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Research on communities often fails to meet two important criteria which permit valid generalizations from the findings. First, studies generally fail to apply the scientific comparative approach and the techniques of multivariate analysis in their design and execution. Second, theory fails to distinguish between properties of communities and properties which are properly classified in other systems. Sociologists who study communities do not share a precise definition of community, nor do they agree how observations about community phenomena are to be incorporated into sociological theory. The discussion that follows will be facilitated, however, if one can make reasonably clear the sense in which this paper deals with the sociological study of community. Community is viewed in this paper as a territorial system. The more comprehensive territorial definitions of community view it as a form of social or ecological organization arising from the fact that people share a common area for their daily activities.

The dwelling is the arena of most interaction by the family as a group. It is well established that the family has lost some of its traditional functions. The thesis of this paper is that family functions are influenced by the characteristics of the home. Proposals to alleviate problems of inadequate housing among low-income groups of the world fail to consider what functions housing satisfies among various cultures, or within a given society. Descriptions of the "dream home" by rural residents of Georgia, Puerto Rico, and the Dominican Republic are analyzed to determine the functions performed by the house. There are culturally specific differences, but in general, the higher the level of living of a group, the more functions are satisfied within the home. The manipulation of "fixed-feature space" in the form of housing could be considered as a mechanism for giving the family new functions as well as bonds that hold it together. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

According to the author, it is appropriate, after concluding the book A Decade of Development, to take stock of where the study of development has taken sociologists and where it has gone wrong. That it has gone wrong is painfully obvious given the meager results of efforts to improve the quality of life in most third world countries as well as the attempts on the part of advanced capitalistic countries to enhance the life chances of their less-advantaged sectors. A portion of these mistakes may be attributed to methodological errors on the part of those engaged in the study of development. The present paper attempts to review some recent approaches to the study of development and suggest what future steps are needed to develop a clearer understanding of the issues and approaches to developmental concerns. The major approaches to the sociological study of development may be divided into two broad camps that roughly conform to the unit-ideas that form the foundations of sociology. These unit-ideas range from conservative to radical philosophical assumptions. In everyday terms these two broad camps are usually referred to as equilibrium models or conflict models.

Copyright of Sociologia Ruralis is the property of Wiley-Blackwell and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Ageing population and consequent high dependency ratios are features common to all European countries. However, the specific problems of the elderly in rural areas have not been the subject of systematic research, despite growing preoccupation with the obstacle this group may constitute to modernization and restructuring of agriculture. In default of hypotheses based on properly weighted data on rural populations, the paper examines the type of alteration in the situation of old people which is reported as occurring as agriculture becomes increasingly focused on highly organized market production. It then discusses the possible impact of this change of situation on the basic needs of the old in rural areas, as identified in general studies of old age. These basic needs-for economic security, housing, health care, and continued activity -- are briefly reviewed in the context of rural life. The question is put as to whether it is feasible to solve the old-age problems so presented on lines consonant with the general principles to be observed in treatment of the old, which have emerged in these last few years as a consensus of informed opinion. In view of the lack of precise facts, a long-term research strategy is suggested. As a first approach, some global studies of all factors involved within some limited and clearly defined areas would seem essential. Specific problems could then be selected for more thorough study, perhaps on parallel multi-national lines, to ascertain which practical solutions are most likely to be of help in evolving new human patterns of living in integrated rural communities. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article discusses the governmental farm policies as a zero-sum game in which one segment, commercial farmers, gains while another segment, farm labor and rural people, lose. Evaluation research is a neglected area of sociology. Methodology and skills in conducting evaluative research need improvement. Sociologists can make contributions to measuring goal accomplishments and explaining the process by which the program objectives are established and the program is implemented. Sociological knowledge should have utility in goal formation. Sociologists have envied the money measure used by economists. They are only now seriously searching for indicators or standards by which to compare returns or payoffs to various segments of society. They usually arrive at "quality of social relationships" or "improved life's chances" but these are multi-dimensional and not easy to quantify. Rural sociologists have been oriented primarily to build a body of knowledge and to discipline problems, rather than to undertake research on the problems of the rural society. Analysis of farm policies would require a focus on current rural societal problems.

