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The Western-style internationalisation of Russian universities, which guided the evolution of the country's higher education sector for over three decades, has been challenged by Western sanctions following the 2022 Russian 'Special military operation in Ukraine'. The authors show through the prism of constructivist theory how the norm on the internationalisation of higher education characterised by the strive for Westernised world-class universities was adopted and then came to unravel in Russia. A qualitative case study based on 42 expert interviews and an analysis of political discourse and legal documents reveals how the key features of the internationalisation of Russian universities are being challenged. The authors contribute to the expert literature the notion of 'norm reversal', defined as the process whereby an institutionalised and internalised international norm is 'cancelled' in a specific country. The paper shows that the reversal in Russian higher education, which was initially 'circumstantial' is becoming 'intentional', with legal documents being drawn up to accelerate and claim ownership of it.

Soviet higher education had a distinctive institutional landscape. It combined two institutional types in a uniform model that embedded higher education in the national economy. This paper focuses on the post-Soviet system-level changes in the institutional landscape in all 15 countries of the former USSR. It shows that over last three decades the Soviet two-type institutional model evolved into a three-type model, with the specialized university as a new institutional type. Highlighting the instruments of horizontal and vertical differentiation for each country, the paper explains how structural reforms and market forces led to the rise of the university/multiversity form of institution, and the strengthening of vertical stratification at system level. The comparative analysis shows that there have been different patterns of transformation in the 15 countries, shaped by unique combinations of structural reforms and marketization policies, with certain countries having made more distinctive steps away from the Soviet institutional model. There are now 15 formally different systems of higher education which poses further questions for comparative analysis.

This qualitative analysis describes the socialist legacy in the governance of higher education within the former Soviet-led member countries that entered the European Higher Education Area (EHEA) between 2001 and 2010. In joining the EHEA these countries signed on for the Bologna Process (BP), but are not members of the European Union. The analysis is based on EHEA BP Country Reports and a survey of Western academic literature and sources from the former-socialist region. It is argued that ministries of education are little engaged with academic and civic communities, in large part because policymakers underestimate the depth of the cultural and institutional changes that are necessary for educational reforms. Therefore, deep convergence of the new signatory countries to the EHEA via the BP has not occurred. Concurrently, West European measures intended to empower educational communities operate perversely in the post-socialist region, characterised by low civic and state capacities. The over-emphasis on bureaucratic checks and controls negates two important aspirations of Bologna: on the one side, university autonomy, empowerment of faculty, and development of local communities; and on the other side, the free flow of international knowledge. Without an adjustment of policies, the prospects for effective reforms are dimmed.

There has been theoretically substantiated the topicality of the specialized learning of the senior pupils of secondary educational institutions. There has been revealed the essence of specialized learning as of one of the leading forms of educational process organization in a modern school, which in its goal remains between a secondary and vocational education, providing a functional interrelation and succession between them. There has been presented a substantial analysis of state documents and curricula in physical training for senior pupils of national and foreign sports oriented secondary schools. A retrospective analysis of pedagogical literature and Internet resources in the issues of incepting ideas of pupils' specialized differentiation of learning has been conducted. It has been found out that personal direction of the sports oriented educational process envisages the wholesome system approach to each pupil's choice of a sports specialization profile, its content, means and forms of educational and extracurricular physical culture and health-improving activity, taking into account the age and individual peculiarities, locomotive and creative aptitudes to the chosen specialization profile. The work of physical training teachers of sports oriented specialized grades has been analyzed. The importance of taking into account the level of knowledge, pupils' physical fitness, their interests, aptitudes and skills for defining and studying the components of the elective module has been stressed.

The global COVID-19 pandemic has passed. This process required greater attention and care to the specifics of the organization of distance learning and the resolution of problems that arose for participants in the educational process. By late 2021 face-to-face teaching was returning but Russian aggression against Ukraine interrupted the comparatively carefree life of children and hindered access to kindergartens and schools which required a further focus on remote education. The paper outlines the peculiarities of the organization of distance learning under martial law in Ukraine and presents the problems of the organization of training during a time of conflict as well as the challenges presented by Internet platforms for the organization of the distance learning approaches recommended by the Ministry of Education of Ukraine. The aim of the research was theoretical analysis and generalization of literature on research problems, pedagogical observations, surveys, methods of mathematical statistics. The article provides one of the first analyses of the difficulties faced during this period of immense disruption based on empirical data and explains to what extent Ukrainian teachers under martial law have the possibility to organize distance teaching, what problems they face, what is the psychological state of children.

