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This editorial summarizes the papers in issue 17(4) (2022). The first paper combines input–output modelling with priority weighting to analyse supply-chain impacts of disasters. The second paper examines skill-based functional specialization of value chains in Brazil using interregional and international value-added measures. The third paper questions the common belief that agglomeration economies are the driving force behind cluster formation using an agent-based model. The fourth paper applies modern instrumental variables techniques to measure the impact of forced migration flows from Venezuela to Colombia on house prices. The fifth paper explores the impact of an ageing population on per capita labour income, consumption and wealth at the regional level using a multivariate spatial econometric model. The sixth paper examines the impact of neighbouring countries on migrants' aggregate decisions to remit based on an advanced spatial econometric origin–destination model. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

One managerial narrative describes COVID-19 as a trigger for innovation in health system planning and delivery. Analysing 33 interviews with national stakeholders in Colombia´s health system, this paper argues that an 'innovation' narrative provides a partial account of managerial responses to COVID-19. COVID-19 triggered positive and negative effects on adaptive resilience: as mirror for recognizing problems predating the pandemic; as accelerator of service changes; as source of solidarity among professional groups; as workforce trauma; and as disruptor of adjacent improvement activity. The paper concludes that multi-level effects of adaptive resilience, and costs of its practice, need to be recognized. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

With the purpose of ending wars, international organizations and governments promote reintegration projects that seek to transform combatants affiliated with illegal armed groups into citizens through education. The assumption behind these efforts is that through education, ex-combatants will become economically independent, overcome marginalization, experience personal transformations, and integrate into communities. This paper questions this optimistic narrative of education by highlighting the differentiated meanings of education for ex-combatants reintegrating in urban Colombia. Listening to the voices of ex-combatants who have engaged in technical and vocational education programs, this paper compares policy narratives with ex-combatants' narratives regarding the role of education in the reintegration process. The analysis reveals how for ex-combatants, education is a complex social practice that redistributes resources and contributes to positive psychosocial and empowerment transformations. At the same time, it is a process of insertion into an individualistic system and adaptation to unequal participation within the country's socio-economic hierarchy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper investigates how some small-scale palm oil growers in northeast Colombia have managed to exercise partial autonomy from global markets while still participating in them. By comparing the varied experiences of these farmers, I find that, state-led land access and multiscale organizational support for small-scale farming have enabled these farmers to selectively engage with global markets and carve-out space for autonomous decision-making on their farms. By examining the risks and possibilities associated with farmers' engagement in global value chains, this study illuminates the potential for agricultural transitions and small-scale farming within the context of global agricultural markets. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Many collections held by Columbia's Rare Books and Manuscript Library contain precious and little explored visual documentation on the turbulent history of late 19th and 20th century Russia, the Soviet Union, and Eastern Europe. These photographs deal with topics ranging from Russian culture in emigration, the late Romanov dynasty and the Russian imperial military to American travelers and philanthropy in revolutionary Russia and Eastern Europe. The Columbia collections in great part complement those held at the Hoover Institution Archives and the nearby NYPL Slavic collections. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The purpose of this paper is to systematize the political practice of three initiatives related to the concept of plain language on the Latin-American legislative arena. On the one hand, I explore part of literature on legislative studies to account for one of the communicative limits faced by legislation (Xanthaki, 2010, 2019) and on the other, present the instrumental nature of plain language to overcome this limit and achieve the widest possible dissemination of legislative messages for lay audiences. The work is based on a descriptive-analytical review of three public initiatives that inhabit three Latin America countries that, in turn, have in common a collective phenomenon called «Plain Language Networks». These Networks involve the parliaments of each country, and they are implementing (or have implemented) a very similar initiative: 'Ley Fácil' (Chile), 'Ley Simple' (Argentina) and 'La ley en tu lenguaje' (Uruguay). The paper draws, methodologically, on the results of a questionnaire sent to those responsible for the three initiatives, designed to understand their implementation in greater depth. Arguably, the initiatives are aimed and are framed by principles of open parliament, institutional strengthening, transparency, trust, and citizen participatory; my argument is that Ley Fácil ('Eays Law' (Chile)), Ley Simple ('Simple Law' (Argentina)) and La Ley en tu lenguaje ('Law in your Language' (Uruguay)) are, essentially, political pedagogy tools to increase the «ability of people to (i) access and (ii) understand the laws that govern their lives» (Roznai & Mordechay, 2016). [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The informal transport sector has various ambivalent characteristics and often a negative connotation since it commonly operates unauthorized and illicitly and is not part of the official transport sector. However, the informal sector provides a mix of legitimate transport offerings as well as important complementary services. The paper focuses on these 'new mobilities' and aims to understand informal transportation systems not only as a service coverage in specific areas lacking formal transit, but also as an activity that arises as a popular form of struggle and a covert and unorganized form of resistance against the political power embedded in dominant transportation systems. Through an empirical study conducted in the region of Urabá in Colombia the paper explores how the dominant agricultural industries in the region are causing huge challenges related to the overlap of transportation scales, congestion and risks of accidents in urban areas, affecting urban development, and how injustices of the existing public transport services and insufficient road infrastructures trigger the production of informal transportation. The paper mobilizes the theory of 'everyday forms of resistance', which draws attention to certain common behaviour and activities of subaltern groups as tactics to survive and undermine repressive domination. As such, this paper questions through its case study to what extent the informal transportation actions in Urabá are in a way challenging oppression and can be called an everyday form of resistance. