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The article focusses on the recently discovered papers of Clemens von Delbrück (1856-1921), which are held by the Thuringian University and State Library in Jena - a central source for the history of the German Empire and the early Weimar Republic. Delbrück enjoyed a remarkable career, which took him to high positions within the Prussian administration, culminating in his time as a Secretary of State from 1909 to 1916, when he decisively co-determined German domestic policies. In 1918 Delbrück was the last director of the Imperial Civil Cabinet. In 1919 he was among the leading authors of the Weimar Constitution. Since the October 1st. 2009 the Delbrück-papers are being made accessible within a joint project of the Thuringian University and State Library and the Historical Seminar of the Braunschweig University of Technology. The results will be published online. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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Copyright of Internationales Archiv für Sozialgeschichte der deutschen Literatur is the property of De Gruyter and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Der Artikel untersucht die Bedeutung der sogenannten Legal Technologies für die Sozialpolitik und das Sozialrecht in Deutschland. Auf der Basis einer empirischen Untersuchung entwickelt er eine Typologie von Anbietern digitaler Rechtsdienstleistungen und diskutiert ihre Bedeutung sowie die Implikationen für das Politikfeld. Die Hauptthese des Textes lautet, dass neue Geschäftsmodelle für digitale Rechtsdienstleistungen Konzentrationsprozesse befördern, die auch auf anderen Online-Märkten zu beobachten sind. Sie fordern die bisherigen anwaltlichen Strategien der Positionierung und Kooperation heraus und können Zugänge zum Recht so verändern, dass Rückwirkungen auf das Feld der Sozialpolitik zu erwarten sind. This paper deals with the transformation of the market for legal services in Germany which has been fostered by digitalization. Legal technology has opened up a new market for digital legal services which also affects social policy and social law. Based on empirical research, the paper presents a typology of digital legal service providers who challenge established market positions of lawyers in social law. It discusses to what extent the transformation of this market is similar to other internet markets and what might be the implications of this development for social policy and social law. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article discusses the provisions of a strategy paper commissioned by the European State Secretaries on April 14, 1989 and its focus on the problem of "mittelbare Disckriminierung" (indirect discrimination) and the principle of territoriality in social policy. In particular the topic of the influence European policy on German social policy is investigated for its political and financial implications.

This paper investigates the sources of information and their quality as accessible to the government of the Federal Republic of Germany when trying to assess the situation of company funded pensions between 1949 and 1985 for the Company Pension Act of 1974. By taking a closer look at multiple government surveys as well as official statistics, the paper shows that the government only had very little access to verifiable and detailed information on the matter and relied largely on estimates. There were no coherent sources of information, and none were set up after the Act came into effect. The trend of a growing distribution and extent of corporate retirement plans from the late 1940s to the 1980s as seen in the government surveys is congruent with our findings. Furthermore, the Company Pension Act strengthened this already growing trend. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper surveys cover versions of Italian hits in Spanish and German. Using autoethnographic methods, it offers a retrospective examination of the 1970s and 1980s in Latin America and Germany, reflecting on the influence of Italian artists on the Latin American and German Schlager music scenes. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Die Soziologie der Bewertung fokussiert bislang vor allem die Perspektive der Bewertenden und konzipiert Bewertung als etwas, das Bewertende tun. Dieser Einseitigkeit stellt der Aufsatz die Ambivalenz und Perspektivität seines Forschungsgegenstands gegenüber. Er untersucht die Pflegebegutachtung durch den Medizinischen Dienst der Krankenkassen (MDK). Das Verfahren knüpft ein begehrtes Gut (Versicherungsleistungen) an die situative Zurschaustellung einer sozial unerwünschten Eigenschaft (Unselbständigkeit). Es trägt daher Züge einer ‚invertierten Prüfung': je schlechter die Bewertung, desto besser. Die Ambivalenz des Phänomens ergibt sich aus einer Differenz von Perspektiven: Was für die Begutachtete wertvoll ist, mag für eine Angehörige unpraktisch und für die Gutachterin wahr sein. Diese Komplexität fächert der Aufsatz anhand einer ethnografischen Einzelfallstudie auf und entwickelt daraus Vorschläge zur Konzeption von Bewertung. Valuation studies often conceptualize evaluation as conducted solely by the evaluating party and focus narrowly on their point of view. The paper confronts