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The article comments on several research articles contributed to the "Decision Sciences" periodical in 1974 by behavioral scientists who are producing scholarship contributory to effective decision making and implementation. The research articles offer a range of theory, new empirical data and critical review from multiple behavioral disciplines. The article discusses each research paper and examines its key contributions to studies on decision making and decision theory.

The relationship of psychology and history has been scanty for such a long time that the title line of this paper alone demands an explanation. Professor Willcox's essay showed how the historian deals with social change. This is certainly a subject historians and psychologists have in common, although it is obvious, too, that they share in it neither equally nor equitably. Psychologists will argue that the difference between history and psychology is in the method even if the two disciplines should overlap in subject matter. Psychology is an experimental and quantitative science while history is merely descriptive. It will be tie aim of this paper to examine in greater detail what psychology and history have in common, especially when the study of social change is concerned; why the two disciplines have so little relationship at present; and what the impact of method might be upon this state of alienation.

This paper has suggested the need to reexamine die value-stance of sociology. In adopting the ideology of science, it eschewed experimentation as a basic methodological device. Yet, this paper has also suggested that there is a tendency to confuse the extra-scientific values and norms of science with the scientific method. Thus, the greatest danger to scientific objectivity may not lie so much in sociological experimentation as the inability of the sociologist to separate scientific from value decision-making. Value decisions, undiscriminated and rooted in the ideology of pure science, can be as inhibiting to the effective use of the scientific method in expanding the boundaries of knowledge as any other institutionalized norms. The paper also sugegsted that experimentation had much to oiler sociology. But in failing to imitate the physical sciences in this regard, it may have sacrificed a tool important to its development. A possible means of reconciling ideological and methodological differences over this issue might lie in the development of systematic methods by which to examine the values as well as the methodology which underlie any research effort. The investigator could review the values implicit in his research in much the same way as he now reviews the steps involved in his application of the scientific method. Much could be learned. Human intellectual experience suggests that we proceed more efficiently when the grounds for our behavior are set down, cares fully reviewed, and criticized. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article comments on the development of the social sciences in Poland. The organization of periodicals is always linked with the structure of scientific institutions. This also holds true in Poland, and it is therefore useful to sketch the organization structure of the social sciences in order to understand the functioning of periodicals in scientific life. Polish scientific institutions are set up in several departments. The divisions among different institutions and organizational sections shape the character and functions of social science periodicals in Poland. The periodicals published by the universities and the Polish Academy of Sciences are of an academic character, i.e., they deal with theoretical studies, information on the advancement of science, methodological problems, etc. Periodicals issued by ministerial institutes which are subordinate to central institutions deal rather with practical problems, applied research in economics, sociology, psychology, social politics and the like. In turn the periodicals of scientific associations deal more with regional problems. This division is not entirely strict, for a number of periodicals devote part of their space to theoretical problems, a part to practical problems and a part to local matters.

The word "Notes" in the title is not a reasoned and sly attempt to appear properly modest, nor is the phrase "Psychological Theory" meant to indicate anything short of all that should be implied by such a grandiloquent phrase. To comment upon each of these in reverse order the author proposes, in this paper, to argue that up to now one has had no explicitly stated complete psychological theory, but rather, that one seems to have contented themselves with a collection of discontinuous, unrelated "theorettes" It is the author's opinion that psychology has now reached the stage where it has accumulated sufficient data and understanding to reformulate, explicitly its entire theoretical framework. And the author proposes to point to the proper direction in which the theoretician in psychology should move. But at the same time the author will not go beyond such a general pointing. However, the author is willing to risk this danger because he believes these notes point to an important direction and because he feels that this program, in the hands of abler theoreticians and experimenters, will prove extremely fruitful.