The article reports that the ecology of a national foreign policy decision system poses varying degrees of constrains upon its options and behavior. By this is meant not merely the physical environment, although clearly such factors as the worldwide distribution of resources and quality of life are important, too. Other constraints include the structure of the international system, varying levels of technology, enduring patterns of trade and other transactions, perceptions, norms of individual and state behavior, and, more particularly, religion and other cultural components.

This article concerns one area of a larger study of social class differences in the life style, values and personalities of German men. The analysis phase of the research is still in progress, and for the purpose of this paper one life style area has been selected to illustrate the methodological approach and the kinds of findings the study is developing. The data for the study are approximately 300 interviews conducted in the various areas of West Germany. One form concentrated on these men's behavior in connection with secondary institutions and leisure time activity--work, church, associations and clubs, politics and government, economic behavior, mass media habits and leisure time activities at home and outside; a second interview form concerned daily routine, family relationships and friendship patterns. Respondents were asked to discuss their family life, the sharing and the division of responsibilities, to describe their wives as individuals, their wives' assets and limitations, and similarly to describe themselves, and their own assets and limitations.

Copyright of Rural Sociology is the property of Wiley-Blackwell and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This article examines the consequences of urban migration for suicide by analyzing the case histories of persons who committed suicide in New Orleans. The major independent variables under consideration are migration, sex, and race. Migration confronts the individual with a new milieu that may contrast sharply with the way of life in a small town. The South provides an exceptionally pointed region for such investigation because there the urban-rural contrast is generally greater than in the older urbanized regions of the country. The urban situation is different in all of the systems that comprise human social life. In the social realm, the in-migrant lacks the family and friends of his town of orientation. The urban and rural situations are, of course, not totally different even in the South, but they are dissimilar enough to be reflected by higher deviance rates reported in the migration studies reviewed. Moving to the factor of migration, several studies demonstrate the sometimes troubling impact of city ward movement. These studies reveal that deviance is associated with non-nativity, and with the more general factor of horizontal mobility.

In this paper, the authors develop a simultaneous equation model of birth rates composed of four estimated equations. This work differs from past research in that it considers the simultaneous relationship between birth rates and income and includes the cost of fertility as an explanatory factor. This cost is measured by the female labor participation rate under the assumption that income foregone due to fertility is a significant opportunity cost. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In March 1967, a discovery of some sociological importance was made by the American public, in a run-down section of San Francisco, California, the Haight-Ashbury district, it was reported that there were upwards of 15,000 young people, mostly of middle-class parentage, who had purportedly dropped out of American society, and who were actively engaged in fostering an alternative mode of existence. Media reportage of the phenomenon soon made it clear that these young people dressed flamboyantly, wore flowers in their hair, took significant doses of relatively unknown psychedelic drugs, engaged in a large degree of sexual freedom, based their lives on a love ethic, and supposedly rejected all that contemporary America stood for, both materially and ideologically. Since its initial discovery in 1967, it has been commented on some length by both the mass media and social scientists, and its personal effect on a great many youth of today is patently obvious in terms of both behavioural and belief patterns.

