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Copyright of Al-Bahith Journal is the property of Republic of Iraq Ministry of Higher Education & Scientific Research (MOHESR) and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The US-Taliban peace agreement has raised certain questions that need to be investigated and answered: Has the US achieved its goal in Afghanistan or not? Has the US, in these two decades of war on terror, really brought stability in Afghanistan? Was the withdrawal of US-led coalition forces from Afghanistan done with dignity? This paper attempts to investigate and answer these questions. The paper has also tried to see the role of neighboring countries post US withdrawal from Afghanistan. The US withdrawal has put Afghanistan in a lawless condition. The people of Afghanistan are at the mercy of Taliban which has not yet been recognized by any country. Afghanistan has been facing many problems at home as well as at international level. Officially, the Taliban government has not been able to establish embassies in any country, and it has no faith in its earlier ambassadors. It is mostly dependent on the unofficial support from China and Russia, as of now. A small state in all senses--economically, politically, geographically, and militarily--Afghanistan is prey to international politics. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Afghan refugee women settle in Germany to escape persecution by militant groups and social marginalization in Afghanistan, among other things. They face challenges in Germany, such as language barriers, demanding bureaucratic requirements from German administrations, and discrimination. Academic and public discourses promote the information and communication technologies (ICT)-enabled social inclusion of refugees into the host society. ICT is widely seen as an essential tool to support refugees. Against this backdrop, this paper presents a focus group study with 14 Afghan refugee women in Germany to understand their experiences with technology: How do Afghan refugee women in Germany experience ICT? What structural factors influence their interaction with technology? What are the design features in an application that can support their settlement in Germany? This paper uses a critical perspective inspired by Black feminist theory to foreground the dynamics of power in Afghan refugee women's experiences with ICT. The analysis reveals significant barriers to the participation of Afghan refugee women in German digital society, like digital illiteracy and the need for safety and privacy, making accessing technology difficult. Designs of ICT that may benefit Afghan women offer audio messages instead of text, real-time assistance, intuitive commands, and registration without an email address. Apart from the analysis of Afghan refugee women's interaction with technology in German society, this paper reflects on the German migration management infrastructure and its potential to adapt more to the communication practices of refugees, including offering inperson services for Afghan refugee women. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The future and prosperity of Pakistan largely relies upon the nature of its relations with neighbouring Afghanistan. The strategic quandaries between Pakistan and Afghanistan like border issues and persistent cross-border terrorism directly affect Pakistan's domestic situation and are producing reverberating influence throughout South Asia. This paper sought to examine the strategic limitations influencing their relations significantly in the wake of American withdrawal from Afghan soil. Furthermore, elucidating the profound impacts stemming from the circumstances after the American exit, it explores the political dimensions and ramifications of their relations. To that end, this research builds multi-dimensional causal relationships and employs qualitative approaches. The study's findings depict that these strategic constraints are deep-rooted and multifaceted with implications for regional stabilization, manifesting through traditional security conundrums, disruption of trade routes, and obstacles to economic integration. The implications of this study accentuate the pressing need for coordinated measures to promote peace and stability in the region. It concludes by presenting some policy recommendations intended to lessen the existing challenges as well as encouraging a conducive environment to ameliorate relations between Afghanistan and Pakistan. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this paper, I will examine the legal standards of gender persecution and the evolving descriptor gender apartheid as a way to describe the status of women in Afghanistan. The paper also examines other complementary forms of legal accountability procedures to vindicate Afghan women's rights and hold perpetrators accountable under crimes against humanity. Although the current locus of the paper is focused on Afghan women, it has larger implications for all other crimes of gender persecution. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Recent studies explore youth and children language brokering at the interface of caregiving for their migrant families and frame this conceptualisation as interactionally mediated practicing of care with the overall purpose of family sustainability during the family's coping process within the migration context. From this joint perspective, youth and children brokers appear to provide actively care through language while conducting everyday brokering practices to fill interactional gaps between their families and the wider society, and enable the interactional parties involved to express themselves. During this mediation, interactional strategies are crucial because language brokering is beyond translating and interpreting. Drawing on ethnographic data, the paper shows the unique ability of linguistic ethnography to scrutinise interactional strategies in relation to care and applies this approach to examine a number of strategies that Sima, the main young language broker of an Afghan family in Denmark, employs during her within-family brokering. Whereas previous studies have shown that language and culture brokers in their brokering practices act from the perspectives and experiences of their families and the wider society, this paper demonstrates how Sima's awareness of multiple competing perspectives within family interactions facilitates her mediation in caring for the family's parent–child