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This article attempts to understand the intellectual influence of Aristotle on Tocqueville in the elaboration of his “new political science”. Our thesis is that, in order to try to counteract the threats inherent in democracy, Tocqueville integrates some Aristotelian categories, and that this is one of the nuclei of his new political science, and is also the origin of many of its ambiguities. The paper is divided into five parts. In the first we will briefly examine Tocqueville’s dissatisfaction with a certain liberalism that precedes him. In the second, we will dwell on the notion of citizenship elaborated by the French aristocrat, with which he attempts to resolve his concerns. The third part argues that the Tocquevillian notion of citizenship has a close kinship with some aspects of Aristotelian practical philosophy. The fourth section offers some reflections on Tocqueville’s political philosophy, and the fifth closes with some brief conclusions. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper will address the new material challenges that democracy must address in the 21st century and that go far beyond the simple procedural formal rule defined by Bobbio and that had nothing to do with the substantive contents that are dealt with in the framework of a society or political community, especially complex like those of today. This situation maintains two causes that generate it and sequence it. On the one hand, the very stormy scenario with which the capitalist production model and its crises have generated in the population and, on the other hand, the reaction of the population who has felt orphaned of democracy, delivered naked to the market, and whose The feeling of reaction and annoyance has been reflected in various libertarian social movements, but also in the seduction of authoritarianism and the emergence of the extreme right. For the above, we will review a prospective of issues that democracy will have to face and the classic and contemporary positions that have been at the base of this fundamental discussion. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This is a theoretical paper in the field of democratic theory. It reviews the discussions on one of the elements proposed to measure the quality of democracies: government responsiveness to citizens' preferences. It analyses theoretical discussions on democracy, quality of democracy and in particular the debate on whether responsiveness is useful to measure quality, what challenges it implies and what are its conceptual and empirical limits. It concludes with a research agenda on this topic. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

"Rousseau's Philosophical-political Program: the Theoretical Link between the Discourse on the Origins and Foundations of the Inequality Among Mankind and the Social Contract". This paper presents Rousseau's political and theoretical legacy through the interpretation of his Discourse on the Origins and Foundations of the Inequality Among Mankind and the Social Contract, understanding both as a sole argumentative and methodological unit in his work. In order to achieve this objective, the paper explores first the normative and anthropological considerations that mark the problem of Rousseau's political theory. From there, the main ideas of his notion of democracy will be presented. Finally, the paper concludes that Rousseau's democratic legacy is particularly useful as a form of critique in the hegemonic context of the current liberal and representative democracies. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The main aim of this paper is the analysis of the possibility of renewal and deepening of the democratization processes opened by the Boaventura de Sousa Santos's theory of democracy. Throughout his long academic career, Santos formulates a theory of democracy beyond the limitative hegemonic conceptions (liberal, elitist, representative, procedural, electoral and delegative). In consonance with the theoretical and normative assumptions of the epistemologies of the South, Santos's theory of democracy focuses in its most radical and counter-hegemonic contents, based on high-intensity democracy ideas, demodiversity, experimentalism and articulation between representative democracy and participatory democracy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The objective of this paper is to analyze the relationships between formal, political, economic and social agreements that derive from the institutional design derived from constitutional law that were the pattern of governability in modern pre-covid19 society, and decisions imposed by governments after the declaration of a pandemic by the WHO in March 2020. The protection of the life project, governability as a government relationship with the administration and the application of biopower, are examined in light of the currents that see it with the potential to deepen authoritarianism and those who observe the possibility of reconciling biopower with democracy without implying that there is an operation in favor of undermining it. It is concluded that the positive or pernicious relationship between these elements for the construction of the postpandemic society will depend on the strength of the democratic institutionality, however, a fairly accepted attention, examines this relationship from the perspective of danger to freedom society. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The paper analyzes some themes present in the conception of J. Habermas about democracy and State of Law. The author stands out mediated by his hermeneutics as a method the moral and political philosophy with which he reconstructs the State of Law in terms of Discourse Theory. Also, he interprets the conformation of the political community through dialogical rationality, which is why parts of the moments of his political theory are highlighted here to conceive law in a discursive perspective, mediated by dialogical principles to define procedural democracy. This justifies the communicative idea of the State of Law, a question that finds counterexamples in those democratic systems only formal. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper proposes establishing a critical dialogue between the most recent theoretical developments on populism and some of the most notable historiographical studies on the political process of Jorge Eliécer Gaitán in the mid-20th-century. The study is based on a conceptual framework of populism, which is understood as a process involving the creation of identities and political solidarities. The current paper looks to investigate the relevance of a complementary reading of the gaitanist process. It is within the dialogue between historiography and political theory that this paper suggests rethinking the relationship between the populist phenomenon, democracy, and violence in Colombia. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper analyzed some of the reasons why Britain participated only half-way in the European Union and ended up voting for Bremen on 23 June 2016. It also examines the options open to the European Union and Great Britain. Europe must show that it can work by showing results. In Britain it is necessary to break the established molds of thought and reshape the structure of political parties. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The purpose of this paper is to point out some features of the relationship between solidarity and lack of solidarity in modern and contemporary constitutionalism. In order to do that, the article traces the historical emergence of two distinct notions: that of "solidarity", in the context of the French Revolution, and that of "solidarism", used as a reaction to the late nineteenth century conservative constitutionalism. After that, the paper discusses the uses of "solidarity" in the various kinds of social constitutionalism that existed throughout the twentieth century. Thirdly, it attempts to show the perversions, if not the neglect, of the idea of solidarity in what might be called neoliberal constitutionalism. After offering a brief critique of this approach, the article tries to explore the conditions for the emergence of a new kind of constitutionalism founded on democratic solidarity and fraternity. In comparison with its previous versions, this constitutionalism should be able to project it basic features in public and private r elationships, within and beyond state bor ders. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper's main objective is to contribute towards a line of research which investigates and builds theory about a possible transformation from the current model of journalism towards a more participatory one. If "every conception and practice of politics is simultaneously a conception of journalism" (Carey, 2000: 51), The Theory of Deliberative Democracy (see 1999 o Habermas 1991, 1998 o 1999) can be taken as a reference point to be used as an anchor in an alternative theory of participatory journalism. The Theory of Deliberative Democracy focus on the central role that an inclusive public debate must have in democratic routines. The present work, firstly, departs from the analysis of basic characteristics of current journalism, in particular, about the assumptions generally held about news reality and professional journalism ethical code. For this reason, the results of an R+D project which interviewed 30 news viewers of TVE and 30 of the BBC, who - among other questions- were asked how they compared the reality that they perceived in the news with that of their daily lives. Secondly, the paper explores which notion of media and social reality, and which deontological code would be adequate to a type of journalism in line with a Deliberative Democracy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Some authors have maintained that if law and moral were connected, then law will be irrelevant as Moral will be enought to regulate social life. This paper will examine this objection against the "conection thesis". In other words, this paper will study posible answers to the question regarding the practical difference that law provides to Moral. As starting point, It will be taken some written texts of the Argentine philosopher Carlos Nino that deal with this topic. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article presents a conference paper by Domingo García Belaunde titled "La democracia constitucional en América Latina y las evoluciones recientes del presidencialismo" and delivered at the Encuentro del Instituto Iberoamericano de Derecho Constitucional at the Universidad Externado de Colombia in Bogota on April 23-25, 2008. The paper discusses constitutional democracy and changes in the presidential system of government in Latin America.

