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Cartography played a crucial role during the partitioning of Africa. Territorial boundaries were marked on maps by the colonial powers. However, in some cases, maps were not precise regarding the sites they referred to. Some colonial powers changed original maps by shifting their territorial limits, thus staking a claim to other powers' territories. In areas where territorial questions from maps had not been sufficiently addressed during the colonial period, the distorted maps became a primary source of border disputes in the post-colonial period. The paper is built on the premise that the cartographic foundation of the Malawi-Tanzania border is knotty. Consequently, Malawi and Tanzania inherited contradictory cartography, each state selecting maps that suits her interests to defend her sovereign limits. Indeed, this has stoked the dispute that has dawdled for decades since independence. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The North East Region of India, comprising Meghalaya, Assam, Tripura, Sikkim, Manipur, Arunachal Pradesh, Nagaland, and Mizoram, is characterized by a distinctive blend of ethnic, cultural, religious, and linguistic diversity. Connected to the rest of the country via the Siliguri Corridor, also known as Chicken’s Neck, this paper delves into the historical context of conflicts in the region. It assesses various contributing factors such as ethnic diversity, migration patterns, resource allocation, and political interests. Given China's proximity through its Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) to the Siliguri Corridor, India's attention to this area becomes crucial. Furthermore, the paper evaluates the socio-economic impact of these conflicts and proposes potential strategies for conflict resolution and peace-building efforts. Specifically, it focuses on analyzing border disputes between Assam and neighboring Northeastern states, identifies primary causes of conflict, and offers actionable recommendations for resolution. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

While land registration may increase the sense of security amongst landholders and provide a mechanism for resolving boundary disputes, its interaction with social, political-economic and ecological dynamics can actually generate conflicts by creating new opportunities by which some actors can assert claims or expand their landholdings, often at the expense of others. Conflicts over land cannot be understood without understanding the local dynamics with which they are intertwined. Drawing from case studies in the Amhara region of Ethiopia, this paper shows that, despite land registration and certification, there are widespread conflicts within and between households and state authorities regarding the usufruct of individual and communal lands. The paper argues that conflicts over land are complex and political and are linked to and embedded in the processes of commercialization, as well as in local social processes and power relations. These, in turn, influence and are shaped by the political economy of local governance and land administration processes, particularly in relation to the implementation of land registration. The paper highlights that land conflicts are attributed to a range of issues, including not only the challenges of governance in land registration but also population growth, commercialization, urbanization, inheritance and gender inequality, all of which intersect with corrupt land administration systems. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The future and prosperity of Pakistan largely relies upon the nature of its relations with neighbouring Afghanistan. The strategic quandaries between Pakistan and Afghanistan like border issues and persistent cross-border terrorism directly affect Pakistan's domestic situation and are producing reverberating influence throughout South Asia. This paper sought to examine the strategic limitations influencing their relations significantly in the wake of American withdrawal from Afghan soil. Furthermore, elucidating the profound impacts stemming from the circumstances after the American exit, it explores the political dimensions and ramifications of their relations. To that end, this research builds multi-dimensional causal relationships and employs qualitative approaches. The study's findings depict that these strategic constraints are deep-rooted and multifaceted with implications for regional stabilization, manifesting through traditional security conundrums, disruption of trade routes, and obstacles to economic integration. The implications of this study accentuate the pressing need for coordinated measures to promote peace and stability in the region. It concludes by presenting some policy recommendations intended to lessen the existing challenges as well as encouraging a conducive environment to ameliorate relations between Afghanistan and Pakistan. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Since the beginning of the latest violent crisis, which began in April 2023, Sudan has been suffering the consequences of an armed conflict, that is worsening the humanitarian crisis and sociopolitical instability. In this context, it is worth analysing how this conflict affects the neighbouring region and the influence of the nearby countries and regional and world powers. The aim of this paper is to present the consequences of this conflict for Sudan's neighbours and the degree of interference of the external powers in Sudan. In relation to this latter issue, it will be established if the foreign presence is a positive influence (a way towards peace) or a negative one (defense of the national interests in the region). [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article explores the concept of mobility and borders in sociolinguistics, arguing that borders should be seen as social and political constructs. It emphasizes the importance of language and discourse in border production and discusses the diverse realities of borders and their impact on power dynamics. The authors draw inspiration from their local context in Kazakhstan, where the collapse of the Soviet Union changed the role of borders between former Soviet Socialist Republics. The article also highlights that borders are historically contested and mobile, especially for nomadic populations, and discusses cases in Turkey, Hong Kong, Kazakhstan, and Cyprus to demonstrate how language, politics, history, and ideologies shape border discourses. The authors call for further research and discussions on the construction of borders in sociolinguistics. [Extracted from the article]