This paper is devoted to changes in the way in which mathematical assessment is conducted in Russia and Ukraine, the two largest states formed after the collapse of the Soviet Union. Previously, in the USSR, there existed two parallel systems of examinations, as follows: "exit exams," which were taken by schoolchildren graduating from high schools, and which were conducted using the same texts across the entire territory of each Soviet republic; and "entrance exams," which each college conducted independently (with the approval of the Ministry). In the new states, a gradual transition occurred to conducting so-called uniform exams, in which exit and entrance exams were combined. This change reflected society's quest for a fair and effective system, which could avoid corruption, unfairness toward different categories of students, and the like. In this paper, examinations are analyzed as an expression of society's influence on the teaching of mathematics. Consequently, the paper analyzes, on the one hand, the stages in the appearance and formation of examination procedures, the problems offered on exams, and the influence of exams on the teaching of mathematics; and on the other hand, the attitude toward exams in society, discussion of them in the press, and other general issues. A necessary space in the paper is allocated to background information, with a discussion of how exams were conducted in the USSR and of the general changes that have taken place in both countries.

In this paper it is displayed the resilience of the Ukrainian educators and students during the ongoing conflict with Russia, with a particular focus on the role of online learning platforms. Despite the challenges posed by air raids, evacuations, and infrastructure damage, educators have swiftly transitioned to virtual classrooms using platforms like Zoom, Google Meet, AllUkrainian Online School and others. These platforms not only provide continuity in education but also serve as spaces for emotional support, fostering discussions about the conflict and offering solidarity to students amidst uncertainty. While significant challenges persist, including reaching students in heavily affected regions, the adaptability and dedication of Ukrainian educators underscore the resilience of the human spirit in adversity. Online learning continues to serve as a beacon of hope, ensuring that the pursuit of knowledge endures even in the darkest of times. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The aim of this study was to determine the examination of the researches about the use of technology by fine arts teachers. The study was conducted according to the content and citation analysis model. In this context, Web of Science (WOS) Core Collection indexes were included. In the document scanning in the WOS environment, the keywords 'Fine arts', 'Teachers' and 'Technology' were searched. In total, 169 documents were examined and analysed one by one. They were analysed according to year, document type, WOS content category, country, source title, organisation and citation, authors, publication language and categories. As a result of this research, the first study was conducted in 2004, while the most studies were conducted in 2016. It was concluded that the published studies had the most Proceedings papers as the document type. The area where the studies of fine arts teachers on the use of technology are mostly carried out is Education Educational Research, according to the Web of Science content category. The most researched title in the distribution according to the Source Title field is 'International Multidisciplinary Scientific Conferences on Social Sciences and Arts.' The university with the most studies is Kazan Federal University. The 19 authors who conducted the studies have a large number of studies in this field. It was concluded that other authors had only one study in the field. Again, when we look at the distribution of the countries and documents according to the language of writing, the country with the most studies is China and the language of the documents is English. The area continues to evolve.

Patriotism is an important and well-accepted value in educational institutions. As a civic virtue, it has always been included in education/training programs. This study aims to compare research articles on teaching of patriotism that were conducted in the last 20 years. The document analysis method was employed in the study for this purpose. The data were collected through the international databases e.g. Wiley, Jstore, Elsevier, Taylor & Francis. 218 articles were found by searching the keywords "patriotism", "patriotic education", and "teaching of patriotism". Upon initial analysis, it was decided that 110 articles would serve the purpose of this study. Content analysis technique was employed to reveal patterns of the selected articles. The number of articles published on patriotic education in each countries, the publication dates of these articles and the comparison of these articles according to countries, purposes, is presented in this study. The paper at hand shows that only some articles have a critical perspective on patriotism. Implications are made based on results.

This mixed-methods ethnographic case study examines the socio-historical origins and current lived experiences of students at one Russian university to understand the role of a university education as an environmental factor in the development of a civic consciousness. Findings suggest that the institution has attempted to introduce liberal civic education reforms while competing with a system-wide civic passivity developed during the Soviet era. At the same time, the institution is balancing political neutrality and social development to effectively execute its mission in spite of increasing state control. Student voices suggest that human capital development remains a top priority, whereas civic development has been limited. This case study serves as a cautionary tale in light of oppression and compromises that higher education institutions have to make with the state. Moreover, countries with a similar Soviet legacy of an atrophied civic society can look to modest reform efforts to engage individual students in a way that can promote civic participation so long as the state allows civic development to occur. This paper also addresses the implications of higher education's role within the context of the 2022 Russian invasion of Ukraine.

