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The Western-style internationalisation of Russian universities, which guided the evolution of the country's higher education sector for over three decades, has been challenged by Western sanctions following the 2022 Russian 'Special military operation in Ukraine'. The authors show through the prism of constructivist theory how the norm on the internationalisation of higher education characterised by the strive for Westernised world-class universities was adopted and then came to unravel in Russia. A qualitative case study based on 42 expert interviews and an analysis of political discourse and legal documents reveals how the key features of the internationalisation of Russian universities are being challenged. The authors contribute to the expert literature the notion of 'norm reversal', defined as the process whereby an institutionalised and internalised international norm is 'cancelled' in a specific country. The paper shows that the reversal in Russian higher education, which was initially 'circumstantial' is becoming 'intentional', with legal documents being drawn up to accelerate and claim ownership of it.

Nguyen, O. T. H., Aksenov, I., Phan, N. T., & Sakulyeva, T. (2021). Russia's foreign policy priorities in the Asia‐Pacific region. Journal of Public Affairs, e2745. https://doi.org/10.1002/pa.2745. The above article, published online on 17 August 2021 in Wiley Online Library (wileyonlinelibrary.com) has been retracted by agreement between the journal's Editor‐in‐Chief, Laura Corazza and Shaista Wasiuzzaman and John Wiley & Sons Ltd. The retraction has been agreed following concerns regarding manipulation of the peer review and publishing process. Concerns were originally raised by a third party (1). Further investigation by the publisher has found manipulation of the peer review process, and overlapping text with other publications. The retraction has been agreed because the peer review of the article was compromised and there is unattributed overlap between this article and several other articles (2)(3). Abalkina, A. (2022). Publication and collaboration anomalies in academic papers originating from a paper mill: evidence from a Russia‐based paper mill https://arxiv.org/abs/2112.13322 Burdzik, T. (2019). Slowly but Surely: Russia's Foreign Policy in Southeast Asia https://russiancouncil.ru/en/analytics‐and‐comments/columns/asian‐kaleidoscope/slowly‐but‐surely‐russia‐s‐foreign‐policy‐in‐southeast‐asia/?sphrase%5fid=34631795 Rumer, E., Sokolsky, R., Vladicic, A. (2020). Russia in the Asia‐Pacific: Less Than Meets the Eye https://carnegieendowment.org/publications/82614 [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper discusses Finnish-Russian relations from the perspective of cooperation in higher education, and particularly Finnish-Russian double degree programmes prior to 2022. It asks how internal stakeholders, in double degree programmes perceived the role of their cooperation from the point of view of interstate relations, and how cooperation had changed (if at all) after the political crisis intensified between the EU and Russia in 2014. The paper draws on research on EU-Russia relations, and on the link between higher education (collaboration) and international politics. The empirical part of the paper is based on a case study of double degree programmes between Finnish and Russian universities. Semi-structured interviews with internal stakeholders such as administrative and academic heads/coordinators of these programmes serve as the main source of primary materials. The study reveals that even though internal stakeholders explicitly wanted to depoliticise higher education cooperation and denied that interstate (or EU-Russia) relations would have had any impact on their collaboration, many of them still hoped that HE cooperation would help in improving the given relations. Accordingly, they argued for education diplomacy in the sense of 'higher education for diplomacy', but denied it in the sense of 'diplomacy for higher education'.

On Sunday, October 14, 1962, an American U-2 aircraft, flying a photographic reconnaissance mission over Cuba, took 928 images (one is included with this article). The next day, analysts at the National Photographic Interpretation Center concluded that the photographs showed evidence of Soviet missile site construction in Cuba and conveyed their findings to McGeorge Bundy, President John F. Kennedy's National Security Adviser. Using this featured photograph and the copy of Pres. Kennedy's speech, teachers can lead a class discussion with the following questions: (1) What kind of document is it?; (2) When was it created?; (3) By whom?; and (4) For what purpose? This activity can help students recognized how helpful a group of advisors could be.

This paper focuses on the dynamics of education in the interplay of power and seduction as creatively displayed in Takarazuka Revue's performances re-enacting the major players of the Cold War: USA and Russia (rather than former Soviet Union). "Oceans 11" (cosmos troupe, 2019) and "Once Upon a Time in America" (snow troupe, 2020), on the one hand, and "Land of Gods" (cosmos troupe, 2017) and "Anastasia" (cosmos troupe, 2020), on the other hand, lavishly display subtle interactions of longing and belonging, ecstasy and rage, love and betrayal, envy, hatred and passion, while painstakingly building up irresistible tensions between the instances involved in the performative process: actresses, administrators, audiences. The theoretical support is delivered by Robert Greene's pragmatic elaborations in his seminal works "The 48 Laws of Power" (1998) and "The Art of Seduction" (2001): education is never a linear process between a 'master' and a 'disciple', but an interactive game, governed by the pursuit of joy in overcoming challenges and finding ingenious solutions.