This study of Indians married to Western nationals suggests that cross-national marriages are an extension of an already established international life style rather than the initiator of involvement with other cultures. Prior to meeting their partners, 70 per cent of the subjects had been involved in international networks on more than a superficial basis. Forty per cent identified with more than one culture before meeting their partners. Rebellion and rejection of culture of origin do not appear to be important factors encouraging cross-national marriages. Data are from interviews with 113 Indian-Western couples living in India. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The aim of this research was to increase understanding of the relationship between family variables and measures of child welfare by using the conceptual framework which is being developed by Frank W. Young and Ruth C. Young (1969). The concept of differentiation was measured by ten household-level and nine individual-level indicators, and the concept of integration by twelve indicators. These were factor analyzed and the significant measures in each set used in a multiple regression with four measures of child welfare. Conclusions were that welfare status is not explained by the use of individual measures on their own: integration is an important family dimension to consider along with differentiation, and the wife's level of differentiation has a significant independent effect. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article presents a model which aims to correct notion that deficiency by integrating public health as a consumer good into the theory of consumer choice and welfare, thus making life expectancy gains comparable to gains in real product. The demand for health services represents an expenditure to relieve pain and suffering and to reduce the risk of dying. Other consumer goods compete with health services in two ways: these other goods also contribute to improved life expectancy as well as directly satisfying other wants. Consumers demand health services as they do other goods because they yield utility. The specific utility is in the form of a greater sense of well-being, reduction of anxiety about illness and death (especially through preventive medical services such as immunizations, check-ups, etc.); in short, better health and the expectation of a longer life. As with other goods, the utility derived depends on the psychological attitudes of the consuming unit. public health programmes may in large part be viewed as collective consumption goods, in the sense that they are not individually packageable, or at least a larger part of the benefits are external to the individual utilizing the health service. Mosquito-malaria abatement programmes, water purification and sewage treatment plants, mass innoculation campaigns, and the treatment of persons with infectious diseases who act as vectors are all examples of pure or quasi-collective consumption goods.

Since investigators have tended to confuse suburban with fringe social life, and since it is possible that contemporary descriptions of the fringe area have been influenced by pro-rural biases, a study was undertaken to determine the identification and integration patterns of residents in an area which is clearly a rural-urban fringe. It was found that long-time, relatively stable residents, who have rural, non-central city backgrounds and who are committed to the area, participate in their locale to a greater extent than residents who possess converse characteristics. This means that farmers, who have been largely neglected in other fringe studies, tend to be the area participants. In addition, very few sample members may be classified as negatively identified with their area of residence. This finding is not in agreement with the conclusions other investigators have presented. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

A personality test, administered to children living in a highly urbanized area, a suburban area, a town, and a rural area, suggests that significant differences in personal and social adjustment exist among people living in these areas. Suburban children exhibited the highest degree of adjustment, urban children were second highest, rural children were third, and town children showed the poorest adjustment. Thus, the widely accepted hypothesis that the rural way of life is superior to the urban way of life from the stand- point of personality development is challenged. The hypothesis is advanced that the advantages of the urban way of life over the rural way of life are such as should be expected to lead to better personality adjustment in the city. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

A community can be considered a group of people interacting on formal, semiformal, and informal levels within a spatial referent. As a result of this interaction, some degree of consensus concerning community boundaries should exist. An approach to community delineation through a community-member-group method should thus be feasible. A consensus index can be developed to measure the amount of agreement. Such an approach, applied in Pennsylvania, gave preliminary evidence of validity and a higher rate of boundary-placement agreement than a comparable trade-area delineation. Rural sociologists have typically expressed concern over the community as a unit for scientific study, an area for facilitating local action, and a theme for sociological theory development. They have explored its composition, its internal functions, its relations to institutions, and the interaction patterns in and between communities. The wide use made of trade-area delineation does not indicate complete acceptance of it as a method incorporating all the essentials of community life.