Academic libraries, apart from their main function, which is to provide information services to academic communities, may also perform a number of social roles in the broad meaning of the term. Accordingly, they now tend to serve as the third place offering inclusion and animation activities to academic as well as local communities (including potential students) and to groups in risk of social exclusion (immigrants, persons with disabilities, senior citizens, etc.) or in need of various kinds of care and support. However, for libraries to be able to fulfil those tasks, they need properly trained staff who not only have the required competencies but also the right social attitudes. The paper presents an analysis of the social attitudes of academic librarians from twenty countries across the world as compared to the personnel of other types of libraries. The level of individual social capital, activity in social networks, aspirations in life and social and civic engagement were investigated. It was noted that the respondents tend to undervalue the importance of the work done by libraries for local communities. At the same time, the research showed that academic librarians have a somewhat lower level of individual social capital and trust than public librarians and less extensive social networks. Nonetheless, they are open to relationships with others, which enables them to engage in various social projects.

This paper is focused on a specific component of the bureaucratic apparatus in the Russian Empire -- educational functionaries. More specifically, the work explores the social background of educational functionaries in the Ukrainian lands in the first half of the 19th century. The authors composed data samples on Taurida, Volhynian, and Poltava Governorates covering the years 1830 and 1850. Use was made of a body of little-known archival documentation from the State Archive of Kharkov Oblast and the Central State Archive of Ukraine in Kiev. The authors explored the regional characteristics of the way educational institutions in rightbank, leftbank, and southern Ukrainian governorates were staffed with functionaries. The work attempted to determine how the areas' numbers of members of the various social groups in pedagogical service correlate with each other. It was found that, despite the low popularity of pedagogical service among the nobility, there were quite many members of this estate serving in the public education sector. However, due to a major need for teacher functionaries the government had to express a favorable attitude toward the hiring of members of other social groups willing to serve in educational institutions across the Russian Empire. This explains the significant number of members of the lower estates employed in the sector as well.

France’s reaction to Russia’s invasion of Ukraine was initially conciliatory. However, the current French President’ statements, Macron, gradually changed, suggesting a potential shift in France's stance. The French president recently suggested troops could be sent to Ukraine to fight the Russians, a move that could significantly impact the course of the war. Our paper aims to address this possibility. How feasible would this be from a military perspective? Second, are there any other relevant political actors that will support it? Third, why has Paris changed its position to such a radical stance? We start from the theoretical design of realist constructivism. Postcolonial theories and the concept of locked-in path dependence supported this research. The methods follow the path of historical synthesis, discourse analysis of key political actors, and text analysis of defense white papers. Quantitative military variables are used to understand France’s and the EU’s military-industrial complex capabilities and assess its potential. The collapse of France’s neocolonial empire in Africa and Russia’s growing influence in the region partially explains Macron’s discourse change. This is correlated with the need to follow a more independent European security policy and the worsening military situation in Ukraine. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper examines Russia's propaganda discourse on Twitter during the 2022 invasion of Ukraine. The study employs network analysis, natural language processing (NLP) techniques, and qualitative analysis to identify key communities and narratives associated with the prevalent and damaging narrative of "fascism/Nazism" in discussions related to the invasion. The paper implements a methodological pipeline to identify the main topics, and influential actors, as well as to examine the most impactful messages in spreading this disinformation narrative. Overall, this research contributes to the understanding of propaganda dissemination on social media platforms and provides insights into the narratives and communities involved in spreading disinformation during the invasion. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper aims to address the possible role of the Eastern European Orthodox Church as an alternative channel to ensure fruitful negotiations to end the Russo-Ukrainian war that has still ongoing since 2022. As the majority religion in Russia, Ukraine, and Eastern Europe as a whole, the Orthodox branch of Christianity has a transnational influence on its followers, including prominent political figures in the aforementioned territories. Utilizing qualitative research methods, this paper is written to provide arguments about whether the Orthodox Church, with its immense presence in the belligerents' spiritual beliefs, will be able to be employed as a channel to end the Russo-Ukrainian war. In this paper, analysis is conducted through the usage of J. W. McDonald's "The Institute for Multi-Track Diplomacy" (2012) journal article about multi-track diplomacy and D. Johnston's Faith-Based Diplomacy: Trumping Realpolitik (2003) book about faith-based diplomacy to gauge the Orthodox Church's potential as a channel of diplomacy between Russia and Ukraine. This paper finds that overall, the Orthodox Church fails to fulfil the criteria that Johnston (2003) posits; one of the most fatal is the organization's inability to reconcile the belligerents' deep historical wounds. Due to the Orthodox Church's traditional role that has always been closely tied to the Russian government, its capability to build an acceptable negotiation channel is severely impeded. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Teaching online requires different skills, roles and competencies for online instructors compared to teaching in traditional learning environments. Universities should offer ongoing support in various forms to help academic staff through their online journey. This paper provides insights into a multinational faculty development program for teaching online, elaborating on results of expectancy and satisfaction surveys. From a local program to a subproject within the Swiss National Science Foundation Project Scopes, e-Tutor aimed at expanding competencies in online lecturing and providing OER material for training colleagues. Designed in the form of a descriptive case study, this research was conducted with 34 attendees of e-Tutor. Data was collected using an e-learning readiness and expectancy questionnaire, and open-ended questions after the program to measure satisfaction. Descriptive statistics were used to analyze the survey data and content analysis for open-ended data. Participants considered e-Tutor a well-planned and targeted program with good theoretical and practical balance. Duration of such courses, opportunities for adaptation to real-life situations, and localization of the content are areas to be explored further. For future studies, it would also be interesting to see whether participants can apply their newly acquired knowledge and skills to create efficient online learning environments.