Focusing on the Russia–Ukraine war, this paper investigates natural gas futures volatilities. Applying several hybrid GARCH and EGARCH models, which innovatively incorporate both fat-tailed distribution errors and structural breaks, we derive the following new evidence. First, our hybrid modeling approach is effective in timely capturing the natural gas futures volatility spike when tensions simmered on the Russia–Ukraine border. Second, the hybrid modeling approach is effective for not only GARCH modeling but also EGARCH modeling. Third, the volatility estimates from our hybrid models have predictive power for the volatilities of nonhybrid models. Fourth, the volatility estimates from the nonhybrid models lag behind the volatilities of our hybrid models. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper examined issues in democratic consolidation in Nigeria by focusing on the nature of the linkages among competitiveness of elections, regularity of elections and democratic consolidation in the country. The haunting experience of a protracted period of military rule in the West African state makes the subject matter of democratic consolidation in the country usually engaging. Even at that, extant literature has not adequately covered issues bordering on the linkages among the competitiveness of elections, regularity of elections and democratic consolidation in Nigeria. What then is the nature of the linkages among these research variables? The methodology of the work is qualitative and relies on secondary sources of non-numerical data for analyses. The paper found a position of disarticulated relationship among the study's variables. In addressing the embedded issues, it is recommended that independent candidature be constitutionally introduced as part of the electoral culture of the local government system in Nigeria. So that under such scenarios, as many citizens as possible at the local government level would usually become candidates during council elections. In so doing, competitiveness would have become totally practicalized and locally epitomized in democratic consolidation in Nigeria. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Bulletin of Ablai Khan KazUIRandWL: Series 'International Relations & Regional Studies' is the property of Kazakh Ablai Khan University of International Relations & World Languages and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Nationalism remains a major influence on international relations in an increasingly globalised world. Many of the wars that erupted after the Cold War have their origins in ethnic tensions, border conflicts, or national aspirations. Given this, the geo-politicisation of nationalism deserves more attention in the literature. The current study aims to further the area by considering the role of territorial disputes in spawning various forms of nationalism and geopolitics. It develops an analytical framework based on the existing border dispute between Nepal and India in the 'Kalapani' region. Post-2019, the Kalapani dispute not only has represented bilateral border disputes between two entities but also reflects the overall geopolitics of the region. Similarly, it also represents the rise of 'nationalism' as a political anchor point in domestic politics in both India and Nepal. The paper based its assessment on the primary and secondary data analysis. Drawing on the data, this paper argues that border disputes between India and Nepal have two facets that signal the rising nationalism in both sides and the changing geopolitics of South Asia. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper focuses on the memoryscapes of Cieszyn Silesia, Orawa and Spisz in a context of the border conflicts of the twentieth century. The regions located on the current Czech-Polish and Slovak-Polish border have lived through paralleled histories of the border demarcation after WWI, which was unprecedented there. In both cases the national minorities were left behind the border, outside of their home states. Their stories and memories are, however, not being researched together. This paper contrasts the patterns of memory production related to the border shifts in the landscape in both regions. Emphasis is placed on the memory sites, their narratives and memory activism related to the conflicting past. The results show that the main axes of both memory debates are contrasting. While the conflict over Cieszyn Silesia was most shaped by the short war in 1919, the lesser-known dispute over Orawa and Spisz was marked by numerous smaller incidents, assimilation efforts and a layer of post WWII violence. This has important consequences for the memory production. The other important differentiating factor is the scope of memory activism inside of the national minority group. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Bulletin of Ablai Khan KazUIRandWL: Series 'International Relations & Regional Studies' is the property of Kazakh Ablai Khan University of International Relations & World Languages and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

While the discussion in historical scholarship to date has focused undoubtedly on Wilson’s importance to the postulate of national self-determination, this paper shifts the focus and shows that the linchpin of Wilson’s thinking was democracy. First, in this article the development of Wilson’s positioning on democracy and national self-determination is unfolded in detail. Then, the discussion of the concepts of leading nation-state actors in Germany, Poland, and Czechoslovakia is summarized. In particular, it becomes clear that the debate about democracy and nationhood in these states was by no means first triggered by Wilson and his slogans. The following section examines the impact of Wilson’s postulates on the contention over disputed border territories. Specifically, it deals with an area of neighboring regions—Upper Silesia, Teschen Silesia, and the Orava River—that found themselves in a tri-border area between Germany, Poland, and Czechoslovakia during the transition period after World War I. The following section examines the impact of Wilson’s postulates on contested border areas. With regard to these regions, his ideas were by no means without effect. Along the lines of the core idea that peoples should be able to decide for themselves who governs them, and thus should also decide for themselves on their state affiliation, referendums were scheduled in the three regions. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