When analysing transitions toward democracy during the last three decades of the 20th century and the first decade of the 21st century, it is readily apparent that the variety of empirical processes is so wide that achieving meaningful theoretical results is extremely difficult, as shown very explicitly by the existing literature on the topic. This paper addresses the key theoretical questions that need to be dealt with by the empirical analysis of the transitional process: Are there key. recurring actors and factors that we should take into account when analysing all cases in depth? Why is a focus on installation salient? Are there recurring patterns of successful transitions? Is or are there key recurring mechanism/s that critically explain successful transitions? And are there obstacles that make it impossible to achieve a successful transition and doom such a process to failure? On the basis of existing knowledge in the subfield an attempt is made to reply to these questions, and in this way to single out the main theoretical results achieved in the field. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper analyzes, in aggregate form, the levels of fragmentation which existed in local council elections in the 42 districts of Valle del Cauca between 1997 and 2011; specifically, how a range of institutional variables contributed to this fragmentation, such as the size of the district and the reform of the electoral system in 2003. In the case of the latter, there is a particular focus on the limited impact that it had, generating significantly different results from those observed in other districts, such as the Senate (National), or the House of (Departments) Representatives. This shows that many of the hasty generalizations - be these implied or explicit - that stem from the above analyses do not necessarily apply on a sub-national level, which should not be understood as being directly linked to what takes place at the national level. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The premise of this paper is that rethinking the concept of political representation is a necessary endeavor to understand the challenges that democratic politics is facing. The purpose is to show that political representation is constituted by process of authorization and accountability where political debates and public deliberation perform an influential role. In that sense, representative relationships can contribute to the promotion of the democratic norms of inclusion and participation. It is expected that this approach will contribute to analyze the construction of representative claims and discourses, and help bridge the study of electoral and non-electoral mechanisms of representation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The aim of this paper is to discuss the concept of neopatrimonialism, a notion that has been employed to depict the persistence of traditional forms of authority in the midst of the legal-bureaucratic institutions of contemporary states. It is argued that the concept describes a particularistic mode of appropriation of public goods. Then, it is shown how to identify a conceptual space of possibilities for neopatrimonialism to thrive. This space is established by the intersection of two dimensions: the type of political regime and the measure of bureaucratic strength of the state. Using a method of hierarchical cluster analysis, Latin American countries are classified according to indicators of bureaucratic development and portrayed in a bi-dimensional space. Based on the empirical evidence and the prior theoretical elaboration, the concept of neopatrimonialism is discussed in the light of its analytical explanatory force. It is conclude that this latter issue requires further research; hence, it has to be accompanied by other strategies of analysis on the relationship between socio-political practices and the functioning of the state. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The purpose of this paper is to discuss the conceptual frontlines of a theory of the deepening of democracy. First, the contributions and limitations of the literature on the quality of democracy are discussed. Then, it is argued the necessity of reconstructing the principles related to the idea of democracy in order to discern the regulative ideals that should be subjects of empirical scrutiny. The challenge is to open new research agendas centered on those elements that constitute a lively and robust democracy. This will imply the task of rethinking the concepts of participation, political competition, and popular control of public action. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper presents an analysis of the dynamics of political action and change in electoral processes in Venezuela, from 1998 to 2010, using a multidisciplinary approach based on elements from political theory, comparative analysis of electoral processes and historical sociology, in an attempt to understand institutional transformation processes in the Venezuelan political system since the Chavez victory. It concludes by providing a historical perspective regarding the consequences of these elections on democratic life in Venezuela. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The links between political parties and civil society in relation to democracy are real, but difficult and problematic. This paper analyzes the democratic paradoxes and setbacks of these political players. Democracy needs their convergence, but also a government that defines certain social conditions. [TRANSLATION]

The modern political theory was built from an underlying assumption: the radical exclusion of emotions as departure of a hyper rationalist argumentation. The aim of this paper is, first, to explain how this exclusion is semantically structured trough the dichotomy reason/emotion. We will analyze afterwards the various presences of this dichotomy and exclusion in the shared vision of politics as the reign of reason held by the main paradigms of the modern political theory. Finally, we pay attention to some new theoretic developments that broke with and depart from the old vision of the dispassionate political mind, opening a new horizon to rethinking politics and democracy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The aim of this paper is to show that, faced with a widening lack of trust in political parties, in popular leaders and in public servants, civil disobedience becomes a crucial arm in the symbolic arsenal that of democratic states of law Public disobedience triggers two legitimating principles in a democratic order: the people's sovereignty and recognition among all of the right to have rights. It helps, for this very reason, to keep safe and expand rights, on the one hand, and to broaden the democratic horizon, on the other. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