Recent increased use of the Draw-A-Person Test (DAP) as a clinical diagnostic device has demonstrated the need for an experimental analysis of certain DAP test indices frequently employed in clinical interpretations. The present paper is concerned with an analysis, in normal subjects, of a variable frequently selected for interpretation when the DAP test is used as a projective device, namely the relationship between the subject's own age and the ages assigned to the male and female figures drawn. Relationships studied in the present research were those, which could be objectively established for a large group of subjects, rather than those involving clinical interpretations for any specific persons or group of persons. The DAP test was administered to 421 subjects, mostly college students. Of these 229 were men and 192 were women. Ages for the men ranged from 17 to 45, with a mean age of 2429, for the women from 18 to 54, with a mean age of 2439. Most of the subjects were members of a second semester course in psychology at the University of California at Los Angeles, some were members of other university courses, including adult evening classes.

This article presents an author's opinions and insights about Professor George Geiger's paper on human values, published in the November 1950 issue of the "Journal of Social Issues." As cited, Geiger asserts that a discipline of human values can and should be established which will share the property of all scientific disciplines, namely, sound conclusions based on evidence and procedures that can be checked and controlled. The author of this article emphasizes the broad areas of human values that people do not understand today, but which could readily understand if given the facilities to conduct the necessary research. Examples of such problems are those of consumer values, of the true intentions of a community as opposed to their voting habits, of the value decisions in psychoanalytical procedures. The author asserts that the real problem is not could we, or should we, but when and how to begin value research.

Various commentators have stated that the ideas covered by the label symbolic interaction are part of the intellectual baggage of almost all who concern themselves with human behavior. On the other hand, persons identifying themselves as symbolic interactionists commonly hold that this theory suffers from general, albeit certainly undeserved, neglect. There is a good deal of validity in both views. This paper is above all an attempt at a straightforward review of symbolic interaction theory. Its aim is to stimulate renewed interest 10 a simple, but relatively powerful, set of ideas which remain largely unexploited. It is perhaps particularly in the family field that these are open to exploitation. Theory can be taken to mean a set of assumptions or postulates with which one approaches some part of the empirical world, a set of concepts in terms of which this part of the world is described, and a set of propositions, emerging from the assumptions and relating the concepts, about the way this part of the world "works" which are checked against observations of that world.

The general objective of this study was to develop a description of the scientific information exchange environment in psychology by determining the responsibilities of the persons and institutions associated with the origination, transmission, storage, and use of scientific information; the characteristics of the processes involved in the fulfillment of each of these functions and of the storage properties they afford; and, finally, the utilization of scientific information. To accomplish this objective sixteen specific studies were designed of which nine are available as technical reports. Findings trace the dissemination of information from initiation of research through archival publication (stressing that type of communication occurring at conventions); discuss access to and use of archival media; and determine the characteristics of the user's behavior in his search for and use of needed information. Subsequent work will emphasize the user's behavior and will develop and test communication innovations which seem practical and desirable. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

One of the areas that has been stimulated considerably by the tremendous growth and interest in clinical psychology is that of personality measurement. Many of the findings, hunches, and working hypotheses of the clinician have importance for the measuring of personality, and the development of projective techniques and expressive movement techniques and similar devices in the field of clinical psychology has had repercussions in the field of personality measurement. Because of lack of time it was not possible to deal with the problem of quantifying the oldest clinical tool, namely, the clinical interview It was suggested, however, that the method of eliciting interview information in a more objective fashion, in the way, for example, that Researcher Alfred Charles Kinsey works, is a most desirable procedure for examining other clinical variables such as anxiety, guilt feelings. Not only may the interview itself be objectified in this manner, but the giving of such tests as the Rorschach and TAT may become more objective if coded check sheets of the type utilized by Kinsey and his coworkers are provided for recording and scoring responses.

The article presents information on the coefficient of profile similarity. Since the second paper on this statistical quantity was published, several psychologists have asked the author to rationalize a procedure which permits the use of all the segments, including segments of zero slope. This note attempts to do just that. Whenever zero slope segments occur in the reference or compared profiles it will be given either a positive or a negative slope. The determination of the appropriate sign is made by reference to some chance operation. The implicit assumption here is that when zero slope segments occur, a very large sample of segments taken from the same individual or group would yield equal -relative frequencies for positive and negative slopes.