During a 3 year examination of object movement tracking in Hosur forest border areas found, different elephant detection methods were used to track the movement. In this paper, problems such as Human–Elephant Conflicts (HEC), poaching and crop raiding were evaluated due to elephant movement. By mapping the elephant movement, it is found that elephant movements were seasonal and used similar paths for movements. In the proposed approach, elephant movement from the forest areas to the nearby villages was mapped and possible mitigation measures to overcome the human elephant conflicts were discussed. A survey observation work is made in Hosur forest areas during 1st April 2020 to 30th June 2020 to understand the elephant movement and spatial distribution. Real time data collection made from the villages around the forest areas, by making field visits. Spatial autocorrelation techniques are used in analyzing the spatial distribution and movement pattern of elephants. ArcGIS software and Getis-Ord Gi* were used to determine the spatial distribution of elephant movement. As a result, it is found that elephant movements were seasonal based such as rainfall decline in other part of forest areas and elephants tends to migrate occasionally. In order to overcome the problems of elephant movement into the human living areas, mitigation measures described has to be implemented. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this paper, I present a case of dispute resolution from Pakistan where kinship leaders play a key role in resolving local disputes. Scholars often cite that such practices provide evidence of a failed state. However, I show how these traditional practices elucidate ongoing processes of boundary management. On the one hand, these practices reveal the efforts by non-state leaders to carve out their autonomy by taking on a role traditionally played by the state. In fact, their ability to management local/state boundaries is linked to how they manage boundaries within their communities. The state, in turn, recognizes or legitimates these boundaries when it is politically convenient or allows them to save face. I document such negotiations in my research and show how they are critical to understanding how villagers see the state and vice versa. The Pakistani case is important as the ubiquity of its alternate dispute resolution system problematizes the taken-for-granted status of the state and makes visible the mechanisms by which the boundaries between the state and society are continually negotiated and the implications for the citizen/state relationship. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The city of Monterrey has become a space of great inequalities and increasingly notorious socio-spatial phenomena. Its different problems have been used by the government and the private sector to justify interventions in working-class neighborhoods, as is the case of the “Independencia” neighborhood. This article looks to analyze the aspects that turn this neighborhood into a disputed space and identify how this is reflected in the territory through the (in)action of public and private actors. It uses a qualitative methodology supported by interviews, informal talks, and non-participant observations that were made in 2019 and 2020. The paper shows how abandonment and a lack of government investment in working-class neighborhoods is part of an urban revaluation process that seeks to attract private investment to these sectors and end the presence of those “others” who are considered a threat to the urban order. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Border delimitations and border disputes were an important part of the early modern process of state formation and the consolidation of power. As such, they are often taken into consideration when studying political and dynastic issues, such as succession disputes, while maps are frequently studied as a form of visualisation to depict territories and borders. So far, however, neither the administrative activities involved in these processes nor the border treaties (Grenzrezesse) which constitute the most important type of source for this area of research have been studied. The aim of this paper is to examine this topic using the principality of Braunschweig-Wolfenbüttel as an example. This principality saw the creation and later on the expansion of administrative structures concerned with border issues from the 16th century onwards. The central aspect analysed in this paper is the process of how border disputes were settled. This was mostly achieved through border commissions. Each party involved in the conflict assigned representatives, both officials of the administrative institutions responsible for border issues (Grenzbehörden) as well as privy councillors (Geheime Räte) to serve as commissioners on these commissions. The result of their work were border treaties. These include narrationes explaining the circumstances of the conflict and of the commission, while the dispositiones comprise the articles listing the terms that had been agreed upon. Compared to administrative records pertaining to border disputes (Grenzakten), border treaties generally offer more information. This is why, when researching these phenomena, this distinctly early modern type of charter is of particular importance. It can serve as a compendium of an entire border dispute and, if there is a proper archival description, as a sort of finding aid for the record in question. This paper therefore also analyses the history of the development of this type of charter. Boundary maps, the third type of source discussed served to visualize and delineate the demarcation of borders, but seem to have been of rather minor importance at the time. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Scholars of state classification practices have long interrogated how official legal categories are constructed. This paper analyzes the construction of "victimhood" in Colombia as a feat that required negotiation among international human rights organizations, local civil society actors, and politicians across the partisan spectrum. The Victims' Law of 2011, which sought to provide widespread reparations to victims of the civil conflict, originated from the concerns of the human rights community, yet the deliberation process leading up to the law's passage reveals the extent to which elite historical narratives of the conflict unduly narrowed the universe of eligible victims. Using archival evidence from congressional debates from 2007 to 2011, this paper argues that the broad conception of victimhood originally inherited from United Nations guidelines came to be constrained by disproportionate influence from politicians' personal understandings of conflict history, shaped by anecdote and the selective use of historical evidence. These rationales interacted with budgetary constraints to ultimately restrict the victim category according to negotiated temporal boundaries of the conflict. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