As the old organization of politics based upon the Nation-State gave way to national social movements, the emergence of transnational social movements is decisively fostering the contemporary re-definition of post-national politics. In fact, it cannot simply be stated that globalization has produced transnational forms of collective action; globalization is, in part, the outcome of an early transformation of social mobilisation. Be that as it may, it looks as though social theory has not yet responded properly to the current displacement, from national movements, comfortably set up until now in the familiar framework of the Nation-State, to some transnational movements that do not respond to such a well-defined institutional context. This paper attempts to shed some light on these new transnational movements, paying special attention to the anti-globalization movement and a desire to explain its relations with the liberal political order. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The present article analyzes the electoral campaigns in the state of Nuevo Leon, Mexico, as a way to establish if these campaigns, as a fundamental part of the electoral and political processes, contribute to achieve a quality democracy. Based on the definition of a good quality democracy, we analyze the electoral campaigns and their institutional design: length, financing, political parties, access to the media, negative campaigns, political debates, government advertising during the campaigns, political parties fiscal accountability and their overall impact in the public participation. Finally, this paper outlines some proposals of improvement for the design of the electoral campaigns in Nuevo León. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This is a status report of a research work in which we intend to characterize the educational policies for the breeding of high school teachers - during the XX century - through a case study of High Institute «Joaquin V. Gonzalez». We investigate the role assigned by the State to the Institute in different political and institutional stages. Periods are outlined considering the relationship between the Minister and the Institute and the fluctuations of democracy within the institution and in the society. This paper depicts three moments which look clearly defined under this point of view. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper constitutes a proposition for autonomous integration that propitiates regional negotiation in the face of the ALCA. To do this, it proposes to recuperate one's own ingenuity, which supposes surpassing the obstacle constructed by transitology, beyond abandonment of the structural historical focus and the inconsistent affirmation of social conflict as nineteenth-century, on spreading opposition between a supposed irrational revolutionary-ism from the seventies against the (liberal) democratism of the eighties. Thus, the way is opened to an appreciation of the utopian tension operating in history and the revolution ceases to be taboo or am anachronism, a question to be re-thought if there are any. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper argues that, in spite of the prevailing view to the contrary, Aristotle examines to some extent the question of political obligation. To that effect it explores Aristotle's answer to a hypothetical anarchist or libertarian challenge toward the existence of political bonds and attempts to show there by that Aristotle's political theory is not as distant from modern political concerns as it is usually held to be the case. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this paper the discussion centers on some ideas about the impact of mass media in the consolidation of democracies. It supports the idea that in complex societies the possibility to reach democracy is by representation, through elections, and in this process information plays a principal role where citizens choose their representatives and the mass media become a crucial factor in the definition of electoral results. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

There is a widespread opinion among political scientists that western citizens are becoming less and less engaged in politics, in spite of the increasing levels of education, skills and resources. This would manifest in decreasing rates of electoral turnout, and in diminishing levels of participation in conventional politics. In the Spanish case, the common perception among scholars is that, after a period of great citizen mobilization and involvement in politics during the period of transition to democracy, Spaniards have been retreating from the public sphere. This paper challenges this description of Spanish reality. It analyses the longitudinal and generational patterns of political participation and associational membership in Spain since the early 1980s with the use of survey data. A great variety of forms of political participation are taken into account, thus, enabling to contrast the evolution of conventional and unconventional participation in Spain. This allows showing a more focused image of the degree to which Spanish citizens are now more or less engaged than they were 20 years ago. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper centers on my interest in certain ideological lines presented in the political work of Bernardo Monteagudo. There are three special aspects: democracy, strong government, and confederacy. The importance of this research is basically in the public relevance of the author in the 1820s as Minister in Peru and defender of General Jose de San Martin. His thoughts on the themes mentioned constitute a central issue in the American debate. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]