This study summarizes data for Isanti County, Minnesota, which indicate that both rural farm and rural nonfarm women experienced improvements in living conditions between 1940 and 1950, the farm group to a greater extent than the nonfarm group. An attempt is made to test the hypothesis that there is a direct relationship between such environmental improvements and improvement in living satisfaction among rural women. It is concluded that there is a direct association between living conditions and Living satisfactions, but that this is not necessarily a one-to-one relationship. The farm women, who reported a lower level of living in 1950 than that reported by the village women in 1940, nevertheless had definitely higher living satisfaction scores in 1950 than their village sisters had had in 1940. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

According to the author, his first personal contact with sociologist Dwight Sanderson took place sixteen years ago when he came to Cornell University, Ithaca, New York to complete work for the Doctorate under his direction. The author has been an intimate associate of his for each of the succeeding years until his death. In the first year the author gained an impression that deepened with the years of companionship. He came to know him then, as he knows him now, a man with a dominant passion for the building of a better rural life through the development of the science of rural sociology. According to the author, one of the most interesting things to him about Dr. Sanderson's career is that it arrived at its final goal through a process of long time development. The "Chief" did not begin his career of work for others in the broad human field where he finally completed his work. To the author, Sanderson was a true social builder who possessed what the Chinese teacher said the true social builder must have, the head of the scientist, the hand of the farmer, and the heart of the religious devotee.

Certain aspects and conditions of rural life were studied in relation to the personality adjustments of children with the purpose of contributing toward the determination of the factors responsible for the relatively poor personality ratings of rural children in comparison with urban children. The subjects were 1,217 children in 14 village schools and 46 one-room country schools. Farm children attending village schools scored highest in self adjustment. Occupational status was related to adjustment in children of the non-farm group, those of the common labor class scoring lowest. Quality of family life was important in all groups. The need for research in this area is stressed. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Three graphic methods (simple curve, bar chart, and scatter diagram) were used to analyze and compare levels and standards of living of farm, rural-non- farm and urban families. Illustrative data were taken from Consumer Purchases Study publications. The expenditure categories represented were: household help, dentist's services, kitchen sink with drain, reading material, and religious organizations. The scatter diagram was found to show most clearly and simply the cultural roles played (i.e., necessity, luxury, rarity, and substitute) by various items. It was thought the procedures presented should be particularly useful in analyzing and comparing the value systems held by various population categories, such as rural and urban, regional, race, and tenure. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Rural Sociology is the property of Wiley-Blackwell and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The assumptions implicit in a concept of plane of living and the construction of a plane of living index are seldom stated explicitly, and are frequently internally inconsistent. If it is assumed that the items comprising a plane of living index measure a broad plane of living, of which they are but segments, they must be weighted according to their representativeness. Since regions and subregions are not always homogeneous with respect to physical and social factors that alter the typicalness of the index items, it lessens the accuracy of the index to assign equal weights to the items. The amount of intercorrelation existing between the items may be considered a measure of their representativeness. When the items are weighted in this manner, the resulting index more nearly approximates actual conditions in the area. This is demonstrated for the state of Vermont. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article presents current trends in levels of living, rural relief, rural organization and agencies and co-operatives. The Consumer Purchases Study made in six regions of the nation is based upon approximately 65,000 family income schedules, 34,000 expenditure schedules and some 134,000 supplementary schedules. The use of some one of the many consumption scales based upon adult male equivalent units and the like has given way to breakdowns by family types designed to make comparisons among homogeneous groups of different composition and at different stages in the family life cycle. More than 8,500,000 persons, including nearly 16 per cent of all rural persons, received relief in rural areas, but since that time there has been a large turnover in persons on relief rolls. The recent arrival of many of the families to the counties in which they received relief bespeaks high mobility resulting in part from the depression or drought. Although the relief population in 1935 differed from that characteristic of periods of prosperity in that a large proportion were able-bodied workers in their efforts to find employment, many were handicapped by age, lack of experience or limited education.