It has been argued that a transnational elite class is emerging, and that elite schools are 'choreographing' this process. This article nuances this developing theoretical framework with empirical data from an economically elite boarding school in Switzerland. It demonstrates that young men and women at this site linked to a global economy whilst refracting geopolitical tensions in their interactions with one another. This draws our attention to the multi-sited understandings that elite young people develop, despite the widespread assumption that in modern globalisation, wealth can break down cultural and juridical borders. This paper thus importantly contributes to an emerging discussion about the possibilities and constraints of transnational class formation at elite schools. In particular, it suggests that different kinds of elite schools may fill different kinds of roles when it comes to such processes.

This paper focuses on methodologies of serious games deployment and evaluation. Particularly, this study will present a specific category of serious games that are based on Collaborative Virtual Environments and they aim to support Collaborative Learning. We call these serious games Collaborative Virtual Educational Games (CVEG). The paper aims to analyze the deployment and evaluation process, through the study of relevant bibliography, and by doing so to reveal the existing research gap, which fails to evaluate the threefold nature--game, collaboration, and software--of CVEG. The proposed framework aims to support the design, deployment, and evaluation of a CVEG, by incorporating two consecutive and recurrent cycles, each consisting of distinct phases. Furthermore, each phase is designed to address specific goals. Finally, the paper presents four case studies, applying the proposed theoretical methodology for designing, deploying and evaluating a pragmatic CVEG.

In this paper, I examine whether generalized trust and education, as well as social security policies of welfare state institutions matter for cross-national differences in subjective well-being (SWB), because knowledge on this issue is still lacking. For this purpose I integrated the insights of two sociological theories: Social Function Production theory and Actor-Centred Institutionalism. Based on these theoretical notions we derived several hypotheses, which I tested using multilevel analysis of the data from the European Social Survey (2006), in a sample of 37,237 respondents from 22 European countries. My findings indicate that various extensiveness of social security policies matter for the level of SWB, and for the impact of education on SWB. I found negative impact of low education on SWB in all countries, except in Northern and Western European countries. This might suggest that social security policies of the latter countries have diminished the negative impact of low education on SWB. Moreover, my findings indicate positive relationship between individual education and generalized trust; as well as between generalized trust and SWB in countries with all five types of social security policies.

