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This paper examines the web tools used by two Colombian daily papers (El Tiempo, from Bogotá, and El País, from Cali) in order to interact with their readers. For our research we used a matrix to help us classify the abovementioned tools vis-à-vis the different extent of the interactions, the latter understood as the range of possibilities offered by the media to their users in order to modify, produce, and communicate content with both the original transmitters of information and other users. In the case of the papers herein examined, we found that, in spite of the fact that they do offer tools which in fact do bring about interactivity, the latter revolves around three main aspects: adaptability, browsing, and feedback, whereby the user remains at a first level (that of reading the texts) but is not yet allowed to co-produce the content. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The migration of Venezuelans nationals to other Latin-American countries has been defined as the most significant migratory phenomenon in the recent story of the region, with Colombia being the country that hosts the highest number of Venezuelan nationals. From a human rights perspective, this article critically analyzes the response of the Colombian State to address migration from Venezuela. The objective of this article is to show that Colombia has preferred to govern this migration through the creation of ad hoc permits, instead of recognizing the need for international protection of this population and their status as refugees. To this end, this paper analyzes the Colombian regulatory framework on migration and refuge and, in particular, the response of the Colombian State to the migration of people from Venezuela. Its central argument is that the Colombian authorities have opted for the design and implementation of alternative measures of migratory regularization, as it was at the time the Special Permit of Permanence and is today the Permit for Temporary Protection. This article concludes by stating that the approach to Venezuelan migration has led to a clear detriment to the refugee system, today collapsed and with no prospect of reform or strengthening. This is so because the institutional design of the Colombian refuge entails a host of obstacles that discourage applicants from following this path, even when they require international protection. The authors of this paper use legal dogmatic as the main research methodology. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper presents a compendium of good practices detected from the application of the Social Profitability Indicator in Communication IRSCOM to a group of 12 community and indigenous public interest stations in Colombia during the year 2022. The IRSCOM-RADCC (Radio Comunitaria Colombia) is a tested methodology that is specified in 33 indicators and is designed to collect quantitative and qualitative information on the internal functioning of the media in relation to six categories of analysis: management, social capital, territorial and citizen articulation, programming, Internet activity and infrastructure. The information collected goes through a weighting process that results in numerical scores for each of its variables allowing to observe strengths and weaknesses. The tool facilitates the collection of qualitative information in the form of good practices for each of its variables, thanks to the results of the semi-structured interview that accompanies the IRSCOM implementation methodology. The results have shown ingenious ways by radios to self-manage, as well as loyalty participation, both in management and in the realization of programs. There is also a growing interest in diversity and differential aspects in the configuration of social capital and in the programmatic contents as well as a high level of linkage with the social fabric. All this makes them the axis of territorial structuring and enhancement of proximity communication. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper concerns the study of Colombian foreign policy. Specifically, it applies foreign policy analysis (fpa) methods to the study of Colombian international politics and international relations. Embarking from the analytical framework of International Regimes, the work describes a specific approach to their study, and thereafter traces the process that preceded Colombia's accession to the Organization for Economic Cooperation and Development (oecd). It analyzes how the decision to join the oecd is best understood as a foreign policy strategy on the part of the national government. The paper also offers a preliminary evaluation of the process of institutional adaptation accompanying oecd membership and its impact on Colombian society. The article is based on the analysis of primary sources related to the decision-making process carried out by both the national government and the oecd. Additionally, it uses a variety of other sources to illuminate a foreign policy strategy implemented in a complicated international context, one only made more difficult by the onset of the Covid-19 pandemic. In this manner, the paper discusses the challenges and importance of oecd membership, including the delay of its formalization to the point of coinciding with the Covid-19 pandemic. Such unfortunate timing has likely contributed to the perception among many Colombians, of the fruitlessness of membership. While indeed complex and challenging, the paper seeks to present the situation of Colombian membership in more nuanced light. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Colombia is one of the most inequal countries in Latin America, which at the same time, is the most inequal region of the world. Even though this situation is discouraging it is not new, the difference lays on the importance that this situation has been taken in the political agenda in the nation, awakening multiple expectative between the citizens who has been the eternal losers: the poor. This paper focuses on the challenges that the new government of Gustavo Petro faces in matter of the inequality and poverty that affects over the half of the population in Colombia, at the same time provides a context of the Colombian case in the conjuncture of global and regional socioeconomic changes that incident on the chances of fulfill structural transformations at the social policy. Although this research acknowledges a large spectrum of inequalities existing in the territory (gender, generational, ethnic, racial) it focusses on the income inequality. This analysis takes place based on the data of specialized sources on the subject and the monitoring fluctuations of inequality in Colombia in the last decade. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Fiscal credibility plays an important role in creating favorable scenarios for investment and economic growth. Adequate management of public finances can be decisive in the perception of country risk and the attraction of foreign capital. The aim of this paper is to build a fiscal credibility index and evaluate its impact on investment expectations in Colombia for the 2005-2019 period. Using monthly data on fiscal credibility, investment expectations, and a set of control variables, estimates were made using OLS and GMM methods. Robustness tests were performed using impulse-response functions. The findings reveal that fiscal credibility directly influences the investment decisions of private agents, and that local interest rates and international volatility negatively affect investors' expectations. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Objective/Context: The year 2021 marked the 50th anniversary of the Regional Indigenous Council of Cauca (CRIC), the first organization established in Colombia to fight for territorial and identity rights of Indigenous Peoples. From a historical perspective and proposing an approach related to the concept of resistance, this paper focuses on how this latter has been expressed through this indigenous movement since its inception. Methodology: The information and reflections presented here are based on a corpus of bibliographical and documentary sources, as well as on a follow-up of the political mobilizations of indigenous peoples in situ, in the media, digital social networks, official minutes, and other statements. Conclusions: The analysis reveals the persistence of indigenous resistance and an expansion of the project that accompanies it, from a struggle for land and territory to efforts carried out along with other actors and social organizations to create a "better world." Originality: The originality of the article consists of an analysis of the political dimensions of the resistance of Indigenous Peoples, which are still little known. In addition, it offers a novel approach to stress the intersection of (sub) national and global dynamics in which the demands of Indigenous Peoples and issues related to Colombia's society and the whole world converge. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The long-lasting consistency of a regulatory framework is essential for the proper functioning of incentives, particularly in industries such as electricity generation, with high sunk costs where different schemes have been developed to guarantee a long-term supply. In this respect, the instability of the regulatory framework can both impede the proper functioning of such incentives and, on occasion, violate the legitimate expectations of the agents involved. The purpose of this paper is to study the stability of the regulatory framework in terms of the long-term incentive mechanism for power generation applied in Colombia, known as "Cargo por Confiabilidad." The findings of this paper suggest the independence of the regulatory agency must be strengthened and that the instability of the regulatory framework has generated redistributions of income among agents. This study observes that among these agents, the best-organized pressure groups benefit the most from such a redistribution of incomes. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper explores in detail the transfer and investment components of the General Budget of the Nation, whose composition is complex to evaluate due to the nature and variety of its items. For the study of these items, the literature on the political economy of the budget and the budget process in Colombia is considered. The transfer and investment items represent about 60 % of the General Budget and have great inflexibility of public spending, due to the diversity of appropriations with legal backing, especially in the transfer's item. The investment is made up of a wide range of social programs, subsidies, and infrastructure projects, which in some cases correspond to commitments acquired in previous terms, through the so-called future terms. The rigidity of the budget deepens with the frequent approval of laws that generate additional spending on a temporary or permanent basis. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper presents a growth strategy that, modifying the distribution of income in favor of wage earners, allows boosting aggregate demand, productivity and employment. This proposal is essential for the achievement of the Sustainable Development Goals, especially those related to growth, innovation, employment, and distribution in Colombia, opposed to the model that has historically been applied and that implied an exclusive growth. To build this alternative vision, the paper presents a renewed theoretical proposal based on the concept of inclusive growth, and by means of Structural Equations Modeling (SEM), the hypothesis that the concentration of the productive structure generates distortions in the economic, innovation process and job creation. This makes necessary to adopt policies focused on increasing productivity and diversifying the productive structure. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Previous research shows that irregular immigration can worsen perceptions of security. However, the real effect of irregular immigration on crime rates remains unknown. In this paper, we analyze the effect of irregular immigration inflows on crime in the recipient country. For this, we build a dataset of Venezuelan irregular immigration in Colombia and crime rates at municipal level between 2016 and 2018. Our specification is based on an IV strategy using the exogenous variation in distance to the borderline as an instrument for immigration. We find that the immigration shock caused a slight increase in two types of theft in the short run and no significative changes in violent crime. These results are robust when using different instrumental variables, applying special autocorrelation corrections, and including controls for police capacity. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The Lean construction philosophy has been welcomed by numerous companies in Colombia for a little more than a decade. The Last Planner System (LPS) is among the implemented tools found, a planning and control system that seeks to accomplish a continuous workflow. The system implementation results vary from one company to another, and there is no investigation to date that shows the diagnosis of the adoption of this tool in the country. This paper aims to illustrate the degree of implementation and functioning of the LPS from different perspectives found in sixteen Colombian construction companies. Data collection was carried out through non-participant observation during the weekly planning meetings, surveys conducted to construction professionals, supervisors, subcontractors and labor, and a semi-structured direct interview with the managers of the Lean area in the companies. Analysis of compiled information shows multiple ways of applying this tool, conceptual and practical failures, and a lack of training and permanent feedback that does not allow to be a part of the corporate culture were all identified. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper analyzes the formation and survival of presidential cabinets in Colombia between 1958 and 2018. We compare two periods in the country's political history: During the first period, 1958 to 1990, Colombia operated with a two-party system. The second period, 1991 to the present, is characterized by the opening of the political regime to new parties and the formation of coalition governments. For this purpose, we use semi-parametric models and Cox regressions that allow us to estimate the survival of 581 ministerial appointments and identify the predictors of survival in their positions from both individual characteristics of the ministers and the institutional characteristics of the system. The study shows that the stability in the position of ministers during the bipartisan era is lower than the duration of ministers during the period of coalition governments. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Child exploitation is one of the great concerns of international organizations and regional governments in the contemporary world. This situation responds to colonial patterns that have been imposed on American lands, as a result of the expansion of the globalization phenomenon. Consequently, to address this problem, it is considered appropriate to analyze a series of philosophical categories, such as: coloniality, exploitation, social welfare, from interdisciplinary approaches and perspectives, dimensioning them to the Colombian reality, particularly the Wayuu population of Riohacha, in the department of the Guajira. In this locality, exclusion, marginalization and oppression persist, where children and adolescents are forced to, to shovel the social difficulties they are going through. This is evidenced through theoretical references provided in the research and in the application of empirical observation, which has allowed reinforcing the philosophical and decolonial guidelines indicated. This paper does not pretend to establish a definitive position; on the contrary, it tries to promote critical debate and a different social praxis, which leads to the appreciation of childhood and social changes relevant to human progress. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper focuses on the opportunity, in the short and medium term, for a Colombia that is an OECD member and NATO partner to face the challenges of the public security transition, despite no explicit mention of it appearing in the Peace Agreement (or Final Agreement). To do this, an anomaly will have to be overcome: the so-called 'Lleras Camargo duality', which has facilitated excessive decisional autonomy of the security forces, scant parliamentary control and insufficient political leadership of defence. The paper is divided into contextual and a priori section, with another analytical section focussing on conceptual clarifications and practical lessons of a comparative nature. The final part is dedicated to Colombia's particularities and the presentation of a proposal for addressing eight major challenges: three general, two focused on external security, and three on internal security. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article exposes how Colombian constitutional historicism or traditionalism has been marked by hyper-presidentialism. Although the 1991 Constitution imposed a moderate presidentialism as an alternative to the historicism, hyper-presidentialism returned through constitutional reforms and traditional political practices, especially in the Uribe [2002-2010] and Santos [2010-2018] government mandates. Such accumulation of power in President Santos, organized by several previous governments, allowed him to advance a peace process with the FARC guerrilla against many sectors that have rejected a negotiated solution to the armed conflict. Nevertheless, this paper asks if it is worth betting on accumulating so much power in one person, even though in this case served laudable ends from a pacifist perspective, given that the risks of hyper-presidentialism are very elevated for a republican democracy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Objective/Context: This paper analyses critically the integration model proposed by the Pacific Alliance (PA) from the perspective of the legal foundations of Colombia's foreign policy, in order to determine the degree of normative convergence between the Colombian constitutional order and this particular trade agreement. Methodology: This research uses legal technique and case-law analysis as research methodologies, offering a detailed panorama of the normative development of the PA and its relationship with the constitutional requirements regulating the international relations of Colombia. Conclusion: Despite being at an initial stage in relation to its normative and institutional structure, the PA has emerged as a second generation regional trade agreement (RTA), which complements its commercial trajectory with political, social and productive integration agendas, promoting the diversification of international economic relations of its members without altering or modifying their sovereign powers. The above allows to show its compatibility with the constitutional mandate pro integratione, particularly in regard to the ideal of promoting the internationalization of Colombian economic relations with countries of Latin America and other world regions. Originality: The proposed approach has theoretical and methodological originality inasmuch as there are no previous studies analyzing the legal and normative nexus between the interests of Colombia's foreign policy and the PA. Its relevance lies not only in the validity of the issue in question, but also for scenarios of reflection on the participation of the State in trade agreements or regional integration schemes. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The purpose of this paper is to establish, the degree to which 44 social responsibility programs from private sector organizations in Colombia respond to the principles that determine the systemic logic of Agenda 2030, under the categories of comprehensiveness and intensity. The methodology adopted in this investigation involved a two-stage process: the first sets out an inventory of issues relevant to each SDG that fits with the actions of the private sector; and the second identifies the type of SDG interactions under the above categories. Empirical evidence shows that programs, although framed within a particular SDG, articulate with several SDGs simultaneously, with a bias towards economic, social, and governance issues rather than environmental ones. The study suggests the importance of adopting a systemic approach to social responsibility programs and is one of the few empirical studies on the interactions between SDGs that have been conducted in the country. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Throughout the last 15 years, Colombian migrations experimented a massive geographical expansion without precedents. Within Latin America, Argentina stands out as the main destination, and therefore, the main objective of this paper is to analyze the origins and evolution of Colombian migrations to Argentina. Resorting to statistical and ethnographical elements, the paper shows the new migratory patterns of Colombian population to Argentina, even though the current migratory trend towards this country is descending. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper presents glotopolitical reflections in relation to multilingualism and bilingualism in Colombia, as well as the characteristics of both sociolinguistic and glotopolitical approach. It also raises the need to implement in our country linguistic policy and planning based on glotopolitical criteria enabling equitable development of languages that are part of the social, cultural and everyday reality in Colombia. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Objective/context: In this paper, we describe the evolution of municipalitylevel homicide rates, during the 2003-2014 period in Colombia. Methodology: Quantitative analysis with multi-level regression models and finite-mix models. Conclusions: Our results show an important and statistically significant reduction of violence at the national level, and a large variability across geographical areas. We identify an association between profiles of change and a general government performance index, which provides support to the hypothesis of a differentiated State across time and space, and motives further studies and differential public policies across municipalities. Originality: The relationship between homicidal violence and the role of the State has been commonly analyzed on an aggregated level that ignores the disaggregated territorial view and heterogeneity of microterritorial realities. This article recognizes the local differences for the design of public policies that reflect contextual realities and assume that the performance of the State is heterogeneous and not static. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Objective/Context: This article has two objectives. On the one hand, it seeks to show the history of the Gay Liberation Movement of Colombia (MLHC, for its acronym in Spanish), one of the first political experiences of the LGBT movement in Colombia. On the other hand, the article seeks to explain the various international activism networks that established a constant flow of information between gay liberation movements throughout the Western Hemisphere. Originality: The analysis comprises the period between 1976 and 1989, outlining the chronology from the beginnings of the sexual diversity movement in Colombia to its first cycle of protests. Methodology: The research is based on sources that are not usually contemplated by historiography, which include the organization's internal documents and its various editorial projects. Conclusions: The paper concludes that, although strongly influenced by the new left, the MLHC represented a heterogeneous political experience with its own sectoral discussions. In addition, it unveils a complex relationship with gay liberation organizations both in the Americas and in Europe, and proposes an interconnected vision of the sexual diversity movement in the West. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article describes and analyses the contents published in digital media during the 2014 presidential election in Colombia in order to identify the informative impartiality and factuality of the digital press. The paper is based on the Interpretive-Hermeneutic methodology and provides a case study and a content analysis of the web articles published between May 25 and June 15 of 2014 by El Tiempo and El Espectador newspapers. The findings show the use of one informative source alone and the limitation of testimonies to personal opinions of politicians, prioritization of content about politicians and campaign events rather than an analysis and a presentation of the government plan, and a strong presence of peacerelated topics and support for the presidential reelection. It is possible to conclude that the discursive resources of both newspapers reduced the written narrative and prioritized the use of images and videos establishing news that, even though broaden the format in terms of information, simplify and modify the informative elements related to the fact-event. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In the Colombian environmental normativity, the discount rate is the main variable that compares the temporal economic valuation of the costs and benefits produced by investment projects. Nevertheless, the established criterion of 12 % does not consider that some environmental impacts could be inter-generational. This paper estimates a specific discount rate (TAD) that integrates sustainability criteria, useful for the appraisal of environmental licenses. The methodological approach was to calculate the Social Rate of Time Preferences for Colombia, as an approximation of TAD during the 2001-2016 period. Due to the yearly widespread results, a declining discount rate with "gamma distribution" is proposed, finding values of 5 %, 4 % and 2 % for the short, medium and long term, respectively. The main conclusion highlights that due to the TAD's yearly widespread results found, it is possible to propose a decreasing behaviour in the discount rate related with time, which strengthens the importance of future consumption in governmental decisions. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper examines legal means that were enacted "to face the expansion of communism" in Colombia, after the triumph of the Bolshevik Revolution of 1917 and its subsequent consolidation in the Cold War, and places them in their respective political context in two different moments: in the twenties when the Conservative Hegemony enacted laws to stop the influence of the Russian revolution, in a time of intense social upheaval and worker mobilization; and then in the military rule of General Gustavo Rojas Pinilla (1953-1957), who ban the "international communism" in times of the Cold War. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Objective/Context: This article explains how the Sierra de La Macarena Biological Reserve, which marked the beginning of the new state responsibility of caring for nature in Colombia, was conceived and then created by law in 1948. Additionally, this paper reconstructs the first decade of its existence. Methodology: This research is based on archival documents, historic publications and secondary sources, which allow us to understand the ideas about nature that guided such history and the concrete processes that characterized it. Originality: This article studies the process of State formation from a territorial and environmental perspective, bringing together political and environmental history, and pointing at new avenues of inquiry in both fields. Conclusions: The beginnings of a new state responsibility of caring for nature depended on previous developments of the state itself, particularly on the efforts to deal with tropical diseases. Therefore, an area of state activity devoted to insure the well-being of the population served as the basis for the inceptive development of another. This issue was, however, not entirely national. Global scientific networks, including medical doctors, entomologists and geologists, together with an innovative technology, aviation, also played a crucial role. The research station that was conceived along with the reserve to support long-term research was partly impaired by La Violencia of the 1950s. Instead, scientists carried out several expeditions that contributed to turn La Macarena into national patrimony, at least in the minds of some Colombians. Given that aspirations well exceeded the achievements, the definitive emergence of this area of state performance had to wait a few years. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Objective/Context: The objective of this article is to aid historians who are interested in recovering the climate history of the current Colombian territory, in their explanations and research about climate and weather factors. Methodology: In order to face the lack of quantitative records, this paper shows some alternatives such as looking for signs from indirect sources, the contrast of sources, series-making, and detection of teleconnections. Originality: It shows the potential of documentary sources, it synthesizes methodological problems and it exemplifies a few ways to solve them based on a research about the Cundiboyacense Plateau in the end of the 18th century and the beginning of the 19th century. Conclusions: The research agenda includes the exploration of new archives, climate history on a regional scale, the study of perceptions about weather even using quantitative records, and the exploration of the relationship climate-society during political struggle. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The objetive of this paper is to determine the enabling conditions for exercising participatory budgets in Bogotá. An analysis of the citizen participation regulatory framework in Colombia is introduced in order to understand the existent conditions for the execution of democratic budgets. After, a diagnostic of the main national and international citizen participation programs is completed using Arnstein’s “participatory ladder”, highlighting the failures in promoting citizen participation and in the development of participatory budgets. Finally, the last chapter presents a proposal to synthetize conditions that will enable the development of citizen budgets as well as the lessons learnt from international and national cases. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Poverty, as one of the constraints of social welfare, is among the greatest concerns of countries, multilateral agencies, and society in general. However, international academic consensus regarding the concept, measurement, and international comparability remains distant. As such, this paper seeks to approximate positions on the subject, and propose an indicator that can overcome one-dimensional visions of a polyhedral and multicultural phenomenon. In light of the results, and using data from 121,802 households from the 2012-2017 National Quality of Life Survey, it was evident that in six years, Colombia reduced its incidence of poverty by 7.2 percentage points, the gap by 1.1, and inequality by 1 percentage point, with rural areas and households being affected more frequently. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper discusses the gap between the expected and real effects of Colombian trade liberalization policy. First, we stress the influence of international integration on Colombia's growth and development, and explains why moving toward more free trade has not contributed to the consolidation of high value-added industries in that country. Ultimately, we apply the theory of political cycles and suggest that political power in Colombia has contributed to get the country trapped into an international dependency on primary commodities. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article attempts a bibliographic review of the growth and the characteristics of the population identified as atheist, agnostic or non-affiliated to any religion in Colombia. Based on the review of research papers press articles and information available on blogs and web pages on the subject, it aims to characterize this population in aspects such as its positions about spirituality, ethics, science, and politics. It also proposes some hypothesis about the causes of the growth of this sector of the population and on the relationship of this growth with the secularization of Colombian society. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper explores the first 25 years of the Colombian Constitution of 1991. It marks the excessive optimism that the Constitution was received with by the people and the academy in general. However, over the years, although the Constitution changed the Colombian political reality significantly, it started to lose its charm. Among other reasons, (i) this Constitution could not satisfy the high expectations generated, (ii) the continuous reforms that the political class made to it, derailing the original model, and (iii) the way the political system managed to adapt to the new constitutional system so well that we could say "everything changed to stay the same". Moreover, we present the risk implied by a judicial democracy for the Colombian political system. Finally, this paper invites not falling into extreme points (nihilism, on the one side, ingenuity, on the other), so a critical skepticism is suggested regarding what is presented today as Constitution and its immediate future, in post-conflict times. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper examines the creation of the Colombian Indigenista Institute, CII (1942), its institutional history, and its closure (1949). The CII, influenced by the Mexican indigenista movement, fought for indigenous peoples’ visibility for eight years. In the end, however, the CII failed due to a combination of internal factors such as ideological disagreements, and internal ones, including violence, scarce resources, and lack of awareness on the part of politicians and elites about the status, challenges, and even existence of Amerindian groups in Colombia. Three Colombian scholars created the CII. They attended the First Inter-American Indigenista Congress (Pátzcuaro 1940) where they got in touch with Manuel Gamio, then director of the Interamerican Indigenista Institute. Gamio´s ideas — that Indians have the right to govern themselves, to have tribal organizations, to elect their community leaders, and to maintain and assert their cultural identity — inspired the Colombians. In this paper, I trace the influences of the Mexican indigenista movement on Colombian indigenismo projects between 1940 and 1950. I draw on a variety of sources including Colombian newspapers and magazines, as well as letters of the indigenistas housed at the Colombian library Luis Ángel Arango in Bogotá and the Nettie Lee Benson Latin American Collection at the University of Texas at Austin. I conclude by explaining why Colombian indigenismo of the decade between 1940 and 1950 ultimately failed. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper analyses how the Nasa indigenous community of Toribío (Cauca, Colombia) has configured mental reconciliation models in spite of the violent feedback they received during the armed conflict in Colombia. For this analysis, the theoretical perspective of cognitive institutionalism is used. Empirical evidence was collected mainly through semi-structured interviews and focus groups. The results suggest that strategies of peaceful resistance, such as the creation of Permanent Assembly Sites, the Community Life Plan and the Indigenous Guard, have contributed to producing successful solutions in the search for reconciliation and peace in indigenous territories. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The starting point for this paper is the Colombian 'success story'. That is, the claim that a transition has taken place from a problematic conflict situation to a successful postconflict one. As the debates about the Colombian success story revolve around the presence or absence of violence, a proposal is made here to think of the postconflict period in terms of the transformation of the rules on the use of violence. The main aspects of the professionalisation programme accelerated and deepened via the Plan Colombia are analysed in an attempt to grasp the terms under which the Colombian military's expertise is understood. Finally, the reorganisation of violence in the postconflict period is discussed by mapping out the main features of military training programmes in the context of peace. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The start of the negotiations in 2012 between the government of Juan Manuel Santos and the Revolutionary Armed Forces of Colombia-People's Army (FARC-EP) over an agreement to put an end to the Colombian armed conflict was marked by the absence of women. In response, women's and feminist movements raised their voices to press the government for inclusion in the process. Due to their intervention, women's invisibility was alleviated by the creation of the Gender Subcommittee, the first of its kind in the world, and the gendered approach was mainstreamed. This paper analyses the meaning of war in the lives of Colombian women and the journey women's and feminist movements took to gain recognition for their experiences and needs in the 2016 Peace Agreement. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Traditional Disarmament, Demobilisation and Reintegration (DDR) processes focus on the individualisation of combatants, but the Revolutionary Armed Forces of Colombia-People's Army (FARC-EP) opted for a collective reincorporation that combines conversion to a political party with the implementation of collective productive projects in the framework of the Economías Sociales del Común (Ecomún) cooperative. But although it was a strategic bet, environmental factors have not helped this model come to fruition. This paper analyses the strategic, organisational and operational changes undergone by the FARC-EP in its process of transition to legal political life, highlighting its strengths and weaknesses, as well as the challenges it faces to remain united in legality. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The debate over the different possible Colombian postconflict scenarios led the aim of a stable and lasting peace to be connected with the realisation of agrarian reform and guaranteed access to land as a way to overcome territorial differences and the urban'rural divide. To achieve this, structural transformation of the Colombian countryside and acceptance of the territorial approach became central parts of the Peace Agreement (or Final Agreement) signed in 2016 between the Colombian government and the FARC-EP. This paper analyses the territorial approach adopted in this agreement, as well as its level of implementation so far, and accepts that the lack of progress on the territoriality of the Colombian conflict will make it difficult to achieve the objectives set out in the peace agenda. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In recent decades, the world's armed conflicts have mainly taken place within countries. As a result, it is all the more important to investigate internal armed conflicts from underexplored perspectives, such as the use of non-violent tactics by insurgent groups. It is in this sense that some scholars are using the term 'rebel diplomacy' to refer to strategic relations between insurgents and international actors in order to achieve political and military objectives in times of war. Taking as a case study the recent peace process between the Revolutionary Armed Forces of Colombia-People's Army (FARC-EP) and the Colombian government, this paper analyses the role of the guerrilla group's rebel diplomacy during the peace process. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The Peace Agreement or Final Agreement between the Colombian government and the FARC-EP brought the armed conflict with the guerrilla organisation to an end. The agreement is seen as a model due to several of its features: among others, its gender and ethnic perspective, and its methodology of negotiation in the midst of conflict. This introductory article seeks to present the background to the peace process and the main lines of the agreement reached. It also makes a preliminary assessment of compliance with the accords (as of April 2019) and the prospects of success. A general context is thereby provided to the papers included in this issue of Revista CIDOB d'Afers Internacionals, which is dedicated to the peace process in Colombia, and to understanding the framework within which its contents should be interpreted. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this paper, the application of a remote acquisition tool for sampling and measurement of discontinuities properties of rock masses, based on the interpretation of three-dimensional images, is evaluated. The applied method integrates a wide experimental plan in both, field and computer laboratory, to collect structural data such as orientation, persistence and spacing of discontinuities in a rock mass taken as a case study. Simultaneously, an intensive work of data collection in the field was carried out by conventional methodologies using compass and tape, for comparative purposes and statistical validation. The results allow to establish the advantages of using unconventional techniques, in terms of quality and quantity of information, as well as efficiency in terms of time spent for filed data collection. Through the semi-automatic analysis of three-dimensional images, geological mapping and objective characterization of discontinuities for geotechnical purposes were achieved, constituting a powerful tool with great potential for use in road and mining projects in Colombia. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper develops a theoretical framework for understanding the relationship between violent contexts of territorial control and vote choice by drawing on insights from literature on the contextual determinants of political behavior and civil wars. It tests the hypothesis that individuals living in a violent context tend to behave in line with the strategic objectives and ideological orientations proclaimed by the armed actor dominating the area. Using a national survey conducted in Colombia in 2005, and contextual level data, this paper employs hierarchical regression models to test this hypothesis. Results suggest that on moving from areas dominated by the Colombian state to regions controlled by right-wing paramilitary groups, individuals were more likely to support a presidential candidate on the right of the ideological spectrum. However, this relationship appears to be conditioned by partisanship, as minority party sympathizers' vote choices are the most affected by changes in violent contexts. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper tracks the existence in Colombia of what is widely known as "whipped vote" (voto amarrado). From the perspective of electoral analysis, whipped vote represents the base power of the so-called electoral bosses. The paper selects a group of Senate candidates according to their longevity and analyzes their votes over a relatively long period of time to assess the stability of the vote, its territorial concentration and its autonomy from party organizations. Empirical evidence shows that while there are senators with a relatively stable, concentrated, and party-independent vote, such cases are not so frequent. In addition the paper challenges conventional academic wisdom about "whipped vote", even for the most striking cases, evidencing cycles of stability and concentration, which appear to be linked to party membership. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The main purposes of this paper are to explore the state of implementation of the Conditional Cash Transfer (CCT) Programmes and their contribution to the construction of integrated social protection systems in Latin America on one hand, and to discuss the most important achievements and challenges in fighting against poverty in Colombia. With this target, the article begins with a brief review of the overall situation of the CCT Programmes in Latin America. This is followed by a comparative analysis of actions undertaken in some countries in the region in order to face the main threats related to the public policies to eradicate poverty. It enables to draw an analysis about the management of such challenges in Colombia. Finally, the last part of the paper suggests some hypotheses and proposals in order to address the problems identified above. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article aims to show how important the ecclesial cultural heritage has been for The Church's work, its historic evolution and legislative development both regarding ecclesial and civil issues. The current society has been producing different legal-civil frameworks for the heritage protection. These tools should be used by The Church according to the call made by the Roman Pontiffs in the recent years. Therefore, this paper seek to let known some legislative tools concerning both the civil and the canonic law to allow a better efficiency in the protection of this heritage, focused mainly in the Colombian case. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper identifies from a mixed approach the main characteristics of the profile of the Library-Archivology professor in Colombia, characterization preceded by an extensive documentary search in the context of Ibero-America, which evidenced the absence of the subject in the research agendas. It also affirms that given the dynamics of each university and each professional's training program, it is not possible to talk about a unique professor's profile, since it depends on the type of institution, educational model, areas of performance and fundamentally, the criteria of affiliation, where although training, work experience, research and academic production are taken into account, it is not explicit the pedagogical competence, nor the contributions to the disciplinary development, which are essential in the profile of the university professor. For these reasons, it is advisable for library-archivology professor to carry out research, to contribute to academic visibility, and to the advancement and scientific position of the area, in order to generate value for the academic program and the institution and thus, increase the quality of the university to which they are affiliated. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Since 1993, when the System of Surveillance of Deaths of External Causes (SVMCE, in its Spanish acronym) was established -- today the Security Observatory -- a reliable record of homicides has existed in Cali which has allowed the control of organised crime to be evaluated as a strategy for reducing homicides. This strategy has been based on the pursuit and prosecution of urban criminal gangs, placing emphasis on intelligence and investigation, as well as coordination between the Police and the justice system. Drug trafficking allowed urban criminal gangs to develop that have had a significant effect on the homicides in Cali and other cities in Colombia. This paper evaluates the impact of the fight against criminal gangs implemented across the whole city of Cali from 2013 to 2015. The deactivation of several criminal gangs and the reduction in the overall homicide rate in the city have brought positive results, above all in the category of "organised crime", but also to some extent in "common crime". [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In a first instance, the following article proposes an analytical itinerary around three "cursed" words (violence, populism and Gaitanism) of the Colombian historiography. In a second instance, an inquiry is suggested over those categories and over their own digressions under the light of a non-pejorative interpretation of both populism and Gaitanism. Finally, the article exhibits an exploratory hypothesis and argues that Gaitanist populism could be thought of as a particular way of processing and stopping political violence. To illustrate this proposition two specific dimensions are described to understand the Gaitanist process between 1924 and 1948: its political-comunicative practices and the oscillations between rupture and integration in the Gaitanist discursivity. By analyzing Gaitán and his followers' discursivity, we can consider that Gaitanism, as a framework of political-communicative practices, contributed to process popular demands that diminished bipartisan tensions in Colombia in the first half of the 20th century. The construction of a popular subject, and the "face to face" presentation between the leadership and the masses in the public arena, among other elements of the Gaitanist identity, served to process --in a belligerent but peaceful way-- the political and social discontent of the time. Likewise, Gaitanism as an identity process --between 1944 and 1946-- raised as a movement that arrogated the representation of a "true country" (rupture) and the construction of a restoring order for Colombian democracy (integration). In short, the proposed disquisitions in this paper seek to highlight the relevance of thinking historical processes, such as populism, through a conceptual framework aimed at the study of political identities. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper makes a comparison between the drug violence in Peru and Colombia. These two countries are the greater cocaine producers in the world, but present different levels of violence. In the case of Peru there are low levels of violence, whilst in the case of Colombia, the levels are high. The paper argues that the cocain cultivation and production in itself is not a source of high levels of violence. The intensity of the violence depends on the presence of other variables that will be proposed and analized here. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper analyzes the interactions between courts, experts and interest groups present in the sentence C 355/2006, through which abortion is partially decriminalized in Colombia. A detailed review of this paper allows to track the role that interest groups and social movements have in the mobilization of expert discourses in the high courts as a strategy to influence their decisions. The use of disciplines and fields of knowledge is articulated to the general structure of the sentence as literary technology that makes visible the role of the court as administrator of justice. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]