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The Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) is a project led by China that aims to create connections in infrastructure, economics, and culture across continents. This article presents a collection of scholarly papers that examine the impact of the BRI on international relations and economic development. The papers cover topics such as debt strategies, geopolitical tensions, legal systems, infrastructure investment, market integration, financial development, and the "soft connectivity" of rules under the BRI. The papers provide insights into the current state and future trajectory of the initiative, offering a comprehensive understanding of its economic and political implications. This resource is valuable for policymakers, academics, and professionals involved with or affected by the BRI. [Extracted from the article]

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Every day more and more it is accepted the idea that the Covid-19 pandemic is the biggest historical event of the last 30 years that is bringing socio-economic change all over the world. This situation is bringing concepts transformation of the theoretical bases, as well as economic policies which are undergoing radical transformations, changes that are the subject of this paper. In the article is analyzed in theoretical and practical terms, the expected effects of policies used in this situation, to overcome it. Special place has taken the changes in the economic relations of the world powers, the change of development models in general and economic systems in particular. In terms of study methodology, the paper tries to prove statistically the consequences of using economic leverage in economies of developed countries, changes in the labor market, the effects of the local economic situation of each country, as well as the role of economic groups and international organizations in overcoming the consequences of pandemics. It identifies macroeconomic forecast targets, new forms of development risk assessment, the role of digitalization in economy, health market restructuring, etc. As the conclusions I have been trying to give answers questions: Are we facing unthinkable changes? Is the role of Central Banks changing? What is going to be with debt, deficit or inflation? How it will be resolved unemployment problem and what are the changes in the labor market? Is it going to change the economic model, or social inequality?. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The Economic Society of Australia has made the decision to stop producing hard copies of its journals in an effort to reduce paper and plastic usage and cut costs. Starting in January 2024, all financial members of the society will have free access to the journals through the society's website. The article also mentions that the 52nd Australian Conference of Economists will be held in July 2024 at the University of Adelaide, with Professor Leonardo Bursztyn as one of the keynote speakers. Additionally, the text pays tribute to the late Professor Max Corden, a highly respected economist known for his contributions to international economics and Australian economic policy. The first part of the text provides an overview of Max Corden's career and his impact on Australian public policy. The second part is an obituary for Brian Parmenter, a colleague of the author, highlighting his personality and contributions to economic modeling. The author also shares personal experiences working with Brian and describes his coaching and mentoring abilities. The text concludes with a summary of Brian's employment history. [Extracted from the article]

The object of the study is the competitiveness of the economies of the Eurasian Economic Union (EAEU) countries. Assessment of the level of competitiveness is one of the urgent problems of the modern economy. There are still no uniform methods and standards in the world for defining the concept of «competitiveness of the economy», methods for its assessment and factors influencing it, which raises many questions regarding the comparison of the level of development and competitiveness of world economies. Given the comparative advantages of economies, different methodological approaches may produce different results in relation to the competitive position of a given country. In the course of the study, the author presented the developed mathematical model for calculating the competitiveness of the similarity and dissimilarity index, which comprehensively characterizes the state of the economy of the Eurasian Economic Union countries. Thus, comparing the measure of similarity or dissimilarity of countries according to different methods will undoubtedly give a comprehensive idea of their competitiveness, as well as allow the development of an appropriate and effective economic policy. The analysis in the paper of the dynamics of the index of similarity and dissimilarity in the external economic activities of Kazakhstan with the EAEU countries over the years, it is possible to establish the trend observed in this process, and, consequently, to determine the strategy of international economic relations for the future. The results of the study can be used by government agencies that make decisions in the field of trade, economic and investment cooperation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper discusses Indo-Soviet economic relations as one aspect of international relations between the empire Soviet Union and the nation-state India. The discussion goes beyond classic Cold War interpretations. The paper analyzes complex interrelations and contradictions of Cold War, Decolonization, and global economic conditions. The analysis shows that Soviet expectations tended to overlook socialist-capitalist interdependencies as well as the decisive influence of Indian aims and activities. Nehru's so-called socialistic pattern of society did not replicate the Soviet model. Moscow expected the economic cooperation to propel socialist developments in India. At the same time, it should provide the socialist world with necessary support for its competition with the West. These different aims and motivations led to lasting contradictions and incompatibilities in economic relations. The paper focuses on central characteristics of Soviet approaches. It reconstructs main fields and practices of Indo-Soviet economic cooperation, analyses inherent contradictions, and discusses results and implications. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The objective of the article is to analyse the effects of trade policies on foreign trade performance (manufacturing exports and imports) of the Economic Community of West African States over the period 1996–2017. Using a new continuous trade policy index and controlling for the endogeneity of the variables of interest, the findings indicate that the trade policies significantly increase imports but much more exports. Furthermore, the analysis of the interaction model reveals that the effects of trade policies on manufacturing trade performance increase with financial development and the rate of cellular mobile subscriptions. These findings have implications for economic policies. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The author points out that during the first 2 months of the conflict, the G7/NATO/EU/US have supported the efforts of Ukraine to fight the Russian invasion. The benefits of adequate and appropriate reforms of Ukrainian institutions and a consistent economic policy could be rather significant; and it will be interesting to see whether or not the EU could come up with a type of Marshall Plan support program for Ukraine. On September 24th, 2021, the European Institute for International Economic Relations (EIIW/University of Wuppertal) hosted an international workshop in the context of marking the Institute's 25th Anniversary; it had initially been hoped that postponing the workshop from the originally intended date in 2020 to 2021 would allow to have a normal I in person i conference, but COVID-19 dynamics continued to disrupt plans, and the workshop took place belatedly in an online format. [Extracted from the article]