More than any previous generation, today's students need to develop a global perspective and be knowledgeable about other nations in order to play a better role on the global stage. This paper first reviews some earlier and current studies on students' knowledge of the world, mainly conducted in the United States, and then it describes the global education status and similar studies in countries like Canada, Russia, the United Kingdom, China, Japan, South Korea, and Australia. Based on a review of studies in these countries, the paper proposes that contemporary assessments of students' cross-national and global knowledge and attitudes are necessary. The new research must be multinational, assessing what paired nations' school aged populations know about one another's history, geography, politics, economics, and international relations. (Contains 1 footnote.)

After the collapse of the Soviet Union, the Russian Federation and the Republic of Kazakhstan had to re-build their bilateral relations, and today this process continues. Both countries face up to a number of objective difficulties, such as crisis and the need to develop new foreign and domestic policy doctrines. Nevertheless, several bilateral agreements show the governments' desire to establish closer co-operation and to look for new integration method. Cross-border cooperation presents one of these methods. This paper deals with specific features of interterritorial and cross-border cooperation between border regions of the Republic of Kazakhstan and the Russian Federation, basic problems of cross-border cooperation in these regions. The authors identified the most important areas of further cross-border and interregional cooperation between Kazakhstan and Russia. Relevant legal documents show intense cooperation development between the countries; this is confirmed by the participation of Kazakhstan and Russia in a number of international organizations, in particular, SCO, CIS, and the Customs Union. Development of cross-border cooperation presents a new stage in bilateral relations. Currently, the main difficulties that hinder such cooperation include inadequate legal framework, which requires improvement in order to meet the requirements of bilateral relations, the need to extend state funding, as well as the need to attract foreign investment.

The phenomenon of "democratic backsliding" is becoming a topical issue in today's international relations, with recent occurrences in various regions, including Europe. This paper examines the weakening of democracy in the Russian Federation from 2012 to 2021. The study aims to determine whether democratic elements were dismantled in Russia during this period. For this purpose, the theoretical framework by Ellen Lust and David Waldner was utilized, alongside Merkel's concept of embedded democracy. Appropriate indicators were selected to reliably reveal the deterioration in the quality of democratic institutions and processes in Russia, specifically the Freedom House index, Democracy Index, and the Bertelsmann Transformation Index (BTI). By employing these three indices, the study assesses whether Russia can be classified as an anchored democracy or a defective democracy. The findings, presented in the final section of the paper, indicate significant erosion of democratic practices and institutions in Russia during the observed period. This deterioration underscores a shift from an already flawed democratic structure to one that increasingly resembles an authoritarian regime. The study concludes that Russia cannot be considered an anchored democracy; rather, it exhibits numerous characteristics of a defective democracy, marked by weakened institutions and diminished political freedoms. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

As the governments of the United States, Russia, and China signal a renewed emphasis on great power competition, tensions among three leading military and nuclear powers are rising. Mounting tensions portend an increase in proxy conflicts, raising concerns about support for possible atrocity crimes of proxies. As states formulate their approaches to great power proxy conflict, they would do well to consider the possibility of their officials facing liability for aiding and abetting atrocity crimes. This paper focuses on aiding and abetting liability under international criminal law through the lens of great power proxy conflict. It argues that proxy conflict among great powers is likely, that it will probably contribute to atrocity crimes, and that states have not taken sufficient measures to ensure they do not contribute to the commission of atrocities. While this paper deals with the United States, Russia, and China, it especially focuses on recommendations and implications for the U.S. government. Section I discusses the rise of great power competition as the driving force in international politics, argues that great power competition will likely manifest as proxy conflict between great powers, and discusses the relationship between proxy conflict and liability for atrocity crimes. Section H analyzes the elements of aiding and abetting liability through the lens of three debates among legal scholars and judges that bear particular relevance for individual liability in the context of proxy conflict among great powers. Section III examines the relationships between the governments of the United States, Russia, and China and the International Criminal Court. The Section then outlines the ongoing legal debate regarding whether the ICC can properly assert jurisdiction over the nationals of those and other non-party states as a matter of customary international law. Section IV reflects on the practical implications of the paper's findings and recommends policies that the United States should adopt in light of those findings. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper discusses the way the European Union (EU) needs to adapt its economic diplomacy toolbox to tackle current challenges pertaining to the Russian war on Ukraine. It investigates the way in which the EU has developed its economic diplomacy in Ukraine, focusing on the scope of this diplomacy and its efficacy in responding to Russia's assertiveness and, ultimately, to Russia's aggression. The research identifies those initiatives that may be part of the priority toolkit used for sustaining the EU's strategic goals in Ukraine and beyond, considering the evolving global economic environment. The paper concludes with a comprehensive listing of the EU's challenges and opportunities for further developing its economic diplomacy, including as a solution or a response to the Ukrainian reconstruction needs. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The paper examines Russia's cultural expansionism that extends beyond the military invasion in Ukraine since 2014. In the first part, I trace Russia's systematic efforts to seize and manipulate Ukrainian heritage, often under the guise of protection. I also touch on the role of museums in this expansion, where they are used to preserve collections through coercive acquisition and to promote a Russian-centric narrative. The second part of the article delves into the historical relationships between Russia and Ukraine, especially in the context of the Soviet era's museum infrastructure. Overall, the text calls for new concepts and international efforts to critique Russia's actions and protect Ukrainian culture. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Historically, the cold war was a watershed that separated two epochs: the time of abnormal, although compelled, partnership of two political systems and the period of peaceful coexistence with barely hidden hostility. The peacefulness of the latter, however elusive and vulnerable it was from time to time, has to be credited to the cold war, a relatively short period of time in world history, when humankind, and most importantly its leaders, realized how close our world was to self-destruction. The purpose of this article is to trace educators' rationale or motivation for teaching about the Soviet Union in the second half of the 1940s through the1950s, and how their motivation changed during that period. It is argued that although there existed a general tendency and interest among social studies teachers to teach about the Soviet Union these motivations and interests were conditioned by different circumstances and, consequently, pursued different goals. People who are in political power in the United States and Russia now belong to the post-World War II generation. They learned about the Soviet Union/Russia and the United States from their parents, from the media, and in school. The analysis of teachers' motivations in this controversial period of the cold war points out a general attitude toward the Soviet Union among many educators. This attitude can be expressed by the following triad: hopeful curiosity; confrontational hostility; and confrontation and interest.

Why did Serbia not impose sanctions against Russia following its aggression on Ukraine in February 2022? As a state seeking membership of the European Union (EU), Serbia's reluctance to join the sanction regime is puzzling. This paper draws from the ontological security literature to show how Serbia, as a political community, is divided between East and West, that is, between a vicarious attachment to Moscow and a relationship with Brussels driven primarily by the prospect of joining the benefits of membership of the EU. The problem of sanctions brought to the fore the conflicted identity of Serbia, showing how Belgrade's hedging in foreign policy reflects not only an attempt to extract concessions and advantages from both partners – the EU and Russia – but more fundamentally its efforts to come to terms with its liminal, ontologically insecure position within the international system. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The paper explores the state of academic dialogue between the Russian and Western scholarly communities studying the European Union (EU)–Russia relations in Justice and Home Affairs (JHA). By analyzing the citation patterns of the academic articles on the EU–Russia cooperation in this area, we arrive at the conclusion that the Russian scholarship mostly does not engage in a transnational academic dialogue with the Western counterparts. In other words, it has turned into a sealed 'indigenous' scholarly community. And what is more, it is also disintegrated within itself since the Russian scholars do not refer to the research produced by their compatriots either. To qualitatively substantiate our findings, in the last section of the paper, we review the universe of all articles written on the topic in Russian to distinguish five trends typical of the research published in Russian academic journals. We believe that these features are the result of the lack of engagement with the Western scholarship and simultaneously the cause which prevents the communication between the two scholarly communities. This, in turn, undermines the accumulation of the transnational multifaceted policy-relevant expertise essential for normalizing the relations between Brussels and Moscow in general and in JHA in particular. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Modern European integration entails the common foreign and security policy. In February 2022, the Russian aggression against Ukraine moved the deplorable situation from 2014 to another level calling for an EU reaction via legal instruments. Based on them, ten sanctions packages have emerged with significant consequences. The aim of this paper is to analyze it, in particular the connection of these ten sanctions packages and foreign trade between the Czech Republic and the Russian Federation. This aim is achieved by addressing three sets of goals: (i) the legal analysis of EU trade policy instruments, (ii) an advanced statistical and critical analysis of the trade between Czech Republic and Russian Federation and (iii) a creation of a timeline of the application and its ramifications. This reveals interesting propositions about the impact of these sanctions packages on the Czech foreign trade and about the effectiveness of the EU's trade policy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Purpose: The purpose of this paper is to explore how vocational education and training (VET) in Ukraine has changed since the Soviet era; and to determine its structure, successes, and challenges. Design/methodology/approach: The author conducted interviews and tours at 15 vocational schools in seven cities in Ukraine. Findings: Ukraine is struggling to establish itself as an independent, modern country; education includes elements from the Soviet era and contemporary European practices; the VET system is taking on the state-regulated bureaucratic model; it has mixed success mainly due to economic development; social support for secondary students is very strong. Research limitations/implications: Since Ukraine will eventually be a key player in international relations, it is important for scholars to understand how the VET system is developing. Originality/value: This study provides an in-depth view of VET in this once closed country which is now susceptible to influence from Russia and Europe.