this one-sided approach by investigating evaluation from multiple angles, taking into account the ambivalence and complexity of evaluation processes. Specifically, the paper examines the care needs assessment commissioned by long-term care insurances in Germany. This assessment process links a desirable asset (insurance benefits) to the applicant's display of a socially undesirable attribute (dependence). In a sense, it is an 'inverted exam': the worse the applicant scores, the better the result. This ambivalence arises from differing perspectives: What is valuable to the assessed person may be impractical to her relatives and true to the assessor. Drawing on an ethnographic single case study, the paper unfolds this multiplicity of perspectives and values and develops suggestions for reconceptualizing evaluation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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In Germany, like in many other liberal countries, there is an extensive public discourse about freedom of speech being at risk. It will be insisted in this contribution that on the one hand, freedom of speech as a subjective right of basic law is not endangered. On the other hand, it should be acknowledged that in public discourse moralistic exaggerations are quite common. Against this background, the paper asks when different opinions are to be respected and at what point it is permitted or even required to condemn them as immoral. The basic argument advanced here is that opinions should be respected as long as they are based in or at least supported by reasonable moral theories. Those opinions that do not have such a support can be labelled as properly immoral and criticized as such. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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Copyright of Zeitschrift für Bankrecht und Bankwirtschaft is the property of De Gruyter and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Historische Zeitschrift is the property of De Gruyter and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Top management compensation is a frequent topic of public debate in Germany. Although this debate often suggests that the level of compensation is socially relevant, research regarding the perspective of 'society' on top management compensation is scarce. However, to gain a deeper understanding of the nature and character of the debate, it seems to be important to analyze the patterns of justification with which high compensations are (not) rejected. Using the qualitative GABEK® method and based on online comment threads, this paper exemplarily analyzes both opinions and attitudes of citizens towards very high compensations and the underlying patterns of justification. The results point to the fact that the performance principle is central to thinking. However, due to the indeterminacy of the performance concept, this is dysfunctional regarding the constructiveness of the debate. In addition, the analyses reveal that top pay triggers broad debates that go beyond the discussion of individual top-level compensations. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In der Aktuellen Analyse stellen Oliver Decker, Johannes Kiess, Ayline Heller, Julia Schuler und Elmar Brähler zentrale Ergebnisse der Leipziger Autoritarismus Studien 2022 (LAS) vor. Diese untersuchen rechtsextreme Einstellungen in Deutschland im Langzeitverlauf. Seit 2002 wird im Zweijahresrhythmus eine repräsentative Stichprobe der deutschen Bevölkerung zu einer Bandbreite politischer Themen befragt. Bekannt wurde die Studienreihe bis 2016 unter dem Namen Leipziger »Mitte«-Studien. Seit 2018 erscheint die Studie unter einem neuen Reihentitel, der eine Fokusverschiebung von der Problemanzeige zur Problemanalyse markiert. Die Studie zeigt auf, wie weit verbreitetet antidemokratischen Ressentiments in der Bevölkerung sind und sie rekonstruiert über die Jahre die Entwicklung der psychosozialen Dynamiken, die diesen antidemokratischen Reaktionen zu Grunde liegen. Der Beitrag fasst die zentralen Ergebnisse der diesjährigen Erhebung und Veränderungen in den letzten 20 Jahren zusammen. In the Current Analysis, Oliver Decker, Johannes Kiess, Ayline Heller, Julia Schuler and Elmar Brähler present key findings from the Leipzig Authoritarianism Studies 2022 (LAS). These studies examine right-wing extremist attitudes in Germany over the long term. Since 2002, a representative sample of the German population has been surveyed on a range of political topics every two years. Until 2016, the study series was known as the Leipzig "Center" Studies. Since 2018, the study has been published under a new series title that marks a shift in focus from problem reporting to problem analysis. The study shows how widespread anti-democratic resentment is in the population and it reconstructs the development of the psychosocial dynamics underlying these anti-democratic reactions over time. The paper summarizes the key findings of the 2022 survey and key changes over the past 20 years. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

A call for papers is presented for a conference entitled "Forschen mit dem Mikrozensus," on research on social structure and social change in Germany, to be held in Mannheim, Germany, from November 11-12, 2014.