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Tapuya: Latin American Science, Technology & Society is the property of Taylor & Francis Ltd and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This paper examines children's perspectives on rural territories in two Colombian areas affected by armed conflict, exploring intersections of knowledge production, territory, and memory. Using Decolonial Perspectives and Escobar's territory concept, an educational collaborative ethnography was conducted. Territory is conceptualised as a biophysical and epistemic space shaped by community worldview. This paper reflects on how collaboration with children contributes to decolonising representations of conflict-affected rural territories, allowing the recognition of its values and the reconstruction of negative dominant representations. Data collection involved five months of participant observation, engaging children, teachers, parents, grandparents, community leaders, and researchers. Activities included walks, reading circles, workshops, map-making, and family garden visits to construct narratives about the past and present. Analysis revealed situated knowledge production, with territory acquiring semantic and experiential meaning. Peasant children's perspectives challenge homogenising discourses about childhood, war, peace, and rurality, emphasising agency and exploring multiple forms of knowledge. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Stand-alone price analysis of illicit opium and coca does not explain why smallholders turn to illicit crops for coping and survival. Under conditions of precarity, illicit crop markets can stimulate productivity. They generate returns that can tame crises and relieve pressures. To smallholders facing marginalisation, violence, and climate change – growing opium and coca, despite their illegality, can reduce or spread risks and provide more predictability. Thus, rather than fix on the 'invisible hand' of price theory, the focus should be on the 'visible hand' of political entrepreneurship, interdependent relationships, and the metrics of precarity. To do this, this paper retrospectively compares illicit crop prices before and after certain historical moments in Bolivia, Myanmar, Colombia, and Afghanistan. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper explores the dynamics of mild coffee trade during the term of the International Coffee Agreement, focusing on Costa Rica as a case study. We aimed to verify the influence of the agreement on coffee exports and understand its impact on the exports of high-quality coffee. To compare the influence of the coffee agreement on the trade performance of high-quality coffee producers with that of producers specializing in coffee of similar – or lower – quality, we also included exports of Brazilian coffee (low quality) and Colombian coffee (high quality) in the sample. We focused on analysing commodity trade agreements in the second half of the twentieth century and, simultaneously, on the drivers of coffee exports based on a gravity equation consistent with international trade models. Our findings allowed us to conclude that the International Coffee Agreement gave rise to few benefits for 'Other Milds' countries such as Costa Rica and greater benefits for 'Colombian Milds' countries such as Colombia, at least in its early versions. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Tapuya: Latin American Science, Technology & Society is the property of Taylor & Francis Ltd and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Higher education dropout rates in Colombia are the second highest in Latin-America. Almost 50% of students who start an undergraduate program in Colombia drop out. In this paper, we present a systematic literature review that surveys publications related to university dropout in Colombia between 2000 and 2021. This review followed the Kitchenham guidelines. Databases such as Publindex, Scielo, Wos, Scopus were reviewed. To create cause and solution taxonomies, we identified causes and/or solutions reported by researchers in each revised article. Each cause/solution was then grouped using the university dropout taxonomy proposed by Castaño. 107 papers, 66 different causes, and 62 proposed solutions related to university dropout were reported in the papers analyzed. The results suggest there is an increasing interest in understanding (i) the undergraduate dropout phenomenon, and (ii) the use of data science to solve the problem. These studies also evince a lack of integration between stakeholders for developing crosscutting solutions. The information related to some of the reported solutions is not sufficiently developed to enable a better classification, or they lacked information on implementation, results, or impact. This makes it difficult to make progress with designing new strategies based on previous studies. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Under what conditions are radical alternatives to state-led diplomacy feasible? Diplomatic studies have so far denied attention to those diplomatic practices taking place without national mediation. Building on the concept of diplomacy from below (DFB), the article aims to understand under what conditions this newly theorised form of alternative diplomacy is possible in contexts of armed violence. To do so, we present the case of the diplomatic action of the (post)autonomist Association Ya Basta! between 1997 and 2004. The study adopts an interpretivist approach, reconstructing activists' stories along four conflict scenarios (Mexico, Palestine, Colombia, and Iraq). The empirical analysis allowed for formulating a "working hypothesis" according to which DFB is feasible only among groups sharing an ideological background and under minimum-security conditions for freedom of movement and physical integrity. The paper innovates debates on (para)diplomacy and opens a new research agenda on diplomatic interactions between subaltern groups in (post)conflict scenarios. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper examines the effects of oil demand and supply shocks on emerging market economies in Latin America using a Bayesian vector autoregressive (VAR) model that combines zero and sign restrictions. Our results highlight the importance of separately identify the oil market shocks. The higher price of oil driven by increased global demand produces higher output growth in Brazil, Colombia, and Chile. The results are more persistent for Brazil and Colombia likely due to increased income from oil exports, as both economies are net oil exporters. The better times in the domestic economies result in lower uncertainty and appreciation of the exchange rate in all countries in the sample. Oil supply shocks and oil-specific demand shocks are not statistically significant for most variables. Our results provide important insights into the appropriate exchange rate policy in emerging market economies. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In Latin America — the region with the biggest tropical forest on the planet and the largest potential for agricultural expansion — food security and food sovereignty are two competing approaches to food policies. Drawing on decolonial approaches to political geography, this paper provides a comparative analysis of food policies in the four countries (Peru, Colombia, Ecuador, and Bolivia) that make up the Andean Community of Nations (CAN), a supranational organisation that has enacted a regional food policy aimed at reconciling neoliberal and social orientations of its country-members. The paper contributes to the literature that highlights the multi-scalar nature of food security and food sovereignty by exploring the contentious building of food institutions from the grassroots to national and supranational scales in the Andean region. It also contributes to the critiques that highlight the limits to decolonization by explaining how – apart from hydrocarbon and mining dependence – food policies also express the permanence of coloniality in plurinational states. The paper argues that Andean supranational policies are apparent efforts to balance and harmonize the different interests at stake when actually reinforce a neocolonial sovereign state power that deepens the scalar tensions by intensifying the extractive transnational agriculture over pro-indigenous agriculture. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In Colombia, plastic bags containing the pesticide chlorpyrifos protect the growing bunches of bananas and plantains from insects. When the bananas are harvested, the plastic bags are removed. This plastic, which may contain chlorpyrifos residues, is sometimes reused or recycled for other uses such as toy manufacturing. This is prohibited by environmental authorities in Colombia. The paper reports a study into the elimination of residual chlorpyrifos from such bags by means of hydrolysis and photolysis. About 100% of the chlorpyrifos was removed. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Using a combination of discourse analysis in policy documents and ethnographic fieldwork, this paper interrogates the relation between Colombia's pluri-ethnic turn and the governance of cosmopolitan multiculturalism in the capital city, Bogotá. Focussing on the city's most important development framework, the POT (Plan de Ordenamiento Territorial), it reveals the controversy that exists between the multicultural discourses of the public administration (rooted in claims of ethno-racial equality and Affirmative Action) and their operationalisation in urban planning. In doing so, the paper conceptualises the urban governmentality of multiculturalism as the apparatus through which the municipality has been removing anti-racism and a race-informed understanding of socio-spatial dynamics from Bogotá's official agenda of 'cosmopolitan multiculturalism'. By drawing on Latin American racial theories of mestizaje, the paper thus extends the understanding of how neoliberal urban governance, while celebrating cultural diversity, denies the racialisation of space in the city. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Research has shown that the counterinsurgent proposition of 'winning Hearts and Minds' is more complex than building a road. This paper examines how project workers in three infrastructure projects in Colombia sought community support not for military intelligence or to improve government-community relations, but to intervene with armed groups on the project's behalf. The findings highlight the role of community institutions in negotiating between two actors – rather than being 'won over' by either. This paper also indicates the limitations of community agency in the face of changing local orders, questioning the local empowerment of goods delivery in conflict areas. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The introduction or adoption of innovations at the firm level has consequences for job creation that may differ across low-middle and high-income countries. Also, the type of innovation that firms introduce, such as process or product innovations, can affect employment through different channels. This paper aims to study the effects of innovation on employment growth at the firm level using a framework that considers the nature of innovation and the relative efficiency of the firms. The study uses a rich panel dataset that combines information from two different surveys in Colombia: the Annual Manufacturing Survey and the Survey on Development and Technological Innovation in the Manufacturing Sector. The article provides empirical evidence supporting the idea that the nature of innovation in the country involves complementarities between process and product innovations. The paper discusses how this result is related to the patterns of innovation in middle income countries, which need not only new technologies but also imitation of processes and products. Another novelty of this analysis is the study of displacement effects of process innovation through improvements in the relative efficiency of the firms. Findings show that some firms reduce employment from process innovations, reflecting high heterogeneity in efficiency among firms. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Land rental markets often accompany irrigation infrastructure development as water availability revalorizes land. Agrarian change scholars critique land rental markets for contributing to capital accumulation. To date, however, this approach has not incorporated the roles of environmental changes induced by irrigation, corresponding social-ecological interactions, and political ecologies of vulnerability. Based on 12 months of research in Colombia's most expensive land rental market spanning two irrigation megaprojects, this paper demonstrates how land rental markets compound environmental stresses to exclude producers from land- and water-based agricultural livelihoods. The research additionally advances debates of land control, capital's mobility, and Andean water infrastructure development. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper analyzes the relationship between transparency and corruption by asking how public servants' internalization of transparency affects their actions against corruption. This study operationalizes transparency through the Colombian Freedom of Information – law (FOI-law) to measure whether public servants interpret transparency as instrumental or as intrinsically valuable. It uses the 2019 Colombian Employee Viewpoint Survey; logistic regressions show that individuals' understanding of FOI-law as instrumental increases the likelihood of reporting corrupt practices in public organizations. This paper raises questions regarding how public employees are being trained in transparency and adjusting their behaviours accordingly. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper develops an account of the relationship between language endangerment and conflict violence by combining insights from the fields of political science and linguistics. We develop a theoretical account of the manner in which the violence and disruption of community life jeopardizes the viability of communities that speak endangered languages. Our goals for this paper are to synthesize the contributions linguists and political scientists have made to the study of language endangerment and political violence; develop a theoretical account of language endangerment; and utilize statistical analysis to correlate factors related to political conflict and violence with language endangered communities. We test our theoretical model on language endangerment across the municipalities of Colombia and find support for our hypotheses. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The economic and social crisis faced by Venezuela since 2013 has led to a massive migration of its population to neighbouring countries, with Colombia being the nation that has been the most impacted. This paper estimates the impact of Venezuelan immigration on housing rents in Colombia's main cities. Using a repeated cross-section data of Colombian households between 2013 and 2019, along with an instrumental variables approach, this study finds that a 1% increase in the proportion of Venezuelan immigrants to residents in the main cities in Colombia raises housing rents, on average, by about 1.25%. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The analysis of Regional Innovation Systems (RIS) in Latin America has grown from both academic and policy perspectives. However, the dominant structural approach on RIS has limited the scope of analysis, overlooking the functional dynamics that take place in such systems. This paper addresses the question of how to conceive the governance of RIS from a functional perspective, by conducting a case study on the emerging Risaralda RIS (Colombia), which stands out for its innovative performance while still displaying important systemic failures. We specifically inquire into the strengths, weaknesses, integration dynamics and functions of this RIS. Results show a system with institutional and governance failures, which is host to a disperse network of stakeholders and innovation processes that include prioritized and enabling functions. We discuss these results and propose a governance framework that was collectively outlined with the participation of stakeholders in the RIS of Risaralda. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper explores how Black women entrepreneurs in Cali, Colombia confront racism and sexism, as they engage in the expanding neoliberal beauty market. We argue that anti-racist entrepreneurial experiences in Cali are shaped by four interconnected processes: First, changes in gender and development policies, aligned with inclusive neoliberal development projects. Second, the limitations of state neoliberal multicultural policies, which has made activists aware of the need to address racism and sexism. Third, activist's appropriation of the intersectional turn, allowing them to recognize articulations between racism, classism and sexism. Fourth, the adoption of anti-neoliberal discourses supporting distributive and solidarity practices. Our analysis suggests that while entrepreneurial anti-racist actions do not generate radical or permanent changes in the beauty industry, they do have material and symbolic effects in Black women's experiences of racial justice. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

AbstractHousing cooperatives are being reconsidered in many countries worldwide as potentially relevant actors in the provision of affordable housing. This is also the case in Latin America, characterised by neo-liberal housing policies that have led to an increasing financialization of housing and marginalisation of the poor. Uruguay is an exception, with housing cooperatives playing a key role in the provision of affordable housing. For over two decades its Federation of Mutual Aid Housing Cooperatives (FUCVAM) has been advocating and actively supporting the establishment of cooperative housing in the region. In this paper, we examine the opportunities and challenges of housing cooperatives to penetrate in Colombia and El Salvador’s housing systems, two countries historically characterised by neo-liberal housing regimes. Based on empirical research in Uruguay, Colombia, and El Salvador, we will analyse the socioeconomic, political, and institutional factors that enable or constrain the emergence of housing cooperatives and their sustainability over time. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The current study used the capability approach (CA) to explore the English learning experiences of 10 economically vulnerable higher education (HE) students in Colombia in order to better conceptualise English from a capability perspective. In doing so, this paper builds on the empirical and theoretical work of capability scholars which has looked at the role of English in educational settings. It highlights the importance of viewing linguistic capabilities as inchoative since viewing them as fully formed can obscure injustices. These injustices can include poor quality English language education (ELE), an unfavourable financial situation, and a lack of opportunities for exposure to and practice of English. This last-mentioned injustice foregrounds another important dimension of linguistic capabilities: their inter-subjective, relational nature. To aid in this conceptualisation, the paper also draws on Phillipson's [1992. Linguistic Imperialism. Oxford: Oxford University Press] theory of linguistic imperialism to better illustrate how English is implicated in asymmetrical power relations which give rise to oppression and domination. However, this paper also shows how some injustices can be navigated by educationally resilient individuals. The findings of this thesis are therefore of interest not only to language policy experts and other language education stakeholders in developing contexts, but also to capability scholars. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Everything that comes in, eventually goes out. One way or another. This paper will look into eating and defecating practices among rebels in Colombia, in particular, the FARC-EP. I will argue that these practices, despite being daily occurrences, have been overlooked in conflict studies. I will argue that eating practices in particular reinforced emotional bonds within the organization and fostered micro-solidarity. At the same time, eating and defecating practices reflected and reinforced, at once, organizational practices and ideological commitments of the rebels – particularly gender equality and collectivism. This paper, by focusing on cherished everyday activities which are deeply human, both biological and social, is a call to re-humanise this field of study. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Based on a case study from southwest Colombia, this paper provides hopeful example of an intercultural social movement popular education initiative which brings together social movements across territorial, political and cultural borders in order to generate unity and collaboration between these counter-hegemonic forces in the southwest of Colombia. It examines the learning and knowledge which have emerged from this initiative, led by a small, radical human rights organisation called Nomadesc, which over the course of two decades has brought together activists from diverse movements and territories across southwest Colombia in order to empower them to deal with the violent context, reimagine alternatives, and strengthen and interweave their struggles. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper describes some indicators of the Colombian educational system considering the effect of the pandemic and assesses the causal effect of an alternation plan between face-to-face and remote education, conducted in 2020, on the results of an achievement test. Indicators reveal that the pandemic caused a greater demand for education services in public schools, increased dropout, and repetition rates, and widened the gaps in academic performance. The causal empirical exercise indicates that the students who participated in the experiment obtained, on average, better results in the achievement test compared to students who remained in the non-face-to-face scheme. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Critical scholarship about datafication reveals the implications of algorithmically driven digital transformations for both social processes and human experiences of subjectivity. Digital transformations embed ontological beliefs in the information systems that drive new organizational processes and are accompanied by techno-positivist discourses that promote the benefits of these schemes. The dual power of new information systems plus strong discursive influences has led to fears that data subjects will come to be defined by data and information systems – that their subjectivity will be subordinated by the algorithm. However, in this paper, we argue that real experiences of data sharing offer a means to reveal actual experiences with subjectification, and that often these experiences are multiple and complex. Drawing on the results of five digital literacy interventions carried out by partner organizations in Chile, Colombia, Paraguay, Peru, and Uruguay in 2021, we consider participants' lived experiences with datafication. Our work reveals how people experience, negotiate, reject, and accept data power's multiple manifestations in ways that strategically mobilize data resources, constituting a fractured data subjectivity that overlaps the bounds of any one information system. This leads us to suggest the idea of the 'unhomed' as a useful concept for understanding data subjectification in the contemporary moment. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Across the world, economic interests and state-making interventions have converged in dispossessing rural and urban dwellers. Drawing on literature on rural transformation, precarity, and life after dispossession, this paper explores how lifeworlds are constructed after dispossession. Based on ethnographic research in an Afro-descendant village in agro-industrial Colombia, I analyse five income-generating activities that together point to rural precarity, characterised by uncertain labour relations, fragile conditions of life, ecological dependence, and reconfigured rural relations. While villagers construct their lifeworlds around community, autonomy, and recognition, the constant search for income and reconfigured rural relations uphold and deepen inequalities in the agro-industrial margin. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper explores the complex relationship between academic researchers working in the area of 'International Development and Education' and foreign intervention in the Global South. I make the case for stronger definitional links between 'colonialism' and 'development'. In this, I pay attention to how 'soft' and 'hard' sides of colonial strategy operated symbiotically and evidence parallel occurrences in Post 9/11 Western-led military/development activities. Drawing on 'education' examples, I reflect on our fields entanglements in the messy politics, partnerships and funding regimes of our unequal global order and the ways that we, as both researchers and practitioners, become 'implicated'. I also explore sites of counter-hegemony that span similar timeframes, including my engagements with popular education in social movements in Colombia, and make the case for a radical educational internationalism. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