relationships and reconciliation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The resurgence of the Taliban in Afghanistan has significantly exacerbated educational challenges for marginalized women and girls, deepening gender disparities and impeding socio-economic development. Addressing these issues, this article introduces the Blockchain and Artificial Intelligence Non-Formal Education System (BANFES), an innovative educational solution specifically designed for Afghan girls deprived of formal schooling. BANFES leverages advanced artificial intelligence technologies, including personalized data analysis, to provide customized learning experiences. Additionally, blockchain technology ensures secure record management and data integrity, facilitating a decentralized educational ecosystem where various nodes offer hybrid learning methodologies without intermediaries. This system not only adapts to individual learning speeds and styles to enhance engagement and outcomes but also employs an independent assessment mechanism to evaluate learners. Such evaluations promote transparency and maintain the quality and reputation of educational contributions within the network. The BANFES initiative also addresses implementation challenges, including local distrust and integration with existing educational structures, providing a robust model to overcome barriers to education. Furthermore, the paper explores the scalability of BANFES, proposing its application as a global strategy for non-formal education systems facing similar geopolitical and infrastructural challenges. By creating a secure, flexible, and learner-focused environment, BANFES aims to empower Afghan women and girls with essential skills for personal and professional growth, thus fostering socioeconomic advancement within their communities and setting a new standard for informal education worldwide. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Every day, all over the globe, people make the tough decision of leaving their homes in order to rebuild their lives and settle somewhere else for jobs or education; or they are compelled to leave their native lands and traverse international boundaries to provide a safe and sound environment for their families. Millions of people are also forced to migrate because of armed conflicts, insurgencies, or climate change. This paper explores the contemporary human rights issues faced by refugees and migrants, with special reference to Afghan refugees in India [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper examines how the encounter between the “First World American women” and “Third world Afghan women” is framed to inadvertently enact a form of representational violence in Liz Mermin’s documentary film, The Beauty Academy of Kabul. The paper shows that despite its ostensibly progressive stance of giving space to Afghan women’s voice, the film, serves to validate the new form the colonial self has taken in the globalized world - the humanitarian identity - and reaffirms the American imperial agenda. Employing Judith Butler’s insights in Frames of War, where she points out how the frame delimits the domain of representability and the confines of “reality” itself, the analysis explores how Mermin’s documentary frames the Afghan women as the first world audience is meant to recognize, grieve and intervene for. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper explores why Afghanistan's centralized planning and budgeting policies, despite consistent failure to improve local participation and allocative efficiency, remained stable. Based on policy feedback theory, there are two explanations. First, policy actors, given their interests, often tend to keep the status quo unchanged; and second, policymaking processes play a facilitative role for policy actors. This paper explains how centralized policymaking processes enable policy actors to bypass specific constraints of institutional environment such as agenda setting, principalagent dynamics, information symmetry, and credible commitment to keep certain policies unchanged. With the recent collapse of Afghan state, the Taliban would most likely continue the centralized planning and budgeting policies given their past governance approach and their recent performance. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The Taliban 2.0 in Afghanistan took the world by surprise. This article investigates how this event was seen differently in varied contexts, such as neighboring Pakistan. Our research shows epistemological pluralism in Pakistan, i.e. how different groups use different ways of knowing (epistemology), being (ontology), and valuing (axiology) to explain and analyze Taliban 2.0. Conceptually, the paper draws on insights from the relationality theory to demonstrate the reasons behind such epistemological pluralism. The theory of relationality provides the grounds for epistemological pluralism, i.e. the mixed sentiments and feelings among respondents about the Taliban 2.0 in Afghanistan. Our research reports the perspectives of nine selected civil society activists about Taliban 2.0 in Afghanistan and its implications for Pakistan. The respondents were interviewed during the second quarter of the Taliban administering Afghanistan. Some called it the victory of Islam, the freedom of Afghans from foreign occupation, and the protection of the Pakistani border from Indian proxies. Others were worried about the risks of increased extremism and terrorism in Pakistan, including the rise of banned organizations like Tehrik-e-Taliban Pakistan. This study intends to document the interviewee civil society activists' suggestions to the State of Pakistan for dealing with Taliban-ruled Afghanistan. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper uses critical discourse analysis and critical literacy to analyze the first in a series of literacy primers developed with US support for children in Afghanistan in the 1980s, called 'Jihad literacy'. The text is analyzed for its ideological content as related to the themes of religion, violence, and martyrdom in the historical perspective of the Cold War and the Soviet Union's invasion of Afghanistan. The paper demonstrates how the notion of 'Jihad' was subverted to promote a holy war against the Soviet invasion. The educational system supported by the US created a radical version of Islam based on violence and martyrdom, shaping the Afghan society to this day. We contend that the same or similar institutions shape current discourses as in the past and that children are the main victims of politico-economic warfare. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Appropriating relevant elements from Iranian film scholar Hamid Naficy's formulation of an 'Accented Cinema' (2001) that addresses various aspects of diasporic filmmaking and filmmakers 'situated in the interstices of social formations and cinematic practices' (4) as guiding tropes for analysis, this paper focuses on the depiction of the post-Taliban period through a contextual and critical reading of Nelofer Pazira's first documentary film Return to Kandahar (2003) and her debut feature film Act of Dishonour (2009) on the topic of 'honour-killing.' The paper examines how these films portray 'accented' images captured and relayed by a diaspora Afghan woman filmmaker to appeal to distant and unversed Western/foreign audiences and film festivals. In addition to Naficy's formulation of the 'accented cinema', I argue that Pazira uses a formulaic accent and variances (also to be read as her emphases) in her depictions that are aimed specifically at appealing to Western audiences. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Community leaders in culturally and linguistically diverse (CALD) communities in Australia, particularly Afghan migrant communities, may play an important role in understanding and responding to family violence. This paper explores the role and perspectives of religious and community leaders in the Afghan community in South Australia in relation to preventing and responding to family violence. It is argued that these leaders play a pivotal role in their community as they can act as gatekeepers between their own and the Australian community. This paper concludes that it is imperative that governments and the legal system engage with CALD communities to better understand faith related factors such as the relevance of Islamic law and culture for Afghan Muslim communities in South Australia. At the same time, the education of the broader Australian and Afghan communities and their religious and community leaders in both Islamic law and the Australian legal system is a vital factor in combating and reducing family violence. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The sexual exploitation of adolescents has recently gained international attention and is a major problem in many countries. Afghanistan, a South Asian nation, is one of these countries with a startlingly high rate of sexual exploitation incidents; among these, the practice known as Bacha Bazi has attracted criticism from all sides. In The Kite Runner, Hosseini exposes the terrible Afghan culture of Bacha Bazi, which damages the social and sexual identities of many Afghan boys and has a negative impact on their mental well-being as a result of traumatic events that cause them to exhibit PTSD symptoms. This paper explores the issue of child sexual exploitation in general, as well as the arrival of Bacha Bazi in Afghanistan and its effects on children's mental health in particular, as depicted in The Kite Runner. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper was developed as part of a panel for the International Psychoanalytic Association's (IPA) 53rd Congress in July 2023. In this paper I discuss treatment with students from the American University of Afghanistan as part of a team at New York University's Postdoctoral Program in Psychoanalysis and Psychotherapy. The paper reviews the themes that I identified while working with three students from the university. The themes include issues of identity and power, role confusion, and finally the question "am I doing a good thing?" Simultaneously, I discuss my own countertransferential process and disavowed material based on my own cultural background. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Taliban has taken control of Afghanistan; the US-influenced government of Ashraf Ghani has surrendered, a two-decade-long war ended, and the Taliban proclaimed their acting government on 7 September 2021 and resumed the Islamic Emirates of Afghanistan. Pakistan is in support of an inclusive Taliban-led government in Afghanistan and providing Aid to the country for rebuilding and reconstruction of the affected neighbor while hoping for recognition from the international community. Taliban's regime in Afghanistan is a game-changer for South Asian regional politics as now China, Russia, and Iran's interests lie in this area. The Study is an attempt to examine the effects of the Taliban's government on Pakistan's national security, integrity, and economy with special concern for China Pakistan Economic Corridor (CPEC), and Foreign Relations by taking the Baluchistan insurgency as an example. This research will answer intriguing questions such as how the Taliban's government of Afghanistan affects the Baluch insurgency. The purpose of this research is to determine if the Taliban-led Afghan government deepens Pakistan's woes or serves the country's national interests. This paper argues that Baluch insurgents were previously hiding in Afghanistan and unstable Afghan territory was used against Pakistan by the enemies to exacerbate of Baluch insurgency and escalate terrorism to destabilize Pakistan. This study also argues that the New Taliban Government in Afghanistan has an amalgamation of encouraging and detrimental outcomes for Pakistan as supporting the Afghan Taliban government has visible impacts on regional politics and the dynamics of Pakistan's relations with the United States, Iran, and with regional powers, Russia, and China. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Intelligence scholars routinely portray intelligence oversight as a means of restraining intelligence activities, particularly covert operations. The consensus overlooks situations where oversight can instead channel popular passions. This paper documents how Reagan era activists recruited legislators to the Afghan resistance cause. Their legislative-civic alliance demanded the CIA launch more aggressive operations in Afghanistan, sidelining established oversight committees. The resulting covert action campaign risked Soviet escalation, eliminated plausible deniability, and gave advanced U.S. technology to potential terrorists. This episode highlights how well-organized lobbyists may affect the intelligence agenda and challenges assumptions that wider engagement in oversight will always restrain intelligence agencies' overreach. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The paper presents a study on the solidarity networks of undocumented Afghan male migrants in Istanbul. The research was conducted between August 2015 and June 2020 in the migrant districts of Beykoz, Zeytinburnu and Fatih. The study found that Afghan migrants are excluded from existing local solidarity networks and instead form their own networks as a survival strategy. The study posits that there are three primary solidarity networks knitted by locals, which are 'family', 'hometown' and 'neighbourhood'. We argue that the foundation of the solidarity networks among the locals is their shared language(s), mutual recognition, shared socio‐historical background and unofficial trust, making it difficult for newcomers to become a part of this solidarity. Afghan migrants are unable to access these networks, which aggravates their social exclusion. They use their social exclusion as a survival strategy and continue with their migration aspirations. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In the contemporary global context, the challenge of integrating immigrants into host societies has gained prominence. This paper delves into the perceptions and experiences of Afghan immigrants in Iran regarding immigration policies and laws. Employing a constructivist grounded theory methodology, the study aims to uncover participants' interpretations and the meanings attributed to immigration policies and laws. Grounded theory analysis, involving initial, focused, and theoretical coding, was employed to collect data. The results reveal that current immigration laws and policies in Iran have led to economic disparities, limited educational opportunities, social isolation, and identity challenges for Afghan immigrants. Iran's integration policies lean towards exclusion. Consequently, Afghan immigrants experience a weakened sense of belonging in the country. Therefore, our study suggests the importance of implementing integration theories and policies instead of those promoting disintegration. Such policies not only hinder immigrants' assimilation but also impede the overall progress of the host nation, thus undermining social cohesion. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The paper studies the gendered impact of the pandemic in a war ravaged Afghanistan. For majority of Afghan women, the onslaught of Covid has exacerbated their already dire condition and adversely impacted their social, economical, physical and cultural aspects of life. The research also underlines that the imposition of lockdown has caused the reversal of war gains. The paper also highlights the notable works of various Afghan women carried out during the corona pandemic that has contributed to their emancipation and upliftment of the society at large. It brings forth strong and courageous women who are combatting terrorism, everyday conflicts, frequent bombings, societal restrictions and now the deadly coronavirus and yet contributing majorly in re-building the Afghan society. This paper is an attempt to dispel the dominant narrative of their state of helplessness and despondency around Afghan women before the withdrawal of American troops and Taliban takeover. Both primary and secondary sources have complemented this research. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Revista de Estudios Internacionales Mediterraneos is the property of Taller de Estudios Internacionales Mediterraneos and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Before the Taliban came back to power in Afghanistan in August 2021, India and Afghanistan had cordial bilateral relations and were often described as great friends. Since 2002, India had helped build several infrastructure projects as part of its promised development assistance program of over $2 billion (later increased to $3 billion). Considering India's investments in Afghanistan, the goodwill it enjoyed among common Afghans was understandable. However, it would be wrong to imply that these unique, multifaceted bilateral relations between the two countries were simply due to India's helping hand. This research paper is one of its kind attempt to explain the perceptions Afghans had about India based on the field survey done in Afghanistan in 2019. Using responses of over 321 Afghan participants, the paper attempts to quantitatively analyze the goodwill and positive vibes that India enticed among Afghans. However, many Afghans felt that India did not do enough during the crisis in August 2021. Based on the survey and the general perceptions of Afghans in the aftermath of the return of the Taliban, this paper argues that the soft power investments in Afghanistan helped India in its nation-branding, making it attractive and creating goodwill. However, New Delhi lacked the will to act smartly and hence did not get the desired strategic influences due to „soft power behavior". [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this paper, relative education profiles of recent refugees arriving to Germany from Syria, Iraq and Afghanistan are described and compared to the profiles of Syrians in Jordan and Lebanon and of internally displaced Iraqis. Relative education describes a migrant's position in the educational distribution of the origin population. For recent refugees, relative education could be reflected in the decision of where to migrate: those who are relatively better educated may be more able to reach a distant destination. The empirical analyses use data from the project 'ReGES – Refugees in the German Educational System', the IAB‐BAMF‐SOEP Survey of Refugees, the Arab Barometer and Multiple Indicator Cluster Surveys (MICS). The findings suggest that on average, Syrians and Afghans in Germany and Syrians in Jordan are positively selected on education, while Syrians in Lebanon and internally displaced Iraqis appear slightly negatively selected. The findings for Iraqis in Germany show mixed evidence. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Implicit prejudice can be simply understood as any negative feelings or beliefs people hold towards a particular outgroup without being aware of it. One such form is microaggression, which can be defined as everyday verbal or nonverbal subtle, unconscious putdowns, slights, or negative remarks towards members of an outgroup. One of the most common and harmful forms is gender‐based microaggression. Gender microaggression is defined as subtle, unconscious, everyday putdowns, slights, remarks, or insults, whether intentional or unintentional, directed at a particular gender, notably women. Despite a plethora of literature and research on gender microaggression, the focus has predominantly been on understanding microaggressions faced by women in various domains, largely neglecting the experiences of men as victims of microaggression. One such overlooked experience is that of Afghan male students studying in universities in Delhi. Each year, thousands of students from Afghanistan travel to Delhi to pursue higher education, often unaware of the prejudices they may encounter due to associations with terms like 'terrorism' or 'terrorist.' Therefore, this paper aims to understand and study the microaggression faced by Afghan male students by employing the Gender Implicit Association Test on a sample of 103 Indian students studying in universities in Delhi, selected using a snowball sampling technique. This study adapts and modifies the Weapon‐based Implicit Association Test. The goal is to uncover the implicit biases of Indian students towards Afghan male students by examining the association (reaction time) between images of weapons and harmless objects, in conjunction with adjectives related to Afghan males and Afghan females. In other words, words or images that are congruent in our minds should result in shorter reaction times and fewer errors compared to words and images that are incongruent. The results indicate that Indian students were quicker in associating weapon images with Afghan male adjectives (D = −0.64) compared to Afghan female adjectives (D = 0.89). [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper explores the combined impacts of COVID-19 and sanctions on Afghans in Iran. It draws on semi-structured interviews with Afghans and experts that were analyzed thematically using the human security framework. Findings indicate that Afghans without access to the internet and social media received no detailed and accurate information through national TV and radio. Patients with COVID-19 had difficulty accessing imported medicines, which were not affordable for Afghans with middle and lower economic backgrounds regardless of their immigration status. We argue that sanctions in combination with the COVID-19 pandemic have negatively affected the economic and health conditions of Afghans in Iran. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The Taliban resistance against the various Afghan governments continued in the post-2001 period which finally culminated in their agreement with the United States of America (USA) for the withdrawal of its forces from Afghanistan in February 2020 and the subsequent capture of Kabul from President Ashraf Ghani in September 2021. Pakistan once again played a pivotal role in this US-Taliban agreement with a hope to achieve its regional objectives of discouraging Afghanistan from its claim on Durand Line, countering India to seek further influence in Afghanistan, tackling the menace of Tehreek-e-Taliban Pakistan (TTP) inside Pakistan and taking benefits from regional economic and commercial developments. To add to the surprise of Pakistan, the Taliban government repeated the Afghan claim on Durand Line as an international border, provided active support to TTP, allowed India to complete the ongoing projects and also failed to help Pakistan in realizing its dream of accessing the Central Asian markets on account of sanctions on their government. This research paper seeks to answer the question that what dilemmas Pakistan faces after the establishment of Taliban government in Afghanistan once again after a gap of 20 years? [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In 1883, Thomas Patrick Hughes, the director of the Church Missionary Society (CMS) in Peshawar published a romance novel set along the Afghan frontier of British India. This paper argues that Hughes's romance novel, Ruhainah, offers an alternative perspective on the role of evangelism in the empire by attending to the importance of affect and desire in the mission's project. Scholars of Christian missionary work have debated the role of missionaries in projects of empire, but this scholarship is frequently limited by a dichotomous debate: Did missionaries of the British Empire reify imperial control? Or, in the name of Christian universalism, did these missionaries resist the empire's violence and racism? Through heuristically adopting Ruhainah as a guide to the numerous publications of the CMS in Peshawar and the archives of personal correspondences of CMS officials, this paper cuts across these dichotomies by demonstrating that Hughes used his various writings to train his readers to romanticise and desire the Christianization of the Afghans. While Hughes's variously resisted and reified imperial policies, his writing used this very tension between Christian universalism and racist particularism to cultivate 'an affect of empire' and a desire for the religious encounters possible along the Afghan frontier. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In the wake of the Taliban takeover of Afghanistan, many now anticipate that the movement will create a new set of founding documents as they establish the basic organs of the state. For this reason, understanding Islamic constitutionalism, and especially understanding the basis for women's rights within Islamic constitutionalism, has never been more important. This paper contributes to this conversation by discussing many topics that have significant impacts on women in Afghanistan, including the competing ideas of the jamhooriyat and emirate, the role of religion and the Ulema, and women's rights and citizenship in constitutions. Through comparing the constitution of the Islamic Republic and the Islamic Emirate we can understand the jurisprudential, political, and ideological forces that animate these founding documents. Understanding this can allow us to better understand how Afghan women's roles in society and politics may be shaped in the near future. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Women in Afghanistan, taking advantage of the opportunities provided by their country's reconstruction efforts in the early 2000s, worked diligently to ensure that the new Afghan constitution included important rights for women, including the advancement of right to political representation. Indeed the 2004 Afghan constitution reserved at least 27% of the lower house parliamentary seats for women, guaranteeing their presence in formal political decision-making. Although women's political presence came to a sudden halt with the unexpected fall of the Afghan government in August 2021, this paper argues that the Afghan gender quota provision nonetheless has important symbolic implications for Afghan women's political roles in two central ways. First, the quotas, which were a long-time in the making, justified women's political presence to themselves as well as their male-dominated political and cultural context. Second, with the sudden coming to power of the Taliban in 2021, the quotas have greatly contributed to invigorating local women's protests and their key demand for women's political representation, comprising one of the most outspoken anti-Taliban and pro-democracy forces. Despite backlash from the militant Taliban, women, with the support of diverse transnational solidarity networks, are refusing to be silent, demanding equal inclusion in the country's political structures. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

International studies students are often interested in understanding contexts of conflict and war and working with affected populations. Although various research has assessed different pedagogical tools for increasing students' understanding of war experiences and reducing the perceived distance between such populations, virtual encounters are an understudied means for achieving these aims. This article examines how a US international studies course integrated virtual dialogue sessions with Afghan students to reduce the distance between Americans and Afghans. Accordingly, we conducted pre- and post-surveys and interviews, engaged in participant observation, and analyzed reflection papers to understand how US students' views transformed from the program. We find that American students learned about the precarity and resilience of Afghans and recognized their humanity. Moreover, participants developed outgroup trust, reduced intergroup anxiety, and in some cases developed empathy for the other group. Students experienced these shifts despite technological and logistical challenges, a language barrier, and the power imbalance, which led to ethical concerns for program instructors. Thus, we argue that virtual encounters can be an effective pedagogical tool for reducing distance between international studies students and war-affected populations and helping them to connect across group differences despite the inherent challenges in such programs. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Male domination and female subordination in a patriarchal Islamic society is the recurrent theme in Khaled Hosseini's fiction. His most ambitious and well-crafted novel, And the Mountains Echoed, portrays the endless sufferings, oppression, and victimization of Afghan women in the war-ravaged Afghan patriarchal society. The novel also depicts how the stringent religious customs of the Islamic community have subjected their women to violence and gender discrimination. Hosseini has tried to show here the vital role played by religion in strengthening and reinforcing patriarchal domination of women in Afghan society. Besides religious exploitation, the chauvinistic attitudes of men who view women only as 'saleable commodities', or as 'objects of desire', have also been realistically rendered in this novel. Spanning over a period of six decades, this sprawling family saga also portrays the various aspects of women's lives, their illimitable suffering, their sacrifices and, their endless struggle for social and political emancipation. The objective of this paper is to bring to light the unequal naturalized rapport between 'the Other' and man, by divulging the inhuman oppression, exploitation and subjugation that 'the Other'--the woman in Afghan patriarchal society--undergoes. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Violence-related post-traumatic stress disorder (PTSD) in the context of war and terrorism has become an increasingly pressing public health issue relevant to refugee children and families. PTSD and related psychopathology in children can adversely affect all domains of development and, in particular, interfere with learning and socialization. When the experience of violent trauma and related loss is shared with the entire family, resulting impairment and distress may prevent caregivers from being psychologically available to process their traumatized children's emotional communication and otherwise meet their children's developmental needs. When children suffer from PTSD, it may be impossible to put their experience and related thoughts and feelings into words, let alone a coherent narrative. The latter difficulty can be even more pronounced when the child displays dissociative symptoms, possibly signaling a dissociative subtype of PTSD. Thus, the narrative within the child's play during psychotherapy becomes all the more important as an indicator of the child's internal world. This case report is an example both of evaluation and of psychotherapy that is both psychodynamic and trauma-informed with a 10-year-old Afghani boy who suffered the violent loss of his father at age of 3 years, leading to his immigration to Switzerland. This paper addresses the question of how the psychotherapist can accompany the child through the elaboration of his trauma and how the therapist can contribute to the co-construction of a coherent narrative of the child's experience and to the restoration of an intersubjective connection between the traumatized child and caregiver. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this paper, faults, one of the most important causes of geohazards, were investigated from a kinematic and geometric viewpoint in the northern part of the Sistan suture zone (SSZ), which serves as the boundary between the Afghan and Lut blocks. Furthermore, field evidence was analyzed in order to assess the structural type and deformation mechanism of the research area. In the northern Birjand mountain range, several ~E–W striking faults cut through geological units; geometric and kinematic analyses of these faults indicate that almost all faults have main reverse components, which reveals the existing compressional stress in the study area. The northern Birjand mountain range is characterized by four main reverse faults with ~E–W striking: F1–F4. The F1 and F2 reverse faults have southward dips, while the F3 and F4 reverse faults have northward dips. Moreover, the lengths of the F1, F2, F3, and F4 faults are 31, 17, 8, and 38 km, respectively. These faults, with reverse components that have interactive relationships with each other, form high relief structures. The study area's main reverse faults, including F1 to F4, are extensions of the Nehbandan fault system, while their kinematics and geometry in the northern Birjand mountain range point to an N–S pop-up structure. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Adab Al-Kufa is the property of Republic of Iraq Ministry of Higher Education & Scientific Research (MOHESR) and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Unaccompanied children who do not or cannot access the child protection system in Türkiye often become engaged in child labor and find themselves living in precarity. This paper highlights narratives of survival within their culturally-assumed transition to manhood based on empirical research on the life experiences of 12 unaccompanied, male Afghan youth who came to Türkiye as unaccompanied children. These narratives reflect patriarchal culture, particularly the Taliban's extreme manifestations of patriarchy, both in a context of war and violence. Unaccompanied Afghan children migrate for survival and, after dangerous journeys, live as irregular migrants. Their daily life is marked by (1) fear of police and deportation, (2) child labor, (3) long and challenging work routines, (4) lack of leisure time, schooling, adult protection or support and (5) lack of social security. As a result, they develop survival strategies to manage their precarious lives. Their narratives share commonalities focusing on the conditionalities of constructing manhood. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Afghanistan's history over the last century is littered with incidents and bloody conflicts. In other words, the history of this land over the last century has been one of blood and fire, as well as a conflict between "tradition" and "modernity." Over the last century, the citizens of this land have witnessed life-threatening and subversive changes. These changes have had both positive and negative effects on Afghans' lives. Meanwhile, Afghan women, education, the right to political and social activity, and the right to work and employment have been among the issues that have undergone change and transformation, along with political, social, and cultural changes and developments, willingly or unwillingly, and have been seriously harmed as a result. A qualitative research method has been used, in which data was collected from previous literary sources such as research articles, magazines, reports, and documents kept in the archives and national libraries of Afghanistan. This paper investigates and examine the position of Afghan women in Afghan law from various angles and perspectives. The researchers approached the subject of women by taking into account their worldviews, assumptions, and subjective variables. The purpose of this research is to evaluate Afghan women's active, long-term, and meaningful presence in Afghanistan over the last century. The study's findings show that despite deliberate campaigns, efforts, and ongoing struggles over the last century, Afghan women are still denied the right to education, political participation, and institutional employment. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper aims to study the security of Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) in regional context, with special focus on China Pakistan Economic Corridor (CPEC). Security environment of Afghanistan still remains uncertain and volatile having a direct bearing on the security situation of Pakistan and CPEC. Contrary to expectations, Tehrik-i-Taliban Pakistan (TTP) continues to operate from its secure bases inside Afghanistan under the Taliban regime and expand its influence in the areas bordering Afghanistan. Indian opposition to CPEC is driven by multiple motives apart from being a perennial adversary of Pakistan and a strategic competitor of China. China's central role in BRI and CPEC has ramifications from Indian perspective that is why it opposes BRI and CPEC. Bilateral relations of Pakistan and Iran has seen many ups and down, however, both countries have developed broad unanimity over Taliban regime in Afghanistan. Iran has indicated an interest in joining CPEC. BRI has further strengthened already deep ties between Pakistan and China. Following a qualitative approach and drawing on the Regional Security Complex Theory (RSCT), this study underscores the security challenge for BRI in the context of regional security environment. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper offers a contribution to the understanding of migration beyond its spatial dimension to include the multiple temporalities that are entailed. We rely on empirical material collected among young Afghan men in Greece to explore how they conceptualize and make sense of waiting in their own terms by proposing an ethnographic depiction of card and online games. We argue that card and online games are a way for our interlocutors to express some level of agency. With their play, they create and reinforce social ties, respectively, creating and reinforcing a support network that persists over time and beyond geographical dispersion. Therefore, they transform waiting into an experience through which they may assert their personal autonomy and group belonging and reinvest meaning into their everyday life. They eventually develop some ability to manage the uncertainty that dominates their lives, present and future. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper engages with the violent conditions deriving from neoliberal trends in European migration and asylum governance. We explore how continuous precarity, in conjunction with an integration imperative, affects the lives of recently arrived Afghan refugees in Germany and Switzerland. Drawing on critical engagements with the politics of integration and theories of violence, we argue that, in both European countries, Afghans are increasingly forced to earn their right to remain on the basis of labour‐market performance instead of obtaining humanitarian protection. Based on qualitative interview data, we show that persons with a precarious legal status are urged to fulfil neoliberal integration requirements to avoid being deported to their country of citizenship. Employing the "continuum of violence" as an analytical entry point, we specify how the interplay and consequences of structural and cultural violence manifest in the way those affected navigate precarious living conditions and uncertain futures in receiving countries. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Western-centric epistemologies are often deemed to be more legitimate than non-western ones for driving academic research and knowledge production. As a result, non-western epistemologies are often colonized or silenced during the research process. Decolonizing research practices, such as robust collaboration, mutual respect, mindful listening, and coconstructed interviews offer meaningful opportunities for researchers vested in engaging in research which honors and amplifies a diversity of storied experiences and non-dominant epistemologies. This paper focuses on decolonizing research report writing through poetic restorying and will include a rationale for and excerpts from a poetic re-storying of research findings from a narrative inquiry project with Parvana, an Afghan woman who until recently was living in Afghanistan; the narrative study is theoretically and conceptually informed by postcolonial feminist theory and the decolonization of research methods. By carefully and collaboratively crafting the research findings in poetic form using original excerpts from openended interviews, co-constructed interview conversations, Parvana's written stories, conversations about artifacts, and other data sources, Parvana and I worked together to amplify and honor her epistemic authority and literacy practices. In addition to presenting the research findings in research participants' own words, creative re-storying through poetry makes research findings accessible to academic and non-academic audiences alike while also cultivating emotional engagement and empathy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Afghanistan was among the lowest ranking countries worldwide in the United Nations Development Programme 2018 Gender Inequality Index, ranking 168 out of 189. Amnesty International, Afghanistan's Ministry of Women's Affairs and the Afghan Independent Human Rights Commission have all reported a rise in gender-based violence against women by both State and non-State actors. Afghanistan is party to several international human rights instruments, including the Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination against Women, under which the State is obligated to eradicate all types of discrimination, violence and other potential detrimental practices against women. Moreover, under the due diligence standard, States are urged to exercise due diligence to prevent, investigate and, in accordance with national legislation, punish acts of violence against women. This paper addresses the issue whether Afghanistan has met its international obligations to eliminate violence against women using the due diligence standard. It identifies the dismal shape of the current regulatory, institutional and policy frameworks concerning the elimination of violence against women in Afghanistan. This article concludes that Afghanistan has failed to protect women, potentially leading to a breach of its obligations under international law and proposes certain recommendation to improve the plight of Afghan women. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Past research suggests that Afghan immigrants and their children face challenges in settlement stemming from the impact of displacement, language barriers, poor health, limited education, limited knowledge of or access to services, and discrimination. Using data from Canada's 2016 Census, this paper adds to these findings pointing to poor labour force outcomes for Afghan immigrants as compared to other immigrants. Sons of Afghan immigrants fare better than their fathers, but no better than other immigrant men in employment probabilities, but those who are working generally have higher earnings. The daughters of Afghan immigrants fare much better both in terms of employment probabilities and earnings as compared to other immigrant women. Home ownership probabilities for Afghan households are low. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper concerns young adults who came to Sweden from Afghanistan as unaccompanied refugee minors (UMs) and their engagement with poetry and other creative activities. The aim was to explore how UMs use poetic writing and other creative activities to handle resettlement challenges. Seven young men and six young women, aged 18–24, participated in semi-structured interviews. The material was analyzed using the three components of poetry therapy, developed by Mazza. Three themes were identified: (1) Encouragement; (2) Creative expressions as a "safe place"; and (3) A sense of recognition. Through creative expressions, our participants could understand and handle the emotional difficulties and the insecurity associated with resettlement. Poetic writing was a way to convey personal experiences of injustices, a source of self-understanding, and a way to establish new social networks. We discuss and present suggestions on how poetry and other creative activities can be integrated in interventions toward UMs. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

ABSTRACT The purpose of this paper is to study the responses and concerns of the international community vis-à-vis the Taliban government in Afghanistan as the Taliban takeover of Kabul in 2021 is a significant regional development having domestic, regional and global implications. Regarding the recognition of the Taliban government, the important states of the international community are responding with caution based on their strategic calculations, political values and long-term foreign policy goals in the regions adjoining Afghanistan. The states having stakes in Afghanistan are mainly divided in two groups: The US-led group and the China-Russia-led group. This paper finds that the US-led group will find it more challenging to engage with and recognise the Taliban government and, at the same time, the China-Russia group will try to fill the strategic vacuum in Afghanistan left by the United States (US) and its allies by having a more active engagement with the Taliban government. This paper also studies the realignments of the important regional states to respond to the unfolding situation in Afghanistan. Through qualitative research methodology, this paper contributes to enhancing the understanding and knowledge regarding Afghanistan and its significance at both regional and international level. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]