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Copyright of Zeitschrift für Soziologie is the property of De Gruyter and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

On the basis of an overview of articles in Info DaF in the 2010 s, this paper aims at tracing the development of research on the education and training of GFL teachers outside of Germany within this decade. It emphasizes the potential of international cooperation in facilitating progress in practice and research in this field. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Über das letzte Jahrzehnt hat die politische Mobilisierung von Rechts in Deutschland und Europa zugenommen. Insbesondere die Migrationsbewegungen seit 2015 waren für Netzwerke wie Pegida Anlass auf die Straße zu gehen. Auf der anderen Seite haben sich diverse zivilgesellschaftliche Akteure von antifaschistischen Gruppen über Gewerkschaften bis hin zu Kirchen organisiert, um in Form von Gegendemonstrationen ein Zeichen gegen Rechts und für Weltoffenheit zu setzen. Diese Mobilisierungsdynamiken von Protest und Gegenprotest fanden im Zuge der Konflikte um staatliche Maßnahmen zur Eindämmung der Corona-Pandemie ihre Fortsetzung. Proteste und Gegenproteste können zum einen Ausdruck einer bestehenden Polarisierung der Gesellschaft sein und bergen zum anderen das Risiko einer weiteren Polarisierung auf der Straße. Am Beispiel der Interaktion zwischen Pegida und der NoPegida-Bewegung diskutiert dieser Beitrag die möglichen Folgen von Gegenmobilisierung. Die Analysen legen nahe, dass Gegenproteste nicht zu einer Demobilisierung der Gegenseite führen. Nichtsdestotrotz können sie einen Positionierungsdruck auf politische Entscheidungsträger*innen ausüben, mediale Aufmerksamkeit für gesellschaftliche Konflikte generieren und die Vernetzung progressiver zivilgesellschaftlicher Akteure fördern. Over the last decade, mobilization from the far-right has increased in Germany and Europe. In particular, the migration flows since 2015 sparked street protests by movements like Pegida. Nevertheless, diverse civil society coalitions, including actors from anti-fascist groups, trade unions, and churches, have taken to the streets to counter far-right mobilization. These mobilization dynamics continue during protests for and against government measures to contain the Covid-19 pandemic. On the one hand, protests and counterprotests can indicate increasing polarization of society and, on the other hand, they carry the risk of further polarization on the streets. Using the interaction between Pegida and the NoPegida movement as an example, this paper examines the potential consequences of counterprotests. The analyses suggest that countermobilization is unlikely to lead to demobilization of the opposing side. Nevertheless, it can force politicians and decision-makers to take a stand, generate media attention for existing societal conflicts, and facilitate networking among progressive civil society actors. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Der Aufsatz diskutiert die Rolle von Massenmedien und sozialen Medien für die politische Polarisierung in Deutschland. Dafür schlagen wir eine theoretisch-konzeptionelle Systematisierung vor, die eine Dimensionierung entlang der Mikro-, Meso- und Makro-Ebene mit der Differenzierung von themen- und gruppenspezifischer Polarisierung verbindet. Besonders auffällig ist die Leerstelle auf der Meso-Ebene. Die Mikro-Ebene ist besser abgedeckt, hier deutet sich ein Einfluss meinungskonformer Mediennutzung auf die Polarisierung an. Auf der Makro-Ebene dominiert die Forschung zur Parteiensystem-Polarisierung, bei der ein Medieneinfluss bisher jedoch nicht nachgewiesen werden konnte. Zukünftige Forschung auf der Mikro-Ebene sollte stärker die Wirkung konkreter Medieninhalte fokussieren, die einer Polarisierung entgegenwirken können. Auf der Meso-Ebene gilt es, zunächst zu explorieren, inwiefern Polarisierung hier zu Dysfunktionen beitragen kann. Auf der Makro-Ebene bedarf es eines international vergleichenden Vorgehens, wenn Medieneinflüsse auf Systemmerkmale in den Blick genommen werden sollen. This paper discusses the role of mass media and social media for political polarization in Germany. For this purpose, we propose a theoretical-conceptual systematization that combines dimensioning along the micro-, meso- and macro-levels with the differentiation of attitude and affective polarization. The blank space at the meso level is particularly striking. The micro level is better covered, suggesting here an influence of the exposure to like-minded messages on polarization. The macro level is dominated by research on party system polarization, but a media influence has not yet been demonstrated. Future research at the micro level should focus more on the effect of specific media content that can counteract polarization. At the meso level, it is important to explore the extent to which polarization can contribute to dysfunctions here. At the macro level, an international comparative approach is needed if media influences on system characteristics are to be considered. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Vor dreißig Jahren veröffentlichte Gerhard Schulze die Theorie der Erlebnisgesellschaft, der zufolge die Menschen in wohlhabenden Ländern zunehmend nach Erlebnissen streben, um ihr Projekt des schönen Lebens zu gestalten. Angesichts neuerer Gegenwartsdiagnosen, die insgesamt ein sehr krisenhaftes Bild der Spätmoderne zeichnen, erscheint diese Idee heute eigentümlich aus der Zeit gefallen. Vor diesem Hintergrund erörtern wir in diesem Beitrag zwei Fragen. Die erste, vor allem auf die zurückliegenden Jahre gerichtete Frage ist, ob der Erlebnisgesellschaft mit ihrer starken Innenorientierung tatsächlich nur eine kurze Blütezeit beschieden war und inzwischen die Außenorientierung der kompetitiven Gesellschaft wieder an Bedeutung gewonnen hat – oder ob sich die Erlebnisgesellschaft, gewissermaßen unter dem Radar des aktuellen Krisendiskurses, doch weiter entfaltet hat. Mit Daten des European Social Survey 2002–2018 für Deutschland zeigen wir, dass die Erlebnisorientierung in den letzten zwei Jahrzehnten auf hohem Niveau noch einmal zugenommen hat, während die Statusorientierung vorübergehend angestiegen war, um dann in den 2010er Jahren spürbar zurück zu gehen. Die zweite, stärker auf die kommenden Jahre gerichtete Frage ist, welche neuen existenziellen Problemdefinitionen jenseits des erfolgreichen und des schönen Lebens, die beide einer Steigerungslogik folgen, sich abzeichnen. Perspektivisch halten wir es für wahrscheinlich, dass begrenzungslogische Lebensmaximen in Gestalt des achtsamen Lebens und insbesondere des nachhaltigen Lebens wichtiger werden. Angesichts des hohen subjektiven Gratifikationspotenzials der postmodernen Konsumgesellschaft ist allerdings von einer starken Beharrungskraft der Steigerungslogik auszugehen – und damit auch der Erlebnisorientierung. Thirty years ago, Gerhard Schulze published his influential book "The Experience Society". This theory claimed that people in affluent societies increasingly strive for leading an enjoyable life, for which positive experiences are key. More recent theories, however, overwhelmingly paint a crisis-ridden picture of late modernity. Hence Schulze's theory appears rather outdated nowadays. In this context, the paper at hand raises two questions: First, with a retrospective view on Germany from the 1990s to the present, we discuss whether the experience society with its strong emphasis on experience seeking indeed has regressed to a competitive society in which status seeking regained importance – or, whether the experience society further unfolded, under the radar of the Sociologists' current crisis discourse. Using data from the European Social Survey 2002–2018, we provide evidence that the Germans' disposition for experience seeking has been at a high level throughout the time period covered (and even increased slightly), while status seeking intermediately increased, yet recently markedly decreased. Second, with a view ahead we discuss which life maxims other than the successful life and the enjoyable life—which both involve the idea that more is better and thus follow a logic of increase—are emerging. Life maxims such as living mindfully and, especially, living sustainably will presumably become more important, driven by the public discussion about climate change and sustainability policies. The common denominator of these emerging life maxims is the idea that less is more, following a logic of limitation. Considering the high subjective gratification potential of postmodern consumer society, however, a strong persistence of the logic of increase can be assumed – many people will continue to seek for pleasant experiences. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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The article "President's Greeting" reports on the position paper on equal opportunities and diversity of the German Mathematical Society (DMV). The DMV presidency emphasizes the importance of a diverse, respectful, and inclusive community. It is mentioned that the discussion about a possible renaming of the DMV has resurfaced, but no name change has taken place so far. The presidency has established a specialist group for gender, diversity, and sustainability in mathematics and proposes a participatory process to shape the discussion about the name of the DMV. Furthermore, reference is made to a paper adopted by various mathematical and scientific societies, condemning antidemocratic and nationalist approaches in Germany. It is emphasized that science requires openness, international cooperation, democracy, and the rule of law. [Extracted from the article]