Economic policies are increasingly guided by a whole set of different concerns from those that inspired International Economic Law (IEL). Instead of interdependence, trade liberalization, and market-orientation, rules and government decisions are increasingly directed to pursue goals such as reduction of dependence, resilience, autonomy, and even self-reliance. A geoeconomic logic is gradually replacing the liberal rationale that underpinned IEL for the past decades. Understanding where IEL might be headed requires an appraisal of this changing logic. This Article makes the following contributions to this effort. First, it proposes a conceptual framework centered around the notion of "geoeconomics," which provides a coherent meaning to many developments that are transforming economic relations. The framework is unique in that it clearly outlines what is considered under the concept of geoeconomics, particularly by distinguishing it from other potentially misleading notions. This Article describes the assumptions that back the geoeconomic framework and show how they play out in practice. Thus, it sheds light on the factors driving many recent developments in the global economy which are difficult to explain from a liberal logic. Second, it contributes to sophisticate the terms of the debates among international economic lawyers that seek to address the transformations impacting IEL. These debates have neglected elements that are brought to light by the geoeconomic framework. This Article presents the insights arising from the geoeconomic framework and how they offer directions for future debates on the evolution of IEL. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article evaluates legal building blocks and barriers of the global bioeconomy and world markets. Topics discussed include international order positions of high-income countries and low-income countries to engage in bioeconomy, legal context for the bioeconomy regarding international law, international organizations, contrasting positions of the U.S. and China, policies and laws of Colombia and Rwanda, and international law and international agreements for global bioeconomic governance.