As other technological promises, bioeconomy has raised expectations as a burgeoning field for the economy. Policy work in Colombia claims that such current focus on 'bio' should be profited by the country given its regional mega-diverse potential. Yet, the question remains to what extent such arrangements are shared regionally, in a country exhibiting variegated multi-cultural drivers and differentiated bio-potential. This paper tackles this question, assessing national policy documents and regional oil and mining royalties investment in the period 2012–2019. Conceptually, we build on the notions of integration and convergence to read regional funding and niche development as evidence of multi-level expectations. We combine content analysis, descriptive analysis and social network analysis to assess expectations at the macro, meso and micro levels. Results show that there is not a consistent regional translation of the discourse on bioeconomy, showing dispersed views about how to render bioeconomy real. Higher education institutions and regional governments play a central role in keeping the network together; however, the lead has been taken by regional governments. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The paper examines the effects of subordinate financial integration on workers in peripheral countries. The objective is to link the financial, productive and social reproduction spheres, taking into account the centre-periphery dynamic in the global process of capital valorisation. In this sense, the main contribution is the proposition of an analytical framework on the subject, based on Marxist and post-Keynesian inspired literature. Considering the asymmetric international relations within the hierarchical monetary system, the dynamics of capital cycles and the external imbalances of peripheral economies, five transmission channels are proposed concerning: (i) the burden of wealth transfer, (ii) the rise in household indebtedness, (iii) the effects of exchange rate volatility on real wages, (iv) the increased pressure for fiscal discipline which contributes to labour and social security reforms, and (v) the regressive specialisation of the productive structure and its impacts on employment. The secondary contribution refers to the comparative analysis of the cases of subordinate financialisation of Brazil and Colombia. The results of this analysis reveal the relevance of the proposed channels in terms of the dynamics of workers' social reproduction in a contemporary context, particularly with regard to wages, employment, household indebtedness and labour and social security rights. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Despite the promise of the 2016 Colombian peace agreement, this paper argues that the intersection of poverty, insecurity and exclusion threatens sustainable peace in Colombia. In asserting this argument, the paper advances two case studies: the false positives scandal, which demonstrates the vulnerability of the poor to various security threats, and the coca eradication programme, which has fuelled further violence and economic insecurity on impoverished rural people. This paper uses these cases to highlight how poverty is used to legitimise, and is intertwined with, structural and physical violence in Colombia. These cases further shed light on the political economy of violence in Colombia, which legitimises the unequal distribution of wealth, exposes the poor to violence, and disguises crimes of the powerful through the narrative of the deviant or underserving poor and the rhetoric of maintaining security or advancing development. Fundamentally, this article posits that although the post-conflict moment presents a profound opportunity for transformational change, continued socio-economic inequalities and violence against the poor in Colombia will affect the ability to create a sustainable and meaningful peace. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

While prior studies have suggested that legal strategies offer promising tools for social accountability, the existing literature has not yet identified the underlying mechanisms that link legal strategies to accountability improvements. In this theory-building paper, we argue that there are four mechanisms by which legal strategies can enhance accountability. First, the courts can help those affected by policy failures to overcome the collective action problem. Second, courts can provide civil society with access to information about rights violations, malfeasance, and poor policy performance. Third, legal strategies can set in motion court-backed reforms that redress immediate rights violations and strengthen state capacity for more accountable governance. Fourth, court recognition can increase the symbolic and discursive resources of claimants, making their demands for accountability more effective. We illustrate these mechanisms through a comparative analysis of two policy arenas in Colombia, environment and healthcare – two areas in which civil society engagement with the judiciary opened up new routes for social accountability. By bridging the previously disconnected literatures on legal mobilisation and social accountability, this paper creates an analytical framework to understand the menu of options that citizens face about where and how to seek accountability from the state. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In protracted social conflict, trust between the contending parties is absent and distrust can prevent or undermine attempts to find a sustainable resolution. It is important to recognise distrust as an active process, distinct from low trust or the absence of trust. Previous work has identified the difference between thick (internal) and thin (social) trust bonds within and between groups. Recognising the varied nature of trust and distrust can provide opportunities to create mechanisms to bridge divides. It may be possible to create institutions able to guarantee agreements, as leading actors persuade followers by calling on thick trust. This paper examines the negotiation of the peace agreement between the Government of Colombia and the FARC, following more than 50 years of conflict. The aims of the paper are to (1) identify the form and extent of trust and distrust between parties, and (2) determine how distrust was managed in negotiating the peace agreement. The findings point to the ability of elite actors to develop thin trust through repeated formal interactions and in turn use thick trust to bind followers. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Preferences for redistribution are critical determinants of the size of the welfare state and, therefore, of the level of inequality in a country. In this paper, we explore the effect of immigration on preferences for redistribution in the context of migration in Latin America, where migrants tend to have characteristics more similar to those of natives. To this aim, we exploit provincial-level data from a large attitudinal survey and match it with immigration data from different sources. We follow three approaches: first, we exploit within-country variation in a cross-sectional analysis with census data; second, we estimate a fixed effects model with data from a large sample of harmonised national household surveys; and third, we exploit the massive influx of Venezuelan refugees into the border country of Colombia with an instrumental variables approach. Our results consistently suggest a significant, negative, non-monotonic relationship between the share of immigrants at the provincial level and support for redistributive policies. The effect is mainly explained by Latin American and low-skilled immigrants, and is stronger for high-income respondents. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper analyzes the intrahousehold allocation of housework and paid work in five Latin American countries. Prior work has consistently shown that income plays a major role in the region’s large gender gaps in the distribution of unpaid work at the aggregate level. However, the extent to which earnings shape intrahousehold decisions regarding the allocation of unpaid work remains unexplored. Using harmonized time-use surveys for Chile, Colombia, Mexico, Peru, and Uruguay, we analyze the relationship between earnings and housework drawing on the framework of the dependency, gender deviance neutralization, and autonomy. We find that in Latin America, increases in women’s absolute earnings are related to decreases in the hours women devote to housework. At the same time, the allocation of men’s time into housework does not seem to be related to their own or their partners’ earnings. Against our expectations, differences in contextual gender inequality across countries does not seem to be relevant. These findings help us assess how well existing theories, formulated to account for phenomena of the developed world, apply to more unequal contexts that have higher levels of gender inequality and where a high proportion of women are excluded from paid work. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper examines the Eurocentric Globalization of Football (EGF), that is, the concentration of capital, broadcasts, players and coaches from around the world in the most powerful football leagues in Europe. It presents a historical analysis based on statistics and an ethnographic approach to three groups of fans of European clubs in Mexico, Brazil and Colombia. It is concluded that EGF is defined by an unequal international division of labour that mainly benefits the European clubs and contribute to the reproduction of a kind of (neo)colonial world system. In Latin America, transnational fans are often seen as mere imitators of the so-called 'first world' lifestyles and traitors of the national culture. On the contrary, transnational fans conceive the EGF as an opportunity to transit freely through different cultural references, distinguish themselves socially, and build trans-scale identities that creatively challenge traditional ways of building identity in the globalized world. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Is it possible to measure how critical soft skills like leadership or teamwork are from the viewpoint of graduate studies offerings? This paper provides a conceptual and methodological framework that introduces the concept of a bipartite network as a practical way to estimate the importance of soft skills as socio-emotional abilities trained in graduate studies. We examined 230 graduate programs offered by 49 higher education institutions in Colombia to estimate the empirical importance of soft skills from the viewpoint of graduate studies offerings. The results show that: (a) graduate programs in Colombia share 31 soft skills in their intended learning outcomes; (b) the centrality of these skills varies as a function of the graduate pro- gram, although this variation was not statistically significant; and (c) while most central soft skills tend to be those related to creativity (i.e. creation or generation of ideas or projects), leadership (to lead or teamwork), and analytical orientation (e.g. evaluating situations and solving problems), less central were those related to empathy (i.e. understanding others and acknowledgment of others), ethical thinking, and critical thinking, posing the question if too much emphasis on most visible skills might imply an unbalance in the opportunities to enhancing other soft skills such as ethical thinking. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this paper we explore what campesino [peasant] livelihoods in the rural Andean mountains of Colombia offer to understandings of more-than-human co-existence and care. For, while new conservation paradigms promise to transform economic and social horizons, being "paramuno" [resident of the "paramo," or high moorlands] in the small community of Monquentiva is already characterized by becoming-with-other-beings-and-practices; a disposition toward incorporation of elements that are at-hand, and an ethics of care toward other beings in the landscape. We draw on ethnographic data to present this case study, emphasizing the forms of social organization and persistence that have enabled the emergence of economically and ecologically sustainable livelihoods. We explore these processes in terms of what we call world-making practices, showing how relationships with Indigeneity and collectivity are being renegotiated, and arguing for modes of conservation that engage with existing forms of peasant innovation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