The paper considers key risks of cultural and civilizational integration of the Russian-Ukrainian border region. Proceeding from the sociological surveys conducted, the following typical cultural and civilizational identities of the population of border regions of Russia and Ukraine are singled out: Russian, Ukrainian, Slavic, European, mondialist and Eurasian. The first of the risks found is discrete perception of social time and space. For the bulk of representatives of the regional communities, social time breaks down into parts acting like periods that are devoid of the shared logics and are contrasting towards each other. The second is associated with chronotope pattern structure consisting in the presence of cognitive and value-related dissonance which characterizes the consciousness of the population--this is expressed in acceptance of value attitudes not only mismatching but even opposing each other frequently. The third risk consists in incongruity and controversy of heterostereotypes that are emotionally colored set ideas of communication subjects about their counterparties. Irrelevance of ideas about the future acts as the last risk that is caused by asynchrony of social processes in the area which used to be united that is manifested both at interstate and regional levels.

This article is written to inform educational community particularly in the respect of new tendencies in educational assessment and present a clear-cut picture of the recent studies conducted in the Black Sea Region. The review paper refers to the following countries: Georgia, Russia, Turkey and Ukraine. It stresses the prevalent approach detected in these countries and sees the role of assessment as a tool to enhance the quality of education and obtain the reliable data that help professionals to make appropriate decisions in teaching and assessment.

One of the biggest European conflagrations after the World War II constitutes Russian's unprovoked attack on Ukraine which begun in 2014 and evolved in a full scale war in February 2022. Despite the fact that it represents an armed conflict between two actors, it is difficult to classify it as pure conventional or unconventional war. The main goal of the paper is to reveal the extent to which conflict can be classified as conventional since both sides have been using a long range of elements of unconventional war. Using the historical and analytical method, the paper emphasizes that the conflict cannot be classified fully conventional or unconventional as the actors use a mixture of both to reach their military and political objectives. The scope of our paper limits the research to the Russian military interventions unfolding during the last two decades. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Purpose: The purpose of this paper is to study the effects of a variety of levels of education, namely, high school, vocational and university education, on the probability of being employed in Eastern Europe and the former Soviet Union. Design/methodology/approach: The data are from two waves of the Life-in-Transition Survey that covers 29 post-communist transitional countries. The number of binary logistic models is estimated to quantify the effects of different types of education on the likelihood of being employed, while controlling for different sets of covariates. Findings: The findings reveal that the effect of employment associated with university education is higher than that of vocational education, which in turn is higher than that of high school education. However, the differences between the effects of the various levels of education are not considerable. Any specific level of education is always associated with a higher effect in Eastern Europe as compared to the former Soviet Union. The effect of education is also found to be higher for females than for males. In the former Soviet Union, the positive effect of university and vocational education on employment is found to go down with age. Originality/value: This is the first study which compares effect of different types of education on probability of being employed on a diverse sample of 29 post-communist countries over the period of five years.

This paper examines the discourses framing citizenship education in Ukraine and Russia from "perestroika" to the present and assesses the role of the Council of Europe in promoting democratic citizenship in both countries. We argue that there is a tension between the discourses of active citizenship, strongly disseminated by international agencies (the Council of Europe in our case), and national consolidation, pursued by Ukraine and Russia since the fall of the Soviet regime. While the beginning of the 1990s was marked by democratization and individualization, from the mid-1990s the emphasis on state cohesion became more prominent in both states. From the end of the 1990s, however, citizenship education aims started to diverge, despite a similar approach of the Council of Europe to the two countries. In Russia the government reinforced the state cohesion agenda, which led to the patriotic education discourse gaining strength. In Ukraine, nation-building was made secondary to bringing the education system in line with international standards in order to improve the country's competitiveness. The nature of citizenship education in the two countries therefore seems to be more a reflection of domestic political developments than the product of international policy agenda. (Contains 12 notes.)

This paper examines portrayals of Russia and the Russians in two generations of Ukrainian history textbooks. It observes that the textbooks are highly condemning of Ukraine's main ethnic other in the guise of foreign ruler: the tsarist authorities and the Soviet regime are always attributed dubious and malicious intentions even if there is appreciation for some of their policies. By contrast, the books, certainly those of the second generation, refrain from presenting highly biased accounts of the ethnic other as a national group (i.e. Russians). Instances where negative judgements do fall onto Russians are counterbalanced by excerpts criticizing ethnic Ukrainians or highlighting conflicting interests within the Ukrainian ethnic group. The negative appraisal of the ethnic other as foreign ruler is clearly instrumental for the nation-building project as it sustains a discourse legitimating the existence of Ukraine as independent state. However, recent trends in history education, the paper concludes, suggest that the importance of nurturing patriotism as a national policy objective is diminishing. (Contains 5 notes.)