As Brexit negotiations continue to draw criticism nearly two years on from the UK's withdrawal from the European Union, many media outlets have concentrated on making sense of what has been dubbed the 'Brexit circus'. In particular, significant media attention has been directed towards obstacles to Brexit's progression, such as the issue of the border between Ireland and Northern Ireland and the 'backstop' arrangement. Through an examination of different media efforts to explain the border issue, this paper will discuss how conventional reporting methods have been unable to make this issue comprehensible to the individual. This paper will suggest that a hypertextual aesthetic form would provide a more effective means of making sense of the complexity of the border issue and its relationship to global political and economic structures. However, an understanding of the border issue also requires an understanding of the affective reality of life in this region and the history upon which this reality is founded. In this manner, this paper also argues that representational regimes capable of conveying affective realities could contribute important experiential dimensions to efforts to render dominant political and economic structures both cognisable and contestable. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Revista Universitaria de Historia Militar (RUHM) is the property of Centro de Estudios de la Guerra and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Japan has historically been a major player within the Indo-Pacific region due to its rapid post-war economic expansion, technological advancement, massive overseas development aid as well as its cultural outreach. As the Indo-Pacific today is marred with various challenges in the form of maritime and energy security, border conflicts, booming population, developing economies, and rising carbon emissions, among others. The region requires a multipolar balance of power wherein nations can lead by example and concerted action towards creating a peaceful, prosperous and sustainable future for an extensively dynamic Indo-Pacific. This paper focuses on one of the critical variables of the region, i.e., the energy sector, and attempts to place Japan's role and contribution to the region's ongoing energy transitions. The extent and means through which Japan can propel itself and the region towards a just transition with the help of regional and international cooperation have been analysed. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this paper I look at refugee women's narratives of border crossings and inhabiting borderlands. Following tracks and traces of feminist geopolitics, the paper unfolds in three parts: first I explore borders as political, cultural and material practices, particularly focusing on the sea borders of the Aegean islands as gateways to 'the fortress Europe'. Then I consider border situations within symbolic and imaginary spaces inspired by feminist critical poetics. Finally, I turn to women's stories, which were not so much about understanding borders and their contested politics, but rather about the risks and joys of crossing them at any cost, as well as about surviving the borderlands. My argument is that refugee women's stories of forced displacement challenge abstract theorization of borders and illuminate the importance of embedded and embodied practices in understanding the borderlands as liminal and marginalized spaces of transition, thus contributing to a wider project of charting feminist political geographies. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The China-India border dispute is the biggest obstacle to the development of China-India relations. The existing studies on the China-India border dispute do not pay enough attention to geographical factors and lack comprehensive analysis of multi-agent and multi-scale, so it is difficult to grasp the essential characteristics and overall situation of the China-India border issue. This paper proposes a multi-scale geopolitical analysis framework to analyze the competitive nature of contemporary China-India border dispute under the joint action of multi-scale and multi-agent. The main conclusion is that the contemporary China-India border dispute is a complex problem caused by multi-scale spatial superposition and multi-agent power game. On the global scale, the China-India border dispute is an important part of the strategic interaction be‐ tween the United States and India to contain China; At the regional scale of South Asia, China-India border dispute is a land blockade for India and its partner countries to restrict China's expansion of influence in South Asia; On the bilateral scale of China and India, India regards the China-India border dispute as a strategic fulcrum to seek land advantages over China, and tries to gain strategic advantages over China on both land and sea; At the national internal scale, the China-India border dispute is a competition between China and India in the border transformation mechanism; At the border area scale, the China-India border dispute is a competition between the two countries in terms of their ability to effectively manage border areas. The national inter‐ nal scale is the core scale that determines the China-India border dispute, but the possibility of the two countries reaching a reasonable compromise on this scale is still very small in the short term. The current situation of the global, South Asian region, and bilateral scale is not conducive to a rational solution of the China-India border dispute. The border area scale is the main focus of the China-India border dispute for a long time. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Acta Histriae is the property of Historical Society of Southern Primorska of Koper and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This paper aims to offer an overview of a unique and decade-long Ethiopian peacekeeping deployment in Abyei, where Ethiopian contingents comprise almost the entire force, where the deployment ended in an ungraceful manner because of disapproval from the government of Sudan. The paper reveals that the Tigray conflict which resulted in the desertion of the Ethiopian peacekeepers and Egyptian pressure on Sudan because of the GERD have contributed to the withdrawal of Ethiopian peacekeepers and the Ethiopia--Sudan border dispute brought a dark shadow on their relations in addition to the disruption of the peacekeeping deployment. The paper concludes that unless Ethiopia makes a progress on internal stability and reboots its relations with its neighbours, Ethiopia's role as a peace mediator and peacekeeper in the region becomes an ignominy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