The article presents the author's comments on his analysis of chromatin drawings. It also discusses author's trial and error experimentation with various systems for introducing color into the H-T-P method of personality appraisal. In the analysis of the chromatic drawing obtained several classes of factors have appeared. These are classified as arising from the nature of the task; variations in popular color usage; color-output characteristics, including types, degree, and intensity; organizational characteristics and miscellaneous empirical findings.

The article presents information regarding Personality Assessment System (PAS). The system regards personality structure and functioning in terms of highly compound patterns of interaction among a person's primitive personality features and the long-range compensations and later modifications that he obtains. PAS uses a special notation to express the primitive structure and compensatory and modifying tendencies. PAS also recognizes three degrees of strength of the primitive tendency. The degrees are weak, moderate and strong.

The article discusses a survey evaluation of A.C. Kinsey report. In order to obtain an overall evaluation of the A.C. Kinsey research project from a group of qualified psychologists, a mailed questionnaire was sent to every Fellow member of the Division of Clinical and Abnormal Psychology of the "American Psychological Association." A few criticisms were to the effect that the Kinsey interpretations were not in accord with his published data. In all such comments not a single specific example was cited, and therefore no evaluation can be made or is demanded of such generalized criticisms. Some criticize Kinsey for not exploring certain concepts inherent in certain theories of psycho-sexuality. Kinsey clearly describes the purpose of his study as being a fact-finding survey of what people do sexually.

This article presents a list of new institutions and professional bodies related to social science, published in May 1, 1968 issue of the "International Social Science Journal." Paris, France-based International Centre for the Study of Intergroup Relations aims to devote itself to intercultural and interdisciplinary studies dealing with the relations between different ethnic groups, at the national and international levels, with problems relating to social and ethnic identity and with the means of transforming antagonistic attitudes into co-operative attitudes. The establishement of Paris-based Association pour le Développement de la Science Politique Européenne may be said to have placed political science on an international footing in Europe for the first time, although no other discipline is harder to define or has had to struggle longer for recognition.

The article presents a list of books received by the "International Social Science Journal." and published in their November 1966 issue. The books are on various subjects including methodological works, history, law, economics, political science, sociology, anthropology, philosophy and psychology. There are books on studies of areas, education and also mass communication.

The increasing participation of rural sociologists in research and consultation in foreign countries justifies a careful consideration of the comparative method of social research. Methodological problems in the use of the comparative or cross-cultural method are analyzed in an attempt to develop a more systematic framework for the collection, analysis, and interpretation of data which cuts across group lines and geographical boundaries. The proposition is offered that the comparative method attempts to introduce time and space factors as intervening variables which modify generalizations about human behavior. A basic consideration in the use of the comparative method for this purpose is the equivalence of concepts and their operational indices. Some technical suggestions are offered for increasing the probability of securing comparative data of greater reliability and validity. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article presents a note on "types" of political personality: nuclear, co-relational and developmental. Even a cursory inspection of the literature of the behavioral and social sciences indicates that the term "type" has a less luminous halo than it had when social scientist Carl Jung, for instance, was writing about "Psychological Types". In this article, the authors, however, presume on the syntactic and semantic sophistication of the age and use the term as a convenient label for a pattern that is at once contextual and empirical. The pattern is contextual because it is defined as referring to significant features of the social process; it is empirical because it is expected to sum up findings and to point the way to further research. A "nuclear" type connects a political role with intense predispositions of the total personality. The man who succeeds to an office in which he has no interest is at one end of the scale; the one whose whole life is focused on reaching the Presidency is at the other.