This paper presents the main results of a recent survey of private higher education institutions from twelve selected European countries (Austria, Germany, Italy, Spain, Portugal, Poland, Estonia, Bulgaria, Romania, Turkey, Ukraine, Russia) [in the framework of the UNESCO-CEPES project on "Private Higher Education in Europe and Quality Assurance and Accreditation from the Perspectives of the Bologna process Objectives," designed and implemented in collaboration with "Leon Kozminski Academy of Entrepreneurship and Management (LKAEM) and the World Bank"]. After a brief review of the current incidence of private education in the selected European countries, the authors give a description of the survey. Then the main findings are structured according to the nine goals of the Bologna Process and their corresponding level of implementation in private higher education institutions, and also to provide comparisons with public higher education institutions. The paper concludes with a discussion of the results and with some general remarks about the role of private higher education institutions in building the EHEA. (Contains 14 tables, 12 footnotes and 3 figures.)

Introduction: Russia's invasion of Ukraine in February 2022 has severely impacted the healthcare system, including the provision of HIV care. The ongoing war is a human‐caused mass trauma, a severe ecological and psychosocial disruption that greatly exceeds the coping capacity of the community. The bioecological model of mass trauma builds on Bronfenbrenner's concept of interaction between nested systems to argue that social context determines the impact of life events on the individual and how an individual responds. This paper uses the bioecological model of mass trauma to explore the impact of Russia's aggression against Ukraine and the ongoing war on HIV‐positive people who use drugs in Ukraine, a particularly vulnerable population that may be negatively affected by disruptions to social networks, healthcare infrastructure and economic conditions caused by mass trauma. Methods: Data were collected between September and November 2022. A convenience sample of 18 HIV‐positive people who use drugs were recruited from community organizations that work with people living with HIV, drug treatment programmes, and HIV clinics through direct recruitment and participant referral. A total of nine men and nine women were recruited; the age ranged from 33 to 62 years old (mean = 46.44). Participants completed a single interview that explored how the war had affected their daily lives and access to HIV care and other medical services; their relationships with healthcare providers and social workers; and medication access, supply and adherence. Data were analysed using the Framework Method for thematic analysis. Results: The war had a profound impact on the social, emotional and financial support networks of participants. Changes in social networks, coupled with limited job opportunities and rising prices, intensified financial difficulties for participants. Relocating to different regions of Ukraine, staying at somebody else's home, and losing connections with social workers impacted medication adherence and created lengthy treatment gaps. Participants also experienced a decreased supply of antiretroviral therapy, concerns about accessing medication for opioid use disorder, and overwhelming fears associated with the war, which overshadowed their HIV‐related health concerns and negatively impacted medication adherence. Conclusions: Our analysis reveals the complex impact of war on social networks and healthcare access. Maintaining support networks and competent healthcare providers will be essential amid the ongoing war. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

After Russia's massive Cyber-attacks on Ukraine's government and bank sectors in January–February 2022, many analysts alleged that Cyber-power would be a crucial component of Russia's military victory in Ukraine. Contrary to these expectations, however, Russian Cyber-intrusions yielded meagre strategic benefits, with Moscow seemingly prioritising conventional warfare and destruction of energy and civilian infrastructure instead. Using a theory of asymmetric conflict, this paper argues, somewhat counterintuitively, that the reason behind inhibited efficacy of Russian Cyber-operations post-2022 are Moscow's prior Cyber-attacks against Ukraine since 2013. While having helped the Kremlin weaken Ukraine's Cyber-networks and collect local intelligence, these antecedent Cyber-operations have provided a two-pronged learning loop: for Ukraine to cultivate habits of mitigating Russian Cyber-threats, and for Russia to acquire habits of relying on information operations more than on destructive Cyber-attacks. This "pedagogical" mechanism ultimately enabled Ukraine to redress its Cyber-asymmetry with Russia and deny Moscow success in its Cyber-intrusions post-2022. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper brings together the late Freud's concept of the death drive and Dostoevsky's vision of primordial suffering in order to analyze anti-Ukrainian and pro-Ukrainian trends in today's Russia. The paper encourages embracing the suffering that the death drive entails, instead of escaping it through the narrative of Russia's 'greatness'. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Bulletin of Ablai Khan KazUIRandWL: Series 'International Relations & Regional Studies' is the property of Kazakh Ablai Khan University of International Relations & World Languages and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Canadian Foreign Policy Journal (CFPJ) is the property of Routledge and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The paper outlines the modernization experience of philology Master programs in Ukraine, the USA, Poland and Russia. It has been proved that the Masters' training is on the search educational strategies phase, which allows to form a single educational space on the principles of internationalization, institutionalization, integration, cultural convergence, common goals and values. An important field of Masters' training is a competency-based approach. It is based on the idea of flexibility, variability of programs, and profiling, philological integration with other humanities, criteria, standards and principles of improving the quality of education. Attention is focused on the formation of constructive-technological, operational, educational, reflective, educational, qualimetric and creative skills of future teachers. Among the perspective forms of education lecture is distinguished as it is focused on the co-creation and co-thinking of lecturer and students, monographic lectures. Among innovative teaching methods and assessment of Master training are selected case-method, cluster, reference compendium, portfolio, performance tests. The variability of final work is defined as an effective way of learning individualization. It has been proved that the result of Master's training should be the specialist with a high level of social maturity, active citizenship, education, culture and responsibility for his professional and scientific activity.