As an important pillar of building sustainable peace after protracted violent conflict, security sector reform (SSR) has the objective to prepare state security actors, who often have been active conflict participants, for work within the frameworks of democracy, adherence to human and civil rights, and civilian rule. A major component of SSR is the re-training and re-education of local police to improve their relationship with the local communities. This relationship has often been severely strained by human rights abuses committed by police against community members during the conflict, and it continues to be put to the test in fragile post-accord environments by persisting high levels of violence. However, research on how to improve that relationship, particularly from a bottom-up perspective, remains scarce. This study analyses the dynamics of the relationship between the police and communities in the transition period from war to peace in Colombia, a country tormented by continued violence even after the signing of the 2016 peace agreement that was to set an end to the country's decades of internal conflict. Based on semi-structured interviews conducted during the fall of 2019, it applies the theoretical lens of the relational peace framework that approaches peace in terms of relationships between different sets of interdependent actors. The findings indicate that the relationship between the communities and the police has not reached satisfactory levels of relational peace, suggesting a set-back in security-related peacebuilding. The paper concludes with recommendations, including from interviewees, on how to improve that relationship. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In an increasingly competitive environment, many hotels have implemented sustainable practices and have actively involved the guests in the generation of unique experiences through the value co-creation process. In this sense, this paper aims at analysing the impact of 'green' practices and value co-creation on hotel image, guest trust, satisfaction, and loyalty, and to assess the moderating role of culture, conceived as related to guest nationality. To test the model, a quantitative method based on a sample of 611 guests from Spain and Colombia was used. Our results indicated that there are significant differences based on the guests´ nationality regarding the effects of value co-creation and image on trust, image on satisfaction, and satisfaction on loyalty. These findings will allow hotel management to have a better understanding of tourists when designing their corporate strategies. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The international community is a key actor in fostering, establishing and maintaining peace in conflict-affected regions through multiple forms of cooperation. Official development assistance (ODA), for example, is one of them. It encompasses peacebuilding initiatives and includes diverse actors and partnerships. This paper provides a better understanding of such stakeholders' relationships by analysing 85 successful peacebuilding ODA projects that donors have implemented in Colombia. Together with international donors, we examined the projects' databases to classify the modality of cooperation, based on whether it focussed on development assistance, humanitarian aid or transition and on the way in which the key actors' involvement varied, depending on the projects and modalities. We bridge multidisciplinary findings from peacebuilding and international cooperation literature in light of the Colombian case. Using empirical and theoretical evidence, we found that non-governmental organisations and civil society are key actors in most of the projects; and that, with Colombia holding a middle-income country (MIC) status, donors do not avoid cooperating with the government, as they do with low-income countries (LIC), which lack governmental capacities. The private sector was not recognised as a key actor by the donors, who question its role in international peacebuilding-oriented assistance. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The capacity to aspire is understood as the capacity to identify and navigate pathways to realise personal ideas of the good life. The constrained capacity to aspire of poor people inhibits their ability to change their circumstances. The questions at the heart of this paper are whether local government plays a role in the development of this capacity and how. We examined these questions through interviews with over 50 young people in a rural municipality in Colombia, where particular development-related strategies are implemented, and found that local government can strengthen the capacity to aspire by creating spaces of participation and assisting access to higher education. However, corruption, unsustainability, discontinuity of programmes, and the disregard of youth preferences constitute hindrances to the capacity to aspire that originate from government action as well. This discussion is developed around the notions of conversion factors, practical reasoning, terms of recognition, and human agency. The paper concludes that the capacity to aspire can be developed by including youth voices in policy planning, which would initiate new levels of interaction with the government that could further change the terms of recognition, and by adopting a political discourse that takes the capacity to aspire seriously. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Since peace negotiations between the Colombian government and Farc guerrillas began in 2012, it is generally accepted in the country that journalism has a responsibility to nurture peace and that the media can positively influence reconciliation. But a recent analysis of domestic news concluded the voices of victims were distinctly absent and that the majority of coverage involved official sources. This paper argues that a journalism intended to promote reconciliation must speak to those who have direct experience of conflict and suffering. We argue that a deeper understanding of trauma may strengthen resilience and contribute to peacebuilding. Drawing on the authors' research working with young people embroiled in Colombia's conflict, the paper explores an alternative, innovative approach to the retelling of the stories of others and to post-conflictreporting. At a societal level, the project aimed to contribute to the process of reconciliation, using an autobiographical approach to capture and re-construct participants' experiences of the conflict and to highlight challenges of re-integration. It presented their hopes for reconciliation through creation of an animated documentary. At a journalistic level, the project explored the efficacy of combining traditional methods of storytelling with animation to offer anonymity to vulnerable contributors of testimony. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper contributes to the study of communication in Latin America through a theoretical proposal called communication for social re-existence. This concept emerges from the analysis of the community practices of the Nasa indigenous people in the Cauca region of Colombia in which communication and territorial defense are interrelated. Using the metaphor of weaving, this communicative approach is represented as comprising knots (the participating actors), gaps (spaces for reflection) and threads (the strategies). This research hopes to be the beginning of a communicative methodology that will be useful within the organizational proposals of subaltern movements. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]