As well know method for resolving disputes, especially when involving parties are from different countries, the arbitration has become very popular nowadays. National legislators have a fully freedom to regulate the limits of objective arbitrability in the lex nationalis. As a result of this, we can testify inconsistancy in commparative law when defining the boundaries of objective arbitrability, esspecialy arbitrability of industrial porperty rights. Intellectual property disputes have a few characteristics that may be better addressed by arbitration than by civil procedure. The subject of analysis of this paper are the comparative solutions that regulate the objective arbitrability of industrial property disputes. According to this analysis we can make a conclusion that some countrise have broader approach to arbitrability of industrisal property rights, but some still does not. The analysis shows that most of the countries are unanomios that arbitration is allowed for disputes which are arising from disposable industrial property rights. This analysis was made in order to see if it is necessary in which types of industrial property disputes it is justified to expand the limits of objective arbitrability pro futuro. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

OpenStreetMap (OSM) as one of the most successful projects of Volunteered Geographical Information (VGI) has attracted millions of contributors to work together and produces massive open geographical data. However, the co-work does not always run smoothly since mapping can involve conflicted understandings of the reality. In this paper, we investigate behaviors of mapping related to territorial disputes to reveal the characteristics of contributions and examine the contradictions between ground truth as the vision of OSM and the theory of critical cartography. We perform our experiments from the perspectives of entities, changesets, and contributors using the full history data of OSM. The experiments show that territorial-dispute-related contributions have substantially different characteristics from various aspects but they cannot be treated as outliers either, considering that most contributors do not focus on disputed boundaries. Interpreting OSM data as a converging state to ground truth or equally opinions can both be inaccurate. We also find that mapping disputes may not be absolutely negative in a VGI project. We perform quantitative, large-scale (global) analysis of dispute-related mapping. The results show that territorial-dispute-related contributions and contributors are different from contributions and contributors in general. Territorial-dispute-related mapping is not an independent phenomenon for OSM. The contributors make much more disputes-unrelated contributions. Dispute-related entities have more (divergent) versions than normal boundaries, attract more participants, and are more semantically complete, especially for names. Dispute-related changesets generally attract more discussions. The spatial distribution of the dispute-related changesets is consistent with real-world territorial disputes and very different from that of all boundary-related changesets and all changesets. Contributors who participate in dispute-related contributions are generally more active. These users tend to have a special interest in boundaries but most of them do not focus on disputed boundaries. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

After becoming the Prime Minister of India, Narendra Modi made many efforts to consolidate his dominance in South Asia and expand India's influence in the Indian Ocean. The "neighborhood first policy" was highlighted in India's foreign policy. Based on historical and logical research methods and studies in international relations, the paper aims to examine the implementation of "neighborhood first policy" through bilateral relations between India and its neighboring countries. These relationships have been facing challenges from the more profound influence and interference of China as well as frequent terrorist incidents due to border disputes, which threatened regional security. Although this policy connected India with its neighboring South Asian countries, there were still challenges. It can be seen that the "neighborhood first policy" was Prime Minister Modi's effort to nurture bilateral relationships, enhance regional connectivity, and strengthen and elevate India's position in the region. The progress of the "Neighborhood First" policy is expected to continue more successfully in the next phase. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

By conducting discourse analysis on Chinese textual materials around 1962, this paper tries to inductively explore the national identities of Chinese people during the 1962 Sino-Indian border conflict. It finds that China perceived itself as a persistent and resilient nation in the ongoing fight against invasion and oppression. The predominant social discourse around 1962 showed a strong enmity and resistance toward the imperialism which was then imposed on India. These national identities have formed a natural response as maintaining a tough stance toward incursion and repression, and have contributed to China's resolution to defense its territory with resorting to military force, even though it might not be beneficial in terms of diplomatic relations and economic interests. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper examines the cinema of the US-Mexican border in the context of an escalating drug war. It looks at movies released since the early 1980s and argues that Hollywood has supplied a large number of cinematic images of the 'war on drugs' that has more helped shape wider political and strategic debates. Using insights from strategic analysis, this paper seeks to show how cinema has represented the conflict between drug cartels, the Mexican state as well as various US security agencies such as the FBI, CIA, and DEA. The paper explores how these cinematic depictions straddle national boundaries and have evolved from being an extension of the western border genre in the 1980s into a more recent phase of action and war movies. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Building on the work of critical toponymy, this paper provides an example of the active contestation of a place name. Since the early 1990s, successive Korean governments have argued that the singular use of "Sea of Japan" is a colonial legacy. We provide a brief historical context for this dispute. We identify the array of names currently used in newspapers, journals, educational texts, and internet sites and show that a dual naming is now a more common usage, especially in international English-language newspapers, atlases, educational textbooks and internet materials. A colonial naming practice has been challenged. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Border issues, such as sovereignty, territorial claims, and security, play a significant role in transboundary river management. Borders can act as physical barriers that impede cooperation and coordination, and disputes over ownership and control of river resources can exacerbate tensions and lead to conflicts. Transboundary river management is a complex and critical issue that has gained increasing attention in recent years. The management of rivers that cross international borders raises numerous challenges, including political, economic, social, and environmental concerns. Effective management requires the cooperation of all countries sharing the river basin, and it involves the development of legal and institutional frameworks that promote sustainable use, equitable sharing, and peaceful resolution of conflicts. This paper aims to explore the intricate relationship between India's persistent border disputes with China and their far-reaching implications for the management of transboundary rivers. Their unresolved territorial disputes have profound implications for the shared river basins, such as the Brahmaputra Basin, and pose significant challenges to the implementation of effective transboundary river management strategies. Through an interdisciplinary examination of historical, geopolitical, and hydrological factors, this study sheds light on the multifaceted dimensions of India's border disputes with China and elucidates their detrimental impacts on the use of transboundary river resources. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Ever since the Republic of India became an independent nation in 1947, the Indian state has strived to keep its territorial integrity, in spite of the numerous territorial claims made by neighboring states. Firstly, the Kashmir region is home to both Muslim and Hindu populations; therefore, when the Indian and Pakistani states were created, the region was split between the two new states. However, both states hold the belief that the entirety of the Kashmir region should be part of their territory,. This situation sparked numerous local conflicts and four local wars (1947, 1965, 1971, and 1999). Secondly, another disputed area is located on the border with the People's Republic of China, as the Chinese state does not recognize the McMahon Line, which was agreed upon by British India and Tibet. This led to the conflict in 1962 and to a tension-filled relationship between China and India. This paper approaches both the historical evolution of the conflicts and the way in which these two conflict areas are portrayed in literature. While Veera Hiranandani, in The Night Dia77 (2018), and Khushwant Singh, in Train to Pakistan (1956), focus on the conflicts between Muslims and Hindus after the partition of India and Pakistan, Salman Rushdie, in Midnight's Children (1981), analyzes the traumas of the conflict in Kashmir. Furthermore, Jon Cleary, in Pulse of Danger (1966), presents the context of the Sino-Indian war. The most disturbing novel about the Indian conflicts is Humphrey Hawksley's novel, Dragon Fire (2000), because the author presents an apocalyptic war between the Republic of India, on one side, and the Islamic Republic of Pakistan allied with the People's Republic of China, on die other side. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The north western Atlas Mountains (Béchar region) act as refugia for relict populations of many species which highlights their interest as priority areas for conservation. Further work since the beginning of the last century has been difficult because of restricted access in a military area with long-standing border conflicts. This paper aims to analyse the temporal dynamics of the vegetation communities, to assess the floristic diversity of one of those isolated djebels, Djebel Antar, and to contribute to the knowledge of the conservation status of the species found. Surveys from 1925,1951 (published data) and 2017 (fieldwork) were interpreted and investigations were carried out on honey harvesting, production, and marketing in the Benzireg area to better understand and contribute to the development of beekeeping. A high proportion of endemic and very rare species was found. A tendency towards the homogenisation of the flora was detected with a decrease in plant diversity. Beekeeping is being tested as a means of enhancing biodiversity and contributing to the fight against vegetation degradation by reducing pastoral pressure. Djebel Antar retains its function as a refuge for biodiversity and may play an important role in conservation measures. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The paper aims to describe and analyze the changes in public sites of memory in the multi-ethnic border region of Czechoslovak Silesia during the period of restoration of Czechoslovak sovereignty, between the fall of Nazism in May 1945 and the communist putsch in Czechoslovakia in February 1948. This research focuses on transformations and (dis)continuity of cults and symbols during that period, and on specifics and differences within the examined region with regard to ethnic and social structure of local population. Research is based primarily on the recorded agendas of state and district administrations, but preserved memorials and photographs or descriptions of vanished sites of memory also serve as important sources. After the expulsion of German population, the western part of the region was repopulated by settlers from various regions of East-Central Europe. Most of local German sites of memory vanished, with the partial exception of religious symbols and a few "apolitical" memorials. New monuments and memorials were dedicated mainly to personalities of Czech history in an effort to inculcate the "official" identity amongst the new-settlers. In the Ostrava coal basin, the new regime invoked the pre-war tradition of working-class identity and showed tolerance towards the sites of memory of the local Polish minority, except memorials related to the former Czech-Polish border conflicts. In the Hlučín region specifically, a strong pro-German narrative survived despite the "Czechization" efforts of state authorities. In general, the state-supported memory policy aimed to create the narrative of a "Slavic" and "socialist" Silesia, suppress the German past of the region, and weaken frictions between Czechs and Poles. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Remembering Refuge: Between Sanctuary and Solidarity is a counter-archive based on oral history interviews with people who crossed the Canada-US border to seek refuge and advocacy groups working at this border in two moments of crisis: the 1980s Central American crisis and the 2017-19 crisis at Roxham Road. This paper foregrounds counter-archiving as a methodology, building from the oral histories to illustrate how borders and bordering practices are navigated and contested and how these lived experiences push back at state-directed logics and narratives of migration. By drawing connections across past and present struggles over mobilities and borders, we offer a critical genealogy of refuge around the Canada-US border. The oral histories collectively and individually contest state-led narratives of migration as a 'crisis,' the need for borders to be further securitized, and specifically of the Canadian state's generous humanitarianism towards a select few. We introduce the methodological choices, contexts, and limitations of the project's research design, and present two themes that emerged from the oral histories: the contested element of 'choice' in migration movements and the important roles played by resistance and refusal in the working out of borders. Finally, we emphasize that relationships between borders are crucial to understanding the histories of asylum around this border, and the political shift activated by the counterarchive of centering borders as lived, experienced, contested or refused. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

After regaining independence in 1918, Poland faced many fundamental and strategic challenges. One of them was the issue of border crossings on the German-Polish border in Silesia. It was a region dominated by modern heavy industry, to which both the modern states laid claim. The course of the border was to be decided by a plebiscite, but the parties to the conflict resorted to violence and military means. In a complicated international situation and without the possibility of open military intervention, Poland effectively used the strategic tool of special operations – known more widely today as unconventional warfare. Thanks to their skillful application, the German military advantage was effectively eliminated and strategic goals were achieved. Poles effectively cut lines of communication, making it impossible to support pro-German organizations in Silesia, and successfully organized insurgent forces that achieved the goals important for Poland's development policy. This paper tells the story of a special mission unit called the Destruction Group 'Wawelberg' and its use as a tool for implementing the state policy of unconventional warfare during the Third Silesian Uprising. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Under the Narendra Modi's administration, India has been implementing a pragmatic foreign policy following realistic principles toward China. By using methods of policy analysis, in combination with content analysis and discourse research, the paper demonstrates that India's policy toward China under the Prime Minister (PM) Modi's leadership is a set of strategic responses of a rising power to an assertive neighbor who is rising at global level. This set of responses includes a policy of cooperation when it sees China as a partner, a policy of containment when it sees China as a rival, a policy of conflict management when it sees China as a neighbor who has direct territorial disputes; and a policy of balance of power when it sees China as an opponent. The authors of the paper are of the view that one of the key elements in India's policies toward China is that it is a combination of both cooperation and competition aspects. In addition, it is to be seen that India has simultaneously used various channels to implement these policies toward China to secure its national goals. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Antipode is the property of Wiley-Blackwell and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society Hong Kong is the property of Royal Asiatic Society Hong Kong and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This paper examines spatial practices in the everyday life of the villagers in a South Korean border village. Focusing on the Yugokri Unification Village in Cheorwon, the paper analyses the residents' spatial actions as a lens to study how the villagers cope with the volatile border. It reveals highly intricate and discrete ways the residents use the space of the frontier village as a platform, despite high levels of control imposed by the state, for their struggles against the authoritarian vision by developing, augmenting and enhancing their spaces around them in their everyday life. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Archival materials are repeatedly consulted to settle disputes before the courts of law. The main purpose of the paper is to examine the use of archival materials in the ultimate settlement of the border dispute between Botswana and Namibia over the disputed ownership of the Sedudu/Kasikili Island. This paper took a qualitative approach where documentary review of archival materials and other documentary sources were used to answer the research questions. The findings indicate that archival materials in their various forms such as drawings, maps, plans, reports, scientific documents, and correspondence by colonial authorities played a significant role as evidence that informed the International Court of Justice (ICJ) to legally settle the boundary dispute between Botswana and Namibia. This paper also established the need for archivists to preserve the reliability and authenticity of records over time for them to be trusted as evidence. The fact that the case was solved with access to archival materials among other evidence presented, is an indication of the importance of archives in the society. Although this paper contributes to literature on the role of archives in the resolution of boundary conflicts, it is limited in that the findings are restricted to a review of archival materials in the holdings of the Botswana National Archives and Records Service (BNARS) exclusive of archival materials from the National Archives of Namibia. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Security Strategies Journal / Güvenlik Stratejileri Dergisi is the property of Strategic Research Institute and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