The article examines the prospects for the digital transformation of Ukraine's foreign economic policy in the context of international digital trade/economy agreements, especially the Digital Trade Agreement between the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Northern Ireland and Ukraine. The economic and legal effectiveness of these agreements in the process of digital transformation of foreign economic policy (foreign trade) in Ukraine and at the international level is proven. To increase their effectiveness and accelerate implementation, the political and legal framework is of great importance. Under other circumstances, the realisation of such agreements will be complicated by the need to bring domestic legislation in line with their provisions, as the case of Ukraine shows. It is substantiated that the implementation of the Digital Trade Agreement between the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Northern Ireland and Ukraine is complicated by the lack of national legislation regarding electronic document management in cross-border trade; the slow pace of implementation of international legislation, for example, on personal data protection; the existence of differences in the legislative approaches of the European Union and the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Northern Ireland regarding certain issues of trade in goods and services etc. It is emphasized that certain norms of the agreement are declarative and that it does not address some important issues that can be of great value for cross-border trade in the future. The expediency of Ukraine's constant participation in international cooperation in order to modernize foreign economic and national economic policy, taking into account the requirements of international documents and current challenges, is reasoned. In this context, constant monitoring, study of foreign experience and analysis of the consequences of resolving such important issues as cross-border transfer of information by electronic means, localization of data and entities that provide their transfer, non-discrimination, etc. are vital. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article aims to analyze the evolution of trading networks, emphasizing aspects of centrality and reciprocity among the major exporting nations, specifically, the U.S., China, India, Japan, and South Korea, from 1992 to 2020. The study problem we address is how these network structures have shifted over time, and what the implications of these changes are for international economic relations and policy. We further consider the impact of major global events on these trade networks and how they have shaped the evolution of these networks. We utilized three distinct methods. First, we examined time-series trade data during the study period and quantified network reciprocity through the sum of squared trade imbalances across different product categories. Second, we visualized these trade networks using arrows, with their sizes being proportional to the trade value between each pair of countries; significant trade relationships were indicated by arrows with a standard deviation value of 55 or above. Finally, we introduced a new cluster analysis methodology for studying the evolution of network structures over time. This method utilized an 80-dimensional vector representation of the annual networks, divided into four categories, and the resulting structures were visualized as dendrograms using R software. The network structure has become more reciprocal for most product categories, and the center of the network has shifted from the U.S. to China for all product categories, except for consumer goods and raw materials. The study also highlights the significant impact of global events and crises such as 9/11 attacks on the international trade network structure. Our findings inform several policy recommendations. These include encouraging balanced trade for economic stability and improved international relations, realigning trade focus in response to the shift in trade network center, and developing resilience policies that account for the substantial impact of global events on trade networks. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Purpose: This study aims to investigate the dynamic interconnectedness of economic policy uncertainty (EPU), fiscal policy uncertainty (FPU) and monetary policy uncertainty (MPU) in four nations, the USA, Japan, Greece and South Korea, between 1998 and 2021. Design/methodology/approach: To comprehend the cross-category/cross-country evolution of uncertainty connectedness, the authors use the conditional connectedness approach. By using an inclusive network, this strategy lessens the bias caused by omitted variables. The TVP-VAR method is advantageous as it eliminates outliers that may potentially skew the results and reduces the bias caused by picking arbitrary rolling windows. Findings: Based on the findings, aggregate EPU is a net transmitter of policy uncertainties across all countries when conditional-country connectedness is used. MPU receives significantly more spillovers than FPU does across all countries, even though both are primarily recipients of uncertainties. The USA appears to be a transmitter of categorical spillovers before COVID-19, while Greece appears to be a net receiver of all category spillovers in terms of category-specific connectedness. The existence of extreme global events is also seen to cause an increase in category-specific and country-specific connectedness. Additionally, the authors report that conditional country-specific connectedness is greater than conditional category-specific connectedness. Originality/value: This study expands existing literature in several ways. Firstly, the authors use a novel conditional connectedness approach, which has not been used to untangle cross-category/cross-country policy uncertainty connectedness. Secondly, they use the TVP-VAR approach which does not depend on rolling windows to understand dynamic connectedness. Thirdly, they use an expanded number of countries in their analysis, a departure from existing studies that have in most cases used two countries to understand categorical EPU connectedness. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

COVID-19 unexpectedly ensnared the entire world and wreaked havoc on global economic and financial systems. The stock market is sensitive to black swan events, and the COVID-19 disaster was no exception. Against this backdrop, this study explores the impact of COVID-19 and economic policy uncertainty (EPU) on Chinese stock markets' returns for the period spanning January 23, 2020 to August 04, 2021. The outcomes of the novel quantile-on-quantile regression analysis revealed that both COVID-19 and EPU had a significant negative impact on both Shanghai and Shenzhen stock market returns, while COVID-19 aggravated the level of economic uncertainty in both financial markets. The quantile causality approach of Troster et al. (2018) validates our main estimations. We conclude that COVID-19 and a high level of EPU enervated the returns of China's leading stock markets. Our study provides key insights to policymakers and market participants to determine the behavior of China's stock market returns vis-à-vis COVID-19 during the peak of the pandemic and beyond. Specifically, our findings apprise portfolio investors to augment their portfolio diversification fronts. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In the final year of Trump's tenure, China and the US put the trade war on hold by signing their phase-one economic and trade agreement, but the COVID-19 pandemic has brought new challenges to the China–US economic and trade relations. The US trade and economic policies toward China advocated by Trump had to be suspended due to his failure to win the re-election, demonstrating that his economic and trade strategy for China has ended in failure. However, the succeeding Biden administration has not totally abandoned the overall design of Trump's economic and trade policies toward China, and has continued the core policies of imposing additional tariffs on China and maintaining the US economic competitive advantage. After the collision during the Trump administration, the China–US economic and trade relations still show the fundamental characteristics of complementarity and mutual benefit. Under the Biden administration, the renewal of the phase-one economic and trade agreement, the transformation of the economic alliance, the security of the supply chain, the coordination of global economic issues in the post-pandemic era, etc. will become the new focuses of China–US economic and trade relations. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Journal of Academic Social Science Studies is the property of Journal of Academic Social Science Studies and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

When differentiating among different types of populism (right-wing, left-wing and anti-establishment populism), the econometric results differ based on the indicator used to measure protectionism. For example, when using a trade freedom index to measure populism, Jones finds no significant effect of populism on protectionism. Kent Jones' book I Populism and Trade i examines the effects of rising populism on growing trade protectionism across the world. [Extracted from the article]