In the 21st century, the issue of energy security is an important challenge for many states. Energy independence is an important component of the country's national security. That is why its development is considered a priority of the country's economic policy. Along with the trends of globalization, international energy relations are increasing day by day. However, the issue of energy security and vulnerability is equally on the agenda, which in turn is related to the problems of access to energy resources and the aggressive appeal of industrialized states with this issue, which creates a destabilizing vulnerable environment in the state. This issue was clearly revealed in the background of the 2022-2023 war between Russia and Ukraine. The mentioned issue is one important part of this paper, along with which the issue of renewable energies is also discussed. Renewable energies, the so-called practical way to get rid of petroleum products is growing more and more. Accordingly, the mentioned work considers both issues equally on the example of the European Union's energy security strategy, within the framework of the Russia-Ukraine war. The paper discusses the European Union's energy security policy and current challenges. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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Russia is using the Black Sea as a diplomatic tool in its foreign policy to achieve its maritime and foreign policy objectives, which are also linked with the country's strategic culture. This research investigates the significance of the Black Sea in Russia's Maritime Strategy for achieving its foreign policy objectives by using the balance of interest theory. This research employs two conceptual schemas. Firstly, with the help of maritime diplomacy, it analyses a tool to achieve foreign policy objectives in the waters. Secondly, the research uses the concept of strategic culture, which helps explore the diplomatic importance of the Black Sea in Russian foreign policy through the perspective of history and attitudes of decision-makers. This research highlights the case of the Black Sea for Russian maritime strategy, which also has a great economic significance for the region and world. It also highlights the importance of the Black Sea in the Russian maritime doctrine (2022) and links between maritime strategic culture and foreign policy objectives. It concludes that Russia is successfully pursuing its cooperative, coercive, and persuasive maritime diplomacy in the Black Sea region by providing humanitarian assistance, blocking Ukrainian access, and operating a stronghold at Sevastopol port as its naval base. In conclusion, this paper argues that strategic culture plays a vital role in employing the three diplomatic dimensions for achieving maritime objectives in the Black Sea. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Russia has been a powerful ally in Venezuela's complex crisis, having developed political, economic and cultural relations with the Venezuelan state by employing various foreign policy instruments such as mutual support in multilateral fora, foreign aid, loans, commodity trading, military support and cultural diplomacy. What explains this support, despite Venezuela's severe political and economic crisis? Different perspectives have contributed to discussions on shifts in Russian foreign policy towards Latin America since the end of the Cold War. However, studies subscribing to traditional international relations theories have occasionally focused on a single issue or dimension. Such a focus may be problematic when analysing the multifaceted portfolio applied to Russian foreign policy. Based on the Two‐Good Theory approach, its focus on change and maintenance of the status quo, and the concept of substitutability, this research paper elaborates on Russia's foreign policy strategy towards Venezuela to explain policy priorities by examining the alliance with the Venezuelan Maduro regime. Furthermore, the paper highlights the link between the tangible characteristics of energy security and arms sales and intangible aspects, such as cultural diplomacy, which are important explanatory factors of Russian support for Venezuela. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

When talking about International Relations, for the last decades, the popularity of the concept of grand strategy has continuously increased. This led to the present situation when we have a disputed term with multiple distinct definitions. In this context, the central objective of this paper is to select and evaluate the existing analyses of the grand strategy of the Kremlin between 2000 and 2019. Another important goal is to clarify the main elements of this concept. To identify the relevant literature, we used a series of academic journals such as Cambridge Journals, ProQuest Central, Sage Journals and others. The present analysis shows that one category of authors argue that the grand strategy of the Russian Federation has become more assertive. According to their opinion, the Moscow administration is willing to use all means available in order to achieve the main objectives: the status of great power; the return to the spheres of influence; and the return to a multipolar international system. A second category explores sub-elements of grand strategy such as the importance of Ukraine, or the impact of the war in Georgia. Finally, one researcher argues that Russia does not have a grand strategy at all. In conclusion, this paper shows that many elements remain to be explored in relation to a topic of such complexity as the grand strategy of the Russian Federation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Dubbed as the beginning of the "new dawn," the year 2018 has served as a watershed moment in terms of South Africa's domestic and international affairs. The basis for this narrative is the fact that in February 2018, Cyril Ramaphosa succeeded Jacob Zuma as the President of South Africa. Among others, this change of guard in South Africa's presidency has ushered an emerging narrative about South Africa's future engagement with Russia in the context of Brazil, Russia, India, China and South Africa (BRICS) grouping. Unlike former President Zuma who was seemingly inclined towards the East, President Ramaphosa has been linked by observers to the West. It is on this basis that, this paper attempts to address the following central question: Does the Ramaphosa presidency represent a catalyst for change or continuity in terms of South Africa engagement with Russia in the context of BRICS? As a way of departing from the dominant tradition in International Relations of either locating studies of this nature within the realist or liberal perspective, the authors of this paper proposes a holistic approach which is based on the theory of Afrocentricity (also read as a Diopan perspective) and interdisciplinary critical discourse analysis in its broadest form. In this context, this paper establishes an argument that it is not "business as usual" insofar as South Africa's present engagement with Russia is concerned. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper explores the political landscape of post-war Armenia, focusing on both domestic and foreign policy implications of the devastating war of 2020. More specifically, it aims at explaining the aftermath of the 2020 war, with a special emphasis on Armenia's growing dependence on Russia. Since September 2020, Armenia has plunged into a deep crisis. The Nagorno-Karabakh war had a series of implications, both for conflicting parties and a wider region. The ceasefire agreement which entailed huge territorial concessions took many by surprise and raised questions as to the transparency and accountability of the government. Although the Russian-brokered ceasefire ended the hostilities, yet it left many fundamental matters unanswered. Furthermore, the war has exacerbated the pre-existing divisions amongst the foremost political actors and the general public. Combined with the war and its aftermath, the COVID-19 pandemic has also invited challenges, which resulted in an increased human toll, slowdown of economy, and deepened public anger and mistrust of the authorities. The situation is compounded by Armenia's deepening dependence on Russia, which has been largely treated as war-torn Armenia's irreplaceable ally by the Armenian leadership. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The 2014 annexation of Crimea from Ukraine and subsequent 2022 invasion of Ukraine by Russia have thrust Ukraine and European security into an intense and formidable challenge. The Western response, marked by a resolute sanctions regime targeting Russian officials and entities, has not only met but exceeded initial expectations, serving as a powerful testament to a steadfast stance against Russian aggression. As the full-scale invasion enters its third year, characterized by unconventional and asymmetrical tactics, delving into the historical roots of this crisis is imperative, acknowledging the enduring influence of the Soviet Union on the geopolitical landscape. This paper embarks on a rigorous exploration of the multifaceted factors propelling Russia’s invasion of Ukraine. Geopolitical power dynamics, historical grievances, competitions of national conscience, economic dependencies, and security concerns are scrutinized intensely to unravel the intricate motivations behind the conflict. The study offers an exhaustive analysis of global ramifications, encompassing geopolitical realignments and shifts in alliances. The war in Ukraine has not only damaged global food and energy supply chains but has also rendered international trade fragile and complicated, reshaping the global landscape significantly. The Russian invasion, transcending the bounds of a mere territorial conflict, reshapes the global order. Simultaneously, Putin’s strategic miscalculation, fueled by perceived success in Crimea, led to an underestimation of Ukrainian resilience. Subsequent events in eastern Ukraine underscored the limits of Putin’s strategic calculations, showcasing the indomitable spirit of a people united in defense of their homeland. Ukraine’s extraordinary resilience, evident through citizen mobilization and strategic defense initiatives, shatters the perception of invincibility. The nation’ ability to transform challenges into opportunities underscores its unwavering commitment to long-term security and territorial integrity. Even with uncertain perspectives of Western support Ukrainian leadership continued to provide all the efforts to win this war. By harnessing collective strength, Ukraine sends a strong message about its determination to safeguard sovereignty, protect citizens’ interests, and emerge stronger in the face of adversity. By harnessing collective strength, Ukraine sends a resounding message about its determination to safeguard sovereignty, protect citizens; national interests, and emerge stronger in the face of adversity. Indeed, while Russia employs military tactics, Ukraine fights with the indomitable spirit of its citizens. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The marginal areas of Europe can threaten the legal, economic, and democratic achievements of the European Union. Conflicts, crises, and extreme political options affect political and democratic trends in Europe. The Western Balkans' approach to European and Euro-Atlantic integration affects the EU's stability and democracy. Russia maintains the Western Balkans as a potential hotbed of crises that drain democratic resources and relativize the political achievements of the EU. A paper analyzes Russia's hybrid forms of action towards the countries of the Western Balkans. Russia seeks to expand its area of influence through Serbia's media, energy, and political influence. Russia encourages Serbia's frustrations to stop its European integration and distance it from cooperation with NATO. These findings should generate a broader horizon of the national interest of transforming the Balkans into a region of stability and prosperity, which would achieve the strengthening of the general values, political and democratic achievements of the EU. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article provides an analysis of Russia's role and place in President Biden's U.S. foreign policy aims. Particularly, this paper explores clashing world order visions, issues pertaining to national sovereignty, post-Soviet space development, sanction policies, climate change issues, and global security. The following research reveals that the rivalry between the United States and Russia influences the system of international relations, because both parties promote substantially different concepts of the future world order. The Biden administration was unwilling to make the necessary concessions to accommodate Russia because 1) there is a huge gulf between the two country's world views that even makes negotiations between the two almost impossible, and 2) because it does not take Russia seriously and views it as a declining power. As a result, the two sides were unable to come to some kind of negotiated agreement that would have addressed Russia's concerns including the Ukraine issue. Instead, deterring Russia has become a priority for U.S. foreign policy in critical areas such as national sovereignty, the democratic development of post-Soviet countries, Russian-related human rights issues, and U.S. sanction policies against Russia. Comparing Trump's presidency to the Biden administration's first year in office, Biden has championed a more pragmatic narrative towards Russia. Most evidently, this is manifested in problems concerning universal global challenges such as strategic stability, cyber-security, and even aspects of climate change. Nevertheless, the possibility of concluding any serious negotiations between the parties on new world order parameters seems less realistic today than ever before. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Drawing on the theoretical framework of the Copenhagen School of Security Studies, the paper's aim focuses on the role of the Nord Stream pipeline in the Russia-EU political and security relations, considering its securitization following the Ukraine crisis and Russia's military intervention against this country. The paper, utilizing the comparative analysis method and securitization theory, argues that in the past, the Nord Stream pipeline significantly contributed to maintaining friendly relations between Russia and the EU, assisting the two parties in determining foreign policy positions and flexibility. However, following the Ukraine crisis and the subsequent development of mistrust and increased military threats, this pipeline has lost its position and stabilizing role, and it no longer fulfills its previous function of fostering relations between the EU and Russia. The paper concludes that after the Ukraine crisis, it became securitized, and rather than holding a constructive role, it has adopted a threatening role for the EU and its Western allies, especially the US. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The paper identifies several Russian visions of future relations with Ukraine and Western nations from the mid-term perspective. Russian scholars and foreign policy analysts have debated several scenarios of future relations that can be defined as a long war, a hostile coexistence, and a renewed peace. While not entirely exclusive, each has its own internal logic and is driven by distinct forces. The paper reviews writings and commentaries by Russian thinkers as reflective of the identified scenarios by analyzing and comparing their arguments. From the Russian perspective, a stable peace is only possible by addressing issues of values, security, and economic and political relations among Russia, Ukraine, and Western countries. An analysis of Russia's internal discussions presents an opportunity to understand the diversity of the country's reasoning about future international relations. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Russia's full-scale invasion of Ukraine, which started on February 24, 2022, has marked a turning point in Russian-Western relations. While liberal democratic societies' unanimous condemnation of that invasion was followed by unprecedented sanctions and a rupture of diplomatic and economic relations with Russia, some Western social and political actors supported, to some extent, the Russian rhetoric regarding the invasion of Ukraine. Consequentially, this paper not only reveals that Russian state discourses aimed to justify the invasion, it also identifies the selective dissemination of Russian state discourses by the AfD in Germany. Moreover, it compares the antagonistic discursive dynamics in the authoritarian pseudo-civil sphere and the similar discourses of the radical right in the democratic civil sphere, and examine their reception in Russia and Germany. Drawing on Multilayered Narrative Analysis, which relies on a combination of cultural sociological Civil Sphere Theory (CST) and mnemonic figurations developed in the historical sociology of Bernhard Giesen, this paper first describes the Russian state discourses intended to sacralize the Russian invasion of Ukraine. It then examines to what extent the populist radical right disseminated these in Germany, before analyzing and comparing the symbolic influence of such discourses in the Russian pseudo-civil and German civil spheres. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper explores the role that identity and ideology play in Armenia's position on Russia in the context of the Ukrainian war. Armenia's stance is striking for its traditional solidarity with Russia, even in the face of highly controversial actions. It would be easy to fall prey to reductionism to structural constraints and argue that Armenia's vast economic dependence on Russia dictates its foreign policy. While there is no denying that Armenia's huge economic, energy, and security dependence on Russia has significantly influenced the country's pro-Russian foreign policy choices, the position is more complex. Fertile ground for the role in Armenian political thinking of Russia as a "savior" has been prepared by the hostile images ascribed to Azerbaijan and Turkey. In addition, Ukraine's close relationships with Armenia's traditional enemies have exacerbated the situation, widening the gap between "Us" and "Them." It is, therefore, not surprising that both society and the government in Armenia have been silent on the Russian invasion of Ukraine. The paper concludes that a combination of material and conceptual forces has shaped Armenia's pro-Russian stance in the context of the war in Ukraine. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Russia's attack on Ukraine has had huge and destructive consequences for Iran. The war began when the nuclear negotiations between Iran and the Western countries for the revival of the Joint Comprehensive Plan of Action (JCPOA) were in a promising state and the parties were in the final stages. This paper seeks to examine the effects of this war on Iran's foreign policy by considering securitization and desecuritization. Considering this, the paper concludes that Iran has faced the direct consequences of the war in its domestic and foreign policies. At the foreign policy level, Iran has faced a decrease in international prestige due to its proximity to Russia, the use Iranian drones by Russia on the battlefield and the 'death' of the JCPOA. As the West securitized the issue of Iran, Iranian authorities desecuritized Iran's relations with Arab countries, while securitized relations with the Caucasus. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The paper seeks to indicate the main sources and currents that mold the general pattern of Iran's foreign policy and propose the explanation of Iran's actions in regard to Russia. The paper shortly analyze, political dualities like pragmatism vs. idealism, decision making through the institutions of the revolution vs. parliamentary democracy, Iran's desire for recognition as a regional power vs. forward defensive approach and last but not least an accurate terminology to use in a broader debate about Iranian policy. The paper secondary aim is to provide a general picture of Iranian policy toward Russia and to put some light on complexity of Iran-Russia relations. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper examines the highs and lows of Russian-South Korean collaboration in science and technology (S&T) during the first 10 years of diplomatic relations between the two countries (1988–1998). S&T collaboration served as a path to improve diplomacy in the absence of prior interaction and offered an opportunity for both countries to collaborate in their pursuit of technological advancement and economic growth. However, the history of this collaboration has been largely forgotten. The paper investigates the reasons for the decline of Russian-South Korean S&T collaboration and identifies potential obstacles to establishing a lasting and stable bilateral partnership in the field of science and technology. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Russia has re-emerged as an important global actor after the advent of the post-Soviet era. Kremlin's repositioning in the global affairs under President Vladimir Putin has led to a geopolitical and geostrategic transformation of its foreign policy. It follows multilateralism with active outreach in different parts of the world. In contemporary Russian foreign policy, there are tangible determinants that call for multipolar world order including realignment of foreign relations and consolidation of great power status. This paper, therefore, examines Russian foreign policy in the post-Crimean annexation era, where Moscow launched various campaigns through active engagements with the world's larger economies and strategically important countries, such as China, India, Pakistan, and Afghanistan. The paper also highlights Russia's evolving bilateral relations with these countries, especially in economic, political, and military spheres. Following the current global geopolitical realities, it also attempts to mark clear adjustments in Moscow's foreign policy with respect to its power, responsibility, and ambitions for international peace and stability. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Persuasion, disinformation, manipulation, censorship, which are elements of propaganda, can be regarded as central terms of the language of politics, especially during conflict situations and wars. The question of interest is in what ways the specific language techniques are used by the Russian Foreign Affairs Department for the purposes of propaganda in the context of the 2022 Russian invasion of Ukraine. The paper analyzes the official statements of Maria Zakharova, the Director of the Information and Press Department of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs of the Russian Federation that are available on the web page of the Embassy of Russia in Berlin. The following examinations are confronted with the well-documented nature of the persuasive language in Nazi propaganda before and during World War II. The aim of such analysis is to examine in what ways and to what extent the specific propaganda techniques they are used to justify the war that Russia has started by invading Ukraine. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In the contemporary international arena, religion plays an increasingly pivotal role in shaping diplomatic strategies. This paper investigated the growing significance of Islam in shaping the foreign policy of the Russian Federation, aiming to examine the ways in which the religious factor is included in Russia's foreign policy and the tools the Russian Federation uses to defend its interests abroad through Islam. Our study, structured into three chapters, provided insights into the multifaceted role of religion in Russian foreign policy, as well as the specific ways in which the Islamic dimension influences it. Additionally, it presented selected activities carried out by Islamic religious organizations with the aim of supporting the country's foreign policy. We found that Russia integrates religious considerations into its diplomatic initiatives and employs Islam as a tool to advance its interests globally. Russian religious leaders, aligning with the country's rhetoric of patriotism, traditional values, and antagonism towards the West, play a crucial role in legitimizing domestic and foreign policy agendas and effectively complement state authorities involved in Russia's foreign policy. While the impact of Islam on Russia's foreign policy is significant, its evolving potential remains subject to ongoing developments and challenges. The compatibility of religious imperatives with the complexities of multi-religiosity and political elites within the Russian Federation continues to be a topic of exploration. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The paper discusses the institutional factors that influence the development of think tanks in different political systems, with a focus on Russia and Turkey. It identifies various institutional factors such as the structure of the decision-making process, the type of regime, bureaucratic structure, level of democratization, approach of decision-makers, presence of pluralism, effectiveness of political parties, strength of foundations, legal norms, state of civil society, presence of an open public debate culture, and autonomy of the business world that influence the operation of think tanks. The study examines the similarities and differences between the institutional environment of Russia and Turkey, provides examples of how political and institutional factors in different periods in Turkey and Russia have had a facilitating or complicating effect on the establishment and development of think tanks. This paper contributes to the literature by highlighting the importance of institutional factors in the formation, development, role, and structure of think tanks. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

National Instruments of power are means for a nation to exert influence on other nations to achieve certain ends. This paper examines how Ukraine used its national instruments of power during the first months of the Russo-Ukrainian War of 2022 to conduct information influence operations. First, information influencing as a concept is described and then the framework of the paper is constructed by describing instruments of power and the basic elements of a strategy. This framework is then used to analyse how Ukraine used its instruments of power. Finally, this paper sums up the results with discussion and conclusions. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper explores the reasoning and implications of the unrest in Kazakhstan unleashed in January of 2022. This crisis was the most severe form of violence that Kazakhstan has endured since gaining independence. It distorted Kazakhstan's image as a stable country. While the crisis was limited to the territory of Kazakhstan and developed mainly from domestic problems, it undeniably acquired an important international element. Kazakhstan's appeal to the CSTO presented a drastic change in Kazakhstan's foreign policy and ensued in the shift in the balance of power in the greater Eurasian region. Although Russia played a relatively subtle role on the ground, Russia's involvement was set to link the political future of Kazakhstan to Russia for an unspecified amount of time. The study concludes that Kazakhstan is faced with the challenges of undertaking significant reforms to lower the possibility of further instabilities while remaining true to its multi-vector foreign policy agenda amid Russian intrusion. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Since the Soviet Union's (USSR) collapse, Russia's domestic and foreign policies have changed. With the loss of "superpower" status, Russians struggled to define their "national identity," which influenced the country's new foreign policy. This struggle affected Russia's ties with its sovereign neighbours, the former Soviet states termed the "Near Abroad" (blizhnee zarubezhe). The struggle specifically led to a series of territorial, leadership, economic, diaspora, and military conflicts with some countries in the Near-Abroad. The question of the legitimacy of territories and borders in Nagorno-Karabakh (Azerbaijan), Abkhazia and South Ossetia (Georgia), the Trans-Dniester area (Moldova), and Crimea, Donetsk, and Luhansk areas of Ukraine is largely a result of the struggle. This paper discusses the factors affecting Russian domestic and foreign policy towards the Near-Abroad nations, which have influenced Russia's behaviour in contemporary international politics. Firstly, this essay analysed Russia's identity crisis and foreign strategy. The effect of Marxism-Leninism on Soviet foreign policy and the new Russian State was also discussed. This paper also analysed Vladimir Putin's pragmatic strategy in the Near-Abroad, focusing on Ukraine. This paper submits that Russia's determination to see the Near-Abroad states as largely within its sphere of influence and geopolitical interests hinders the establishment of equal ties with these countries. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper is aimed at explaining why Russia, despite its previous foreign policy course on the reverse, proceeded to recognise the independence of Abkhazia and South Ossetia in 2008. It put itself at odds with its long-established foreign policy of non-recognition of secessionist entities in the post-Soviet space and primacy of territorial sovereignty in international relations. The paper argues that the recognition was not a necessary component of Russia's military intervention, and was, as such, a serious deviation in its foreign policy, the sources of which are sought to be explained. It examines three explanations, and argues that the shift was to a lesser extent related to the recognition of Kosovo by the West, rather than the critical deterioration in the bilateral relations between Russia and Georgia, and a situation of affect that acted as the final trigger. It also argues that the military intervention and the recognition are both important for understanding the subsequent paradigm shift in Russian foreign policy that only came during the Crimea crisis. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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Contends that there is a growing world market in education that has particular importance for Russia and Europe. Discusses the growing numbers of higher education students who study in other nations. Presents a list of recommendations that provide a foundation for Russia's future participation in international education. (CFR)