The article informs that each of a cooperating group of social psychologists all over the world finds local secondary schools that will donate classroom time to opinion surveys, life history questionnaires, aspiration and value measures and the like. From time to time, each social psychologist develops such a questionnaire which members of other nations translate and administer to their local samples. Thus each cooperating scholar might every three years or so end up with a five or ten nation comparative study of his own devising and might have cooperated with a similar number of other studies. It is the purpose of this report to initiate consideration of the values and problems of such an enterprise. It is believed that such a program would be worthwhile, both in value to participants and in value to social science. Attention will be addressed first to these potential values. The problem of research quality in the light of modern scientific standards will be discussed subsequently. The need for more and better comparative research in social psychology is apparent to all students in the field, and the amount of such research will no doubt increase.

The article presents the opinion of the author on the nature of the environment on the occasion of Kurt Lewin Memorial Award presentation for the year 1963. One theme was Lewin's vigorous presentation of psychology as a conceptually autonomous science. In his view, psychology is independent of biology, physics, and sociology; its constructs and theories are not reducible to those of any other science. F. Heider has reminded that this was a guiding conviction of Lewin from his earliest days, and that it is expressed in his theory of the life space. Kurt Lewin brought this view to Iowa, and under the impact of his brilliance and enthusiasm all who worked with him there operated within its framework. But his conception of the place of psychology among the sciences did not go unchallenged; in fact, it was an explicit and a lively issue. The philosophy of science had recently come to the University of Iowa directly from Vienna. Under these circumstances, Lewin, who would certainly have chosen to let history settle the argument, had to enter into discussions of what, for him, were the familiar issues of positivism, reductionism, and the unity of science.

The article informs that psychology has been far more concerned with being a science than with courageous and self-determining confrontation of its historical subject matter. Psychology (and social science) has constructed a language which renders virtually impossible its living up to its promise. The trouble with this account is that psychological language is not an arbitrary construction but a reflection of the way psychology has confronted its subject matter. If the language is defective, then this is because the subject matter is being violated. The proper source of discontent is that psychology has failed to live up to its promise to itself, not that it has failed to live up to its promise to the humanities. The contrasting and, among psychologists whose careers are devoted to the advancement of the science, the prevailing image of man is that of an impotent reactor, with its responses completely determined by two distinct and separate, albeit interacting, sets of factors, the forces impinging on it and its constitution. Response is at all times and at every moment an automatic consequence of the interaction of body and environment. Man, as such, plays no role in determining the outcome of the interplay between constitution and environment.

Presents an excerpt from a presidential address about psychological alternatives to war, presented before the Society for the Psychological Study of Social Issues in New York City, on September 4, 1961.

The article analyzes the cold war mentality. The interesting point is that both the United States and Soviet Union have been making tentative unilateral gestures over the past few years. These gestures have been largely abortive because they were not graduated and continued as part of a consistent, carefully thought-out policy, rather they were used more as ammunition in the cold war; they were not publicly announced in advance of their commission; the possible forms of reciprocation were not spelled out. Graduated reciprocation in tension-reduction seeks its justification in social science considerations. It assumes that if carefully graduated unilateral actions were maintained over a sufficient period, pressures of public opinion both internal and external would force reciprocation.

This article examines the psychological commitment of the United Nations Educational, Scientific & Cultural Organization (UNESCO). Three sections in the primary organization of UNESCO are central in discharging UNESCO's psychological commitment: the Social Sciences section, the Education section and the section dealing with Mass Media of Communication such as the film, the radio and the press. The Social Sciences Sub-Commission presented the bulk of the essentially psychological projects. The Sub-Commission distinguished what may be described as a broad field of tension centering around three interconnected groups of world problems: those relating to nationalism and internationalism; those relating to population; and those relating to technological progress.

The article informs that the economic theory has faced from its beginning two basic alternatives in its assumptions on human behavior. It could either operate with the known motivations of human beings in the real world in so far as they affect the market and other material processes in society, or it could proceed on the basis of hypothetical assumptions concerning human attitudes and reactions, and work out functional relationships which would be valid only if and when people behaved in this hypothetical way. In the meantime, analytical psychology, empirical attitude research, and other branches or schools of modern psychology have made enormous strides, of which many economic theorists appear to be only dimly aware. While econometric and classificatory refinements of economic analysis have given impressive evidence of intellectual ingenuity, many assumptions implied with regard to individual or group reactions have been either increasingly and permanently hypothetical, or unrealistic, or full of unwarranted generalizations.

