorded a distinctive role that recognizes their incipient great power status. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Purpose: To examine selected major national defense industries in order to determine current trends, to project future developments and to explore the international security implications of defense industrial base changes. Scope: The defense industrial bases and government policies of the United States, United Kingdom, France, Germany, Russia, China and India will form the focus of the overview. The defense industrial base policies of the European Union will also be examined. Over-arching issues to be addressed: To what extent will the forces of economic and industrial globalization, international trade in armaments, and international cooperation in the development and production of armaments impact sovereign nation defense industries?Supporting case study: Two alternatives (selection to be made later): The multi-national (US, UK, etc.) development and production of the Joint Strike Fighter (JSF or F-35) or the pending USAF tanker replacement competition between the Boeing 767 (or other Boeing model) and the Airbus 380 (European Aeronautic Defence and Space Company) ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

North Korea has pursued a nuclear weapons capability for about two decades. Many diplomatic efforts have been made to convince or cajole the Northern regime to give up this quest-and all have so far failed. Since 2003, a new multilateral approach-the Six-Party Talks involving the Koreas, China, Japan, Russia, and the United States-has raised hopes anew. These hopes are based largely on China playing an active role. China has the potential both to guarantee North Korea's security, and to impose and enforce a denuclearization agreement. We analyze China's changing grand strategy and its implications for China's Korea goals and policies. To Deng Xiaoping's emphasis on China's national interests, China's third- and fourth-generation leaders have added a greater reliance on foreign and military policies to maintain domestic political support and legitimacy. This discussion indicates that China is currently more concerned to preserve the North Korean regime and prevent a second Korean War than to eliminate the North's nuclear capability. Therefore, the Six-Party Talks are unlikely to succeed. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]