Purpose: The purpose of this paper is to explore how vocational education and training (VET) in Ukraine has changed since the Soviet era; and to determine its structure, successes, and challenges. Design/methodology/approach: The author conducted interviews and tours at 15 vocational schools in seven cities in Ukraine. Findings: Ukraine is struggling to establish itself as an independent, modern country; education includes elements from the Soviet era and contemporary European practices; the VET system is taking on the state-regulated bureaucratic model; it has mixed success mainly due to economic development; social support for secondary students is very strong. Research limitations/implications: Since Ukraine will eventually be a key player in international relations, it is important for scholars to understand how the VET system is developing. Originality/value: This study provides an in-depth view of VET in this once closed country which is now susceptible to influence from Russia and Europe.

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Copyright of Yearbook of the Faculty of Political Sciences / Godisnjak Fakultet Politickih Nauka Beograd is the property of University of Belgrade, Faculty of Political Sciences and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The 2014 annexation of Crimea from Ukraine and subsequent 2022 invasion of Ukraine by Russia have thrust Ukraine and European security into an intense and formidable challenge. The Western response, marked by a resolute sanctions regime targeting Russian officials and entities, has not only met but exceeded initial expectations, serving as a powerful testament to a steadfast stance against Russian aggression. As the full-scale invasion enters its third year, characterized by unconventional and asymmetrical tactics, delving into the historical roots of this crisis is imperative, acknowledging the enduring influence of the Soviet Union on the geopolitical landscape. This paper embarks on a rigorous exploration of the multifaceted factors propelling Russia’s invasion of Ukraine. Geopolitical power dynamics, historical grievances, competitions of national conscience, economic dependencies, and security concerns are scrutinized intensely to unravel the intricate motivations behind the conflict. The study offers an exhaustive analysis of global ramifications, encompassing geopolitical realignments and shifts in alliances. The war in Ukraine has not only damaged global food and energy supply chains but has also rendered international trade fragile and complicated, reshaping the global landscape significantly. The Russian invasion, transcending the bounds of a mere territorial conflict, reshapes the global order. Simultaneously, Putin’s strategic miscalculation, fueled by perceived success in Crimea, led to an underestimation of Ukrainian resilience. Subsequent events in eastern Ukraine underscored the limits of Putin’s strategic calculations, showcasing the indomitable spirit of a people united in defense of their homeland. Ukraine’s extraordinary resilience, evident through citizen mobilization and strategic defense initiatives, shatters the perception of invincibility. The nation’ ability to transform challenges into opportunities underscores its unwavering commitment to long-term security and territorial integrity. Even with uncertain perspectives of Western support Ukrainian leadership continued to provide all the efforts to win this war. By harnessing collective strength, Ukraine sends a strong message about its determination to safeguard sovereignty, protect citizens’ interests, and emerge stronger in the face of adversity. By harnessing collective strength, Ukraine sends a resounding message about its determination to safeguard sovereignty, protect citizens; national interests, and emerge stronger in the face of adversity. Indeed, while Russia employs military tactics, Ukraine fights with the indomitable spirit of its citizens. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]