This article explores the Latin American way of life. In Latin America, the elements of material culture are markedly different but many attributes of the Latin American cultural scheme are difficult to define. There is one all-pervading religious institution which embraces high and low in its spiritual fold. There are no sects or schisms. Public and private morality varies little from one end to the other of the whole area. And there is a distinct concept of the tempo of life and the use of leisure. The whole philosophy of living, as regards family, laws, mores, folkways, personal dignity, and similar notions, differs as has been seen from that in Anglo-Saxon America. There even seems to be an intangible aura, a distinct flavor, to living in Latin America, a certain quality of light and color in the atmosphere. And all these factors add up to a special civilization with its own forceful personality. Latin American nations are tied to each other by history and culture more than they are separated by physical geography. What makes for unity in the vast mosaic of Latin American States, with their race mixture and great diversity in climates and physical geography, is the Latin American culture with its cohesive force of well-defined values. The conclusion that there is a Latin American way of life seems inescapable.

Until recently, the federal government has not considered urban education a matter of high national priority. The great land grants of the 18th and 19th centuries were designed for the benefit of rural populations in largely rural states. An elementary education enough to enable laborers to count change and to decipher a bill of lading was all that was required for most jobs. Skills were learned through apprenticeships; many professions, through internships; local citizenship and politics, through bloody noses. Post-elementary education was for the few. Irishmen and women were not welcomed. It was not until the lifetime of this writer that a high school education became a reasonable expectation for more than a small minority of the American population. It is within the lifetime of this writer's children that some form of college education has been a meaningful option for the children of the American majority. Even with substantial infusions of federal funds in recent years, urban education in central cities is facing a mounting financial crisis.

Two-Hundred and eighty families in a rural Peruvian community sample are examined with regard to their organizational solidarity. A Guttman Scale of Family Solidarity is developed and an investigation of the relationship between organizational solidarity of the family and several quality of life measures is carried out. The latter include Guttman scales of current Complexity of House Construction, Household Possessions, and Health Practices, as well as nonscale measures of Language Spoken, Amount of Land Owned and a General Level of Living Score. Medical practices are found to be strongly related to the social solidarity of the family. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Action to improve the quality of family life during the decade of the sixties was not a new technique but a recognition of the need to modernize old principles and programs and to develop new ones. Ideas about personnel, materials, organizational structure and emphases were revised. Involvement of the Federal Government was a major catalyst and a force to be considered in the future. The impact of technology was a vital concern. More questions were raised for the remainder of the century by action programs than appear likely to be answered in the next ten years. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

There is an ideal family type in the United States which includes a man and woman living together under socially approved circumstances, with their off springs, alone in a household. While this ideal is realized in a large proportion of families, there are variations which are related to, among other things, residence and race. Data for 2,219 families are examined for the relationship between family stability, family living patterns, residence, and race. While the hypotheses suggested by the literature are, in general, substantiated, the results indicate that family patterns are best understood when these four are viewed simultaneously as a total relationship. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Using 1960 Census data, evidence is compiled to show the reversal of the historical inverse relationship of income and fertility with a five percent national sample of urbanized women whose husbands have the same type of social characteristics but vary in income. The hypothesis that couples with more ‘relative income’ when compared with other couples with similar education, occupation, and age would be able to afford the same ‘style of life’ and would have additional money for more children is supported. A marked difference appears when age at marriage is controlled: women marrying at 22 years of age and after show a strong positive relation between income and fertility. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

There is considerable interest in the United States today in social indicators, social accounting and data banks. This interest is in part a simple elaboration of the increasingly heavy use of computers by social scientists, but it also has its roots in the belief, held mainly by sociologists, that social solutions must supersede, or at least temper economic and technical perspectives in the many problem areas of the U.S. This social indicator movement, it does seem to be something of a ground swell among social scientists, is focused on individuals, their attributes and access to goods and services. Given the heavy use made in the United States of sample surveys, it is to be expected that initial efforts to measure the quality of life should take the individual as a unit. However, this approach seems quite inappropriate for developing countries. The outlined contained in this article of a technique for measuring and monitoring over time selected dimensions of the institutional accumulation and patterns of a country is an answer to the question of use of social accounting in developing countries. Even the poorest of countries can profit from knowledge of the institutional characteristics of its principal civil units. Whether to move beyond these units to others such as bureaucracies, factories or ethnic groups is a question that will have to be answered differently for each country, but the indication is that many countries already recognize a need for the minimum information.