The deleterious effects of joint bias in favor of statistical inference and against replication are becoming well known. The acceptance of numerous Type I errors into the literature is by far the most serious of these. Data on the contents of three major journals support the contention that a joint bias for statistical significance tests, for rejections, and against replication exists in modern sociology. This finding replicates that of Sterling (1959) for psychology. A speculative analysis of the dynamics of publication decisions suggests that a compact format for reporting replications might make their publication more attractive to editors, and thus increase their frequency in the literature. A possible format for briefly reporting replication studies is suggested. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

George Homans' numerous claims that sociological propositions could be reduced to psychological propositions are examined in terms of the various ways Homans has used the word ‘reduction’ and in terms of the development of Homan' reductionist position over the course of his career. Attempts to answer Homans' reductionism are reviewed and Homan' challenge to his critics is presented. A general sociological proposition is then presented as an answer to Homans' reductionism and to his challenge. It is then shown that the sociological proposition is not less general than psychological proposition cannot be deduced from psychological propositions, and cannot be analyzed without residue into the behavior of individual men. It is shown that psychological variables may be used as independent or intervening variables in such a proposition but that such an inclusion of psychological variables would not constitute psychological reduction. Some implications of a distinctive sociology are then discussed. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article focuses on the career in the discipline of sociology. It is especially incumbent on the sociological profession to explain fully and honestly to young people just what it is they are thinking of getting themselves into. From time to time, sociologists have undertaken research that would ordinarily lie within the fields of psychology, anthropology, history, political science, and economics. These incursions are often resented by the other, more strictly defined, disciplines. Each of the social and humanistic branches of learning seems to have its distinctive subject matter. The most cursory glance at the easily identified major institutions, social products, and processes reveals that there are indeed such unassigned or unclaimed subjects. Sociology has, to a degree, become the great residual category of the social sciences. It has not one subject, but many. The general sociologist devotes himself to understanding universal social structures, such as groups and publics, and universal social processes, such as competition and cooperation.

The article addresses issues concerning the field of educational parapsychology. It is noted that unexplained phenomena happened all throughout man's recorded history, yet the concentrated study of the causes of the phenomena is new. Parapsychology is the field in which the said phenomena are studied. Parapsychology involves the study of mental phenomena not explainable by the accepted principles of science. One of the fastest growing areas of interest in parapsychology is the investigation of extra-sensory transfer between teacher and student.

In several message perception studies it has been reported that message receivers tend to displace a communicator's position toward their own opinion if they evaluate the communicator positively. Almost invariably these results have been interpreted as a demonstration of the balance theory principle that people are distressed by the perception of disagreement with a liked or respected other and that one way to avoid this unbalanced and unpleasant state is to selectively underperceive the disagreement. Because of the difficulty of operationally--as opposed to analytically--distinguishing between source evaluation and sources receiver similarity, most previous message misperception studies are subject to either a balance theory or a generalization of similarity explanation. Perceived similarity often leads to liking, and, conversely, liking often leads to perceived similarity, and so it is not surprising that in many experiments in which communicator characteristics were manipulated, communicator-receiver similarity covaried with the receiver's evaluation of the communicator.

The article presents information on the determinants of dissent in a psychological experiment. This article will describe an experimental attempt to identify some of the factors which lead an individual to dissent. Role theory provides a theoretical basis for the investigation. The psychological experiment is taken as an example of a social setting within which dissent may occur. The overt behavior of subjects tended to be fairly stereos typed until someone in the group dissented Most subjects were quiet and reserved, not asking questions and generally ignoring the other subjects. Non-dissenting subjects typically showed surprise when the first confederate got up and left.