A central task of climate justice is to agree upon a just distribution of the right to emit greenhouse gases. According to the equal per capita shares view, the right to emit should be divided equally between every inhabitant of Earth, since to emit is to use up the resource of atmospheric absorptive capacity, and this is a resource to which no one person has any stronger claim than any other. The fact that a significant proportion of the Earth's ability to absorb and sequester greenhouse gases actually comes not from the atmosphere, but from terrestrial climate sinks that are located within national borders, and that are therefore plausibly subject to legitimate territorial claims, poses a serious challenge to the intuitive egalitarian simplicity of the equal per capita shares view. A defence of this view, then, is tantamount to a defence of the redistribution of terrestrial sink capacity, and therefore must involve either (1) an argument against the legitimacy of territorial claims to terrestrial sink capacity, or (2) an argument for why legitimate territorial claims to terrestrial sink capacity should nevertheless be ignored in favour of an equal per capita distribution of emissions shares. One strategy for doing so involves applying Charles Beitz's resource redistribution principle to terrestrial sink capacity. Some authors have argued that this strategy will fail due to important differences between the nature of 'conventional' natural resources, and the nature of a resource link climate sink capacity. In this paper, I consider five arguments to this effect that seek to establish the legitimacy of territorial claims to terrestrial sink capacity. Respectively, they appeal to attachment, identity, self-determination, improvement and fairness in order to do so. I argue that each one either fails to establish the legitimacy of territorial claims to terrestrial sink capacity, or, where they do plausibly establish legitimacy, they do so in a way that renders them vulnerable to type-(2) objections that suggest territorial claims to terrestrial sink capacity should nevertheless be ignored. I conclude that, if one is willing to adopt the resource redistribution principle, a just distribution of emissions shares need not respect territorial claims to terrestrial sink capacity. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

While using polynomial functions to define window functions is an initial approach in studying the memristor element, it is susceptible to generating imaginary results. However, using window functions, including the trigonometric function, is a current field of research on the memristor element. This paper uses the trigonometric Blackman window function to present a new memristor element model and investigates its nonlinear ion drift model properties. The motivation of this study is the usage of the trigonometric Blackman window function, which presents a more detailed definition and leads to more accurate results in windowing operations. The Blackman window function can address the issues of border locking and terminal state. Numerical simulations have verified this proposed structure. Additionally, the analog realizations of the memristor element constructed with the Blackman window function have been achieved on a Field Programmable Analog Array, which offers fast prototyping, serving as an alternative approach for emulating memristors. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The relationship between Afghanistan and Pakistan has long been caught in a complex security predicament rooted in Afghanistan's refusal to recognize the Durand Line as the official international boundary between the two countries, and its territorial claims extending into Pakistani territory across the Durand Line. This security dilemma has euolued, taking on uarious facets due to several factors, including developments in their bilateral relations and regional dynamics. Political and securityrelated developments are intrinsically intertwined with the two nations' interference in each other's internal matters. Afghanistan's pursuit of the 'Pashtunistan' cause, its establishment of ties with India, and support for the Tehreek-i-Taliban Pakistan (TTP) haue exacerbated this security conundrum. Pakistan, in response, undertook measures to counter Muhammad Daoud Khan 's attempts to meddle in its internal affairs, participated in the Afghan jihad against the Souiet Union and the subsequent civil war, and later aligned itself with the United States during the American invasion of Afghanistan, all of which haue engendered discontent among the Afghan populace. This paper aims to elucidate the intricate interplay of these developments and factors in perpetuating the enduring security dilemma in Afghanistan-Pakistan relations. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The completion of the Hong Kong-Zhuhai-Macau Bridge marks not only a record-setting achievement in engineering, but also a materialisation of ongoing efforts by the People's Republic of China to engage in cooperative projects aimed at expanding and deepening integrative connections with the semi-autonomous Special Administrative Regions of Macau and Hong Kong. This paper explores the colonial and post-colonial social construction of Hong Kong as a political-economic island, and the implications this carries into the tensions and open conflicts that have unfolded under the One Country, Two Systems agreement. Using the bridge as a case, it critically examines the geopolitical and biopolitical dimensions of infrastructure as a practice of subnational (de)bordering. The case renders visible a contemporary moment where infrastructure occupies a central position at the conjuncture of technology, advanced governmentality and shifting geographies of sovereignty in the People's Republic of China, within subnational city-regional development plans, as well as internationally in projects, such as the geographically expansive Belt and Road Initiative. A close examination of the Bridge project highlights the constructed and contested nature of borders, as well as the complex identities and ideologies that define them. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Contrary to the conventional understanding of North Korean borders as classic barriers that block infiltration of outside influences, this paper argues that the Sino-North Korean border region has undergone considerable transformations, especially at the local level. By analysing local-level trans-border activities, it shows that North Korea seeks to develop the Sino-North Korean border region as a space of opportunity. Even the heightened political conflicts between China and North Korea and the tightened international sanctions against North Korea failed to dampen local actors' economic imperatives, particularly after the 2012 and 2013 decentralisations in North Korea. Local actors were active in driving trans-border economic practices and, in turn, transformed the Sino-North Korean border region into potential cross-border cooperation zones. Although there has been conflict and competition in border region development between North Korea and China, we argue that local governments and entrepreneurs' efforts to maximise economic independence in the border regions are persisting, and their geo-economic imperatives are important factors in reshaping the Sino-North Korean border region by initiating and advancing trans-border interactions. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]