Copyright of Sociologia Ruralis is the property of Wiley-Blackwell and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Sociologia Ruralis is the property of Wiley-Blackwell and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

In this article the author discusses social life in a provincial university. Unsatisfactoriness of provincial universities is felt to be fundamentally due to the fact that they are non-residential. Since, the prestige of universities like Oxford University, England and Cambridge University, England attracts students who, for a complex of reasons, tend to have greater home advantages, it follows that provincial university students tend to come from homes with relatively cultural standards. If residential existence is impossible, the best substitute is participation in as large and varied a number of student activities as is compatible with proper attention to study. Students, therefore, who are desirous of getting the most out of their university course should be willing to stay on other classes for the day have finished, in order to take some part in these activities. The real life of the university, according to this theory, is found to be in student societies, and the heart of it all the students' union. In fact, from whatever angle we approach the question of the students' personal and social life we find that teaching is basic. We cannot separate teaching and social life in a university and expect the latter to make good deficiencies of the former. If the teaching is in a healthy state, so will the social life be.

The article focuses on instinctoid nature of basic needs. The theories of basic needs suggest and even call for a reconsideration of the instinct theory, if only because of the necessity for differentiating between the more and less "basic," more and less "healthy," and more and less "natural." Furthermore, researchers ought not to postpone indefinitely an examination of certain related questions brought to their unavoidable attention by this and other theories of basic needs, for example, the implied discarding of cultural relativity, the implied theory of constitutionally given values, the unmistakable narrowing of the jurisdiction assigned to associative learning; and so on. There are, in any case, many other theoretical, clinical, and experimental considerations pointing in the same direction. All these support a certain skepticism with regard to the current stress by psychologists, sociologists and anthropologists on the plasticity, flexibility and adaptability of the human being and his ability to learn. Human beings seem to be far more autonomous and self-governed than modern psychological theory makes allowance for.

The meaning and proper place of labor and leisure, work and contemplation, have drawn the attention of scholars. Only since the industrial revolution, however, has the interplay between labor and leisure become a major problem, both social and intellectual. The article seeks to delineate some themes of social criticism which bear on the labor-leisure problem, to suggest ways in which diverse traditions of research may be blended in attacking it and to describe a current study being carried out at the University of Michigan, the object of which is to analyze the leisure correlates of work situations as a means of illuminating some central issues in sociology. One recognizes here two major hypotheses, which have been restated by contemporary observers. In an up-to-date version, Detroit, Michigan-based auto-worker, for eight hours gripped bodily to the main line, doing repetitive, low-skilled, machine-paced work which is wholly ingratiating, comes rushing out of the plant gate, hilling down the super highway at 80 miles an hour in a second-hand Cadillac Eldorado, stops off for a beer and starts a bar-room brawl, goes home and beats his wife, and in his spare time throws a rock at a Negro moving into the neighborhood. In short, his routine of leisure is an explosive compensation for the deadening rhythms of factory life.

The article focuses on various problems of sociology of leisure. Activity is no longer confined to work, that the working day is no longer completely filled by toil, but includes from two to three hours of leisure. The working week tends to diminish to five days, with two Sundays. Working years no longer follow one another without interruption, but are separated by two or three weeks of holidays. In the worker's life, the rise in the standard of living has thus been paralleled by a steady increase in the allowance of free time. The industry that caters for leisure has a fertile imagination and the public is always on the watch for the next offer. A point, which must be emphasized, that mechanization has further disturbed the balance between work and leisure. It has lightened the burden of actual work but very often to the detriment of the interest and scope of that work. On the other hand, the increased output of automobiles, the growing number of man communication techniques, development of clubs and group have done far more to add to the enjoyment of leisure time activities than mechanization has so far done to reduce man's traditional burden of toil.