The article presents information on two studies related to competence, counterarguing and attitude change. Difference in competence cause differences in counterarguing and that differences in counterarguing cause differences in attitude or belief change. Reception defined as attention and comprehension is one of the factors in two-factor theory of attitude change. The second factor is yielding, an individual difference in the proneness to yield to an advocated position. It is unlikely that competence causes attitude change because it affects reception. Experiments were conducted to test firstly that whether differences in the competence of a source cause differences in both counterarguing and attitude change, secondly whether differences in the amount of information received cause differences in attitude change, and thirdly whether competence and reception interact to determine attitude. Internal analysis of the first experiment and comparison between both experiments strengthened the claim that decreased counterarguing is the principal mediator of the attitude change attributable to competence. The interaction of reception and competence is not inconsistent with postulate that reception and yielding are multiplicatively related.

The article discusses how to cope with cognitive complexity. The cognitive-perceptual processes appear to be an integral part of many aspects of personality organization. When there is a complex intertwining of personality organization and cognitive perceptual processes, then the capacity to cope with cognitive complexity in problem solving situations that require highly logical thinking should relate to a more general capacity to tolerate and organize complexity. There is a relationship between the capacity to deal with one type of cognitive complexity and the capacity to modulate successfully and integrate drive representations and segments of illogical thought into appropriate and realistic form. Intertwining of cognition-perception and personality suggests that the capacity to cope with cognitive complexity in problem-solving situations should relate to more general capacities to organize and integrate complexity. Research have showed that there is a relationship between the capacity to deal with logical cognitive complexity and the capacity to integrate drive representations and segments of illogical thought into appropriate and realistic form.

The degree to which one individual considers another responsible for favorable and unfavorable events is an important determinant of their subsequent interaction. Attribution of responsibility (AR) generally depends upon two complex interacting factors, personality characteristics of the attributor and perceived characteristics of the stimulus situation. In order to study the effects of personality variables upon AR it is necessary to have control over the relevant features of the stimulus situations so that these effects may be revealed in reasonably unconfounded form. In several studies researchers have utilized an instrument, which appears to be highly satisfactory in this regard. Much of their research on patterns of responsibility attribution has been concerned with the effects of various stimulus factors, such as causal structure and outcome characteristics. Nevertheless, their data reveal sufficiently large individual differences in response to these factors to suggest that the instrument may be useful in differentiating attribution patterns associated with personality variables. In the present study this instrument was utilized to investigate hypothesized differences in AR associated with two theoretically opposing personality characteristics, empathy and punitiveness.

The article focuses on the comprehensive schema for a much required facet of psychology, that is, total personality. The reason for this presentation requirement is that current conceptual systems in psychology usually emphasize only one of several areas of personality like behavioral traits, central urges, etc, and relationships among different areas and levels are but imperfectly dealt with. The total personality has three separate areas which are public, the conscious and the private levels. These variables have been selected for the scheme because they are capable of systematic relationship to one another and each variable possess interpersonal reference. Four types of personality variables have been developed for systematic handling of data at each of these three levels and for dealing with the relationships among the levels. These are the interpersonal mechanism, the interpersonal trait, the interpersonal mechanism, and the personal mechanism. The public level of personality data consists of ratings of how an individual behaves, ratings of the effect an individual has upon others.

The subject was asked to report what he saw through the telescope at each successive reduction in brilliance of the glare. At first nothing was seen, but step by step the picture came into prominence, and it was found that many interpretations were offered, often highly fantastic, usually very characteristic of the individual subject rather than of the picture seen. For example, one subject tended to see a certain picture as a group of elves and goblins, another interpreted it as children playing, and a third as Indians attacking white men in a boat. The interpretations changed through successive phases until the real picture was clearly seen. This experiment was suggested by a series of preliminary experiments carried out in the Psychological Laboratory at Glasgow University by T. Murray Martin in 1937. He fitted up a telescope in such a way that a small picture could be viewed through it at about 20 feet distance, using monocular vision. In the experiment seven steps of brilliance were taken, corresponding to 250 volts, 210 volts, 170 volts, 130 volts, 90 volts, 50 volts, and 0 volts, though in practice the experiment ceased for any given subject when he interpreted the picture in question quite correctly. The pictures were illuminated by a small room-lamp of 15 watts, the brilliance of which did not change throughout the experiment.