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Due to the fact that the unemployment rate of high skilled labour in Germany is about 3% in the last 30 years, this paper deals with theories that account for heterogeneous labour. The main finding is that the reduction of the labour costs cannot reduce the aggregated unemployment rate substantially. An important conclusion is that the skill upgrading of the labour force is slower than that of labour demand. The future of work in Germany lies not in low paid low skilled jobs, but in high(er) skilled occupation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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Hidden in the attics of old synagogues in Germany, the very last remnants of former Genizot survived unnoticed not only the NS period, but also the following years of secular use of these buildings. Since the 1950s Genizot have been found mostly in the course of renovation work on the synagogues. After ages of storage in the attics, Genizah findings are usually in very bad condition. The finders standing before dirty »shambles out of paper« often considered Genizot to be rubbish. Only after some time researchers began to study the material, soon realizing that these findings were much more than »sacred trash«, since they could provide insight into the life of Jewish rural communities from the 17th to 19th century. Till today, dozens of Genizot have been saved in Germany. The Genisaprojekt Veitshöchheim and other researchers are dealing with the inventory, the digitization and the publication of the finds. However, there are still hardly any studies drawing concrete conclusions about Jewish community life based on the Genizah findings. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Today literary criticism contests the 'Volksbuch' as a genre since its criteria seem under-defined. This paper aims, from a functional point of view, to explain its historical success by tracing four histories of this genre. The under-definition of the genre turns out as the precondition of its manifold employments. What the different histories have in common is the imagination of the 'Volksbuch', which could unify the German nation. The 'Volksbuch', the paper will argue, is a virtual modern genre which imagines an anti-modern state of society and literature. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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The paper focuses on the forming of expectations by regulatory authorities in the case of merger control after 1973, when the German legislator stipulated a decision by its officials on future competition in relevant markets. The regulatory and decision-making behavior of officials is analyzed on the basis of selected merger procedures in the chemical industry, which underwent far-reaching structural change in the 1970s and 1980s. Here, institutionalization processes for overcoming information asymmetries and the formation of market expectations can be diagnosed inside the office as well as inside the firms. Adaptive expectations with regard to current market diagnoses and legal assumptions ("Vermutungstatbestände") play a significant role for their forecast decisions. The study is based on previously unpublished files of the Federal Cartel Office. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

After 1949, many former National Socialists reorganised themselves in the Federation of Independents (Verband der Unabhängigen, VdU) and its successor party, the Freedom Party of Austria (FreiheitlichePartei Österreichs, FPÖ). As the first party leader of the FPÖ since 1955/56, Anton Reinthaller (1895-1958) played a central role in the political formation of the "Ehemalige" (former Nazi Party members). On the basis of the hitherto unused papers of Anton Reinthaller, the present contribution sketches the political career of the founder of the FPÖ from his time as an illegal National Socialist during Austrofascism, his appointment as a Nazi minister in 1938 and his various positions during the Nazi period up to his political biography after 1945. The correspondence, personal notes and court documents contained in his papers not only provide a good overview of the networks and the discourse among former Nazis after 1945, but also allow for the investigation of Reinthaller's position towards National Socialism and his retrospective self-presentations. The early history of the FPÖ is investigated by interlacing organisational history and a biographical approach: In its tension between biographical and ideological continuities on the one hand and the willingness and capability to adapt to different political circumstances on the other hand, the example of Anton Reinthaller reveals a typical "Austrian" perpetrator biography which has not been given much attention by research to date. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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Copyright of Zeitschrift für Soziologie is the property of De Gruyter and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Monatsschrift fuer Kriminologie und Strafrechtsreform is the property of De Gruyter and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