The new environment of man in industrialized societies is characterized by an increasingly extensive and tightly woven web of techniques, of which, industrial mechanization the whole complex of production machinery and equipment contained in workshops and offices of industrial enterprises is a part. Technical environments in differently organized societies posses, despite disparities, certain analogous features, both in the functioning of their institutions and in individual behavior patterns. It is from the sum total of cultural traits that a civilization is built up. In the present day world it is the combination of culture traits. Besides providing increasing quantities of more and more highly perfected productive machinery and goods, a technological civilization also gives rise to what is called spare time, i.e. time that is spared and, at least on the face of it, clearly differentiated from working time. Technical change brings in its wake, everywhere, spare time, all possibilities of leisure and the pursuit of happiness, of the good life as expressed in terms of the material and moral conditions of the new environment.

The article highlights that people all the world over, regardless of political ideology, agree that the U.S. is the prototype modern society with the highest standard of living ever known. The mere mention of the U.S. conjures up images of massive urban-industrial complexes interconnected by elaborate transportation and communications systems and populated by a citizenry sufficiently affluent to boast not only a chicken in every pot, but also a car in every garage and a color TV in every living room. While the streets are not yet paved with gold, there is, of course, a significant degree of accuracy in these images of affluence. And the real problems and poverty have traditionally been considered deviations from the ideal, for, in the U.S., progress brought about by technological development has become the dominant theology. A higher standard of living is what the average citizen has always meant by progress, and one of the nation's largest corporations speaks for a great many when advertising that progress is the most important product.

The article focuses on humanizing Cleveland and Toledo in Ohio. The hordes of immigrants who poured into Cleveland and Toledo to work in the factories and mills disturbed the cherished Anglo-Saxon traditions of the two Cities. The foreigners had their own notions of personal hygiene, their own ideas of how to spend the Sabbath, and most disturbing of all, and their own attitude toward politics. Both Cleveland and Toledo contained private settlement houses and charity organizations staffed by trained social workers. Their job was to instill in the Cities' new residents the ideals of thrift, cleanliness sobriety, and self-reliance. This was called Americanization. Perversely enough many of the immigrants seemed to prefer to acquire their Americanization in the saloons rather than in the settlement houses and from the ward boss and his lieutenants rather than from the social workers. The Civic Revivalists did not blame this entirely on the depravity of the immigrant. They believed it was the city's duty to perform the humanizing activities, which it had previously left to private benevolent societies or to the machine politicians.

This article focuses on a factor analytic study, which discusses therapeutic facilitativeness as a dimension of effective living. Several recent studies have focused on the factorial nature of the level of functioning dimension in human relationships. Factor analytic procedures had been utilized to analyze the structure of the correlation matrices derived from data on the relationships among the various "core conditions" of empathy, respect, genuineness, and concreteness. It has been experienced by the psychologists that high functioning people are people who operate successfully and productively in many areas of life. The study mentioned here presents data which bear on the validity of this assertion.

The article presents notes on population trends in Montana. Montana won the uncoveted distinction of being the only state in the union to show a decrease in population from 1920 to 1930, according to the United States Census. The decrease amounted to 2.1 per cent. The only population data available for the state are those showing the number of children 6 to 21 years of age and the birth and death figures compiled by the Division of Vital Statistics of the State Board of Health. Birth and death figures do not show the change in population resulting from migration into or out of the state, while the school census does reflect these changes but does not cover the population over 21 years of age. These sources of information are helpful in getting some idea of what changes may be occurring in the population, the school census data at least giving a fairly good picture of what is happening to the number of the state's youth under 21 years of age. A declining population does not necessarily mean poorer agricultural and business conditions and lower standards of living. Securing more satisfactory living conditions and higher standards of living with a smaller total population in a state, implies an intelligent adaptation of human institutions.