Verbal tests are still made up and used by many psychologists in the doubtful belief that subjects have no inhibitions about revealing what they conceive to be their true personalities. Another important, if less obvious, weakness of such tests is that their supposed indirectness is often transparent even to dull subjects. These defects have led more cautious workers either to abandon the tests altogether or to make very restricted deductions from them. The psychologist frequently considers that the various answers given are not in keeping with the subject's personality, as he believes it to be. At the same time he often feels that the answers are consistently misleading, most probably as a result of the erection of certain defense dynamisms. If the subject's personality as it appears to observers is first assessed, it becomes possible to compare this "public reputation" with the one displayed in the test and thus to throw more light on the defense dynamisms which have been set up. The comparison with the test personalities will not, of course, be of value unless the "public reputation" types are relevant to the particular tests employed.

The article discusses the two types of scientific inquiry in education. The author suggested that educational researchers should turn away from elucidatory inquiry and should not strive to make research on science education. The understanding and explanation of the phenomena in which this type of inquiry is directed, should be left to the social and natural sciences. Instead, the author preferred the evaluative inquiry of educational developments, which are the creations of masterful teachers inspired by what reliable knowledge exists in psychology, sociology and other sciences.

The article reports on the issues concerning educational psychology. The educational curriculum of educational psychology has been unchanged for a long period of time. Different studies and new learning emerged as time changes from different psychologists. New theories and questions were also developed as more and more knowledge are discovered. The educational psychology also focused on experiments and research laboratories that are firmly based on theoretical psychology and technical research methods.

The article reports that the relationship between knowing and doing has as many puzzles for us today as it had for Socrates. Indeed, all of psychology is involved with it in one way or another. It is in this deepest well of ambiguity, the hiatus between knowledge and action that the answer to the question ultimately lies, since it is at the basis of the relationship between science and practice. Because it is easier to agree upon truth than upon value, the possessor of knowledge has considerable power in the process of deciding. It is understandable that authority in knowledge may be confused with authority to establish values and determine actions. This confusion is responsible for the silly notion that science can be substituted for art.

The article presents information on researchers. It is reported that Elizabeth Alfert received her PhD in psychology at the University of California at Berkeley and has been a research psychologist in the Berkeley Department of Psychiatry of the Student Health Service. She is presently associated with the Wright Institute, Berkeley. It is informed that Henry A. Alker is assistant professor in psychology, sociology, and the Graduate Faculty of Government at Cornell University. He received his BA (in philosophy) from Oberlin, did graduate work at Oxford and received his PhD at Berkeley in personality psychology. Following a postdoctoral fellowship at Educational Testing Service at Princeton, he went to Cornell where he teaches personality and political psychology. It is reported that Stephen L. Burbeck holds a research appointment at California State University, Long Beach, the institution from which he received his BA in 1969. Trained in mathematics, he is presently Senior Programmer with the Urban Disorder Project at Long Beach, developing mathematical models of collective behavior.

The article reports that psychology staff has become increasingly sensitive to a "passive," self-confining quality in the behavior of all our patients regardless of their diagnosis. Several studies have presented some clinical description of passive behavior patterns. Clinically, it appeared to that the more "serious" the diagnosis, the more of this "passive" quality exists. This behavior appears passive and self-confining in the sense that there is a sort of compulsion to react in ways which apparently maintain equilibrium, concept of self, and "control" of reality, although such behavior may actually be uncomfortable, self-limiting, self-defeating, and destructive. Psychiatric patients experience that they "must" passively react.

The article presents information on different approaches of the personality study. Different factors including lower level molecular factors and global molar view of persons differentiate the dynamics of existential psychology. The article also presents information on different etiologic factors used for personality study.