In the German federal elections on September 22, 2013, for the first time after 64 years, the Free Democratic Party (FDP) was not elected to the German federal parliament, the Bundestag, anymore. Less surprising than this fact is the malice of its political opponents with which this landslide defeat was accompanied. In this paper, it is argued that the hostility towards the Free Democrats originates from its turn to the Christian Democrats in 1982 with the so called Manifesto for the Market Economy written by Otto Graf Lambsdorff, then Federal Minister of the Economy. The Manifesto argued for a consolidation of public finance and tax reductions, for reforms in the labor market and the social security systems, and for a liberalization and privatization policy. While the Free Democrats did not achieve much of that agenda during the coalition with the Christian Democrats, it influenced the Agenda 2010 by Chancellor Schröder. The paper concludes with a proposal for a renewal of supply side policies in Germany and a renewal of the reform agenda. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this introduction, we review the state of the art of stock market history in Germany and preview the main findings of the articles published in this special issue. In Germany, scholars have long focused on institutional aspects of stock market history. Yet, starting in the late 1990s, quantitative work also started to take-off. Some of the articles published in this special issue go further down this road. Moreover, several of the following papers deal with the history of German stock markets during the interwar period, a period so far neglected by research. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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A majority of the German population would be willing to make their mobility data anonymous and openly accessible in order to develop new mobility offerings. Many want to improve traffic flow and optimize existing offerings. The majority believes that mobility offerings in Germany are too expensive and demands stronger support from the government. The digital association Bitkom is calling for a "right to digital education" for all people in Germany. Most companies want their employees to return to the office after the pandemic. The Science Council has published a position paper on science communication. The German MeSH, a biomedical thesaurus, is available for free download. The Rapid Alert System (RAS) was created to improve cooperation in the EU in dealing with disinformation. The Federal Institute for Materials Research and Testing (BAM) has launched a new research project database. An internal Facebook study shows that people with low digital competence are more often confronted with inappropriate content. [Extracted from the article]

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Copyright of Zeitschrift fur Wirtschaftspolitik is the property of De Gruyter and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Zeitschrift fur Wirtschaftspolitik is the property of De Gruyter and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The development and use of new data sources and the linking of data open up new opportunities for economic research, particularly in conjunction with new empirical methods. The insights gained are an indispensable basis for valid, evidence-based policy advice, and they generate further direct benefits for public administration and citizens. This article uses best-case examples from other countries to show the potential of such innovations. The article also discusses the benefits generated by data innovations and the factors that would enable similar projects in Germany. In particular, the Research Data Act currently under discussion will provide a decisive foundation in this context. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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Copyright of Arbeit is the property of De Gruyter and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The paper analyses the incidence of the nuclear fuel tax, which has been imposed on operators of nuclear power plants by Germany's Federal Government in 2011. The incidence of the tax matters not only from a distributional perspective, but also from a legal point of view as constitutional rules governing public finances in Germany mandate that the burden of a tax can be shifted to consumers in order for a tax to be declared as a consumption tax. Otherwise, the Federal Government has much more limited competences to invent new taxes. This paper shows that the burden of the nuclear fuel tax can neither be shifted to consumers in electricity spot or future markets nor can it be shifted to sellers of nuclear fuels. Hence, the incidence falls entirely on nuclear power plant operators and is, therefore, equivalent to a tax on their profits. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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