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Paper City (2021), directed by Adrian Francis, is a documentary film that highlights the 70th anniversary of the firebombing of Tokyo on March 10, 1945. The film presents three elderly survivors' oral accounts of the firebombing and observes their work as memory activists in a long campaign to compel the Japanese government to publicly memorialize the event in a way commensurate with its enormous devastation. Reflecting on issues of memory and forgetting, Francis intends the film as a way of passing survivors' experiences to audiences, who can help to transfer memory to others and to generations beyond. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article discusses the controversy surrounding J. Mark Ramseyer's paper on "Contracting for Sex in the Pacific War," which challenges the existence of "comfort women" in imperial Japan. Despite criticism from scholars and historians, the paper has not been retracted but has received an expression of concern. Ramseyer's work has been criticized for lacking scientific rigor and distorting evidence, with scholars pointing out incorrect citations and distortions. Ramseyer and his allies have used right-wing media outlets to promote his work and attack his critics. The authors argue for the retraction of the paper to prevent its continued use as legitimate scholarship and stress the importance of combating the misuse of evidence in academia. [Extracted from the article]

This paper investigates the impact of the COVID-19 pandemic on the process of regional welfare-making in the Aso region (Kumamoto Prefecture, Japan). It demonstrates how local stakeholders such as social welfare councils have been promoting the ideal of community-based regional welfare, while adapting to the challenges posed by the COVID-19 pandemic. As the pandemic hindered social exchange and amplified longstanding processes of community decline, it further complicates the ongoing challenge of activating local communities to realize the vision of a healthy "aging in place" based on mutual support. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

At a cursory glance, much of Japan's new economic security policy resonates with US-Biden policy language of building resilient supply chains and strengthening strategic partnerships. Mainstream scholarship has been quick to interpret this as a new form of economic statecraft and the strengthening of the US-Japan partnership. However, little has been discussed about how the adoption of economic security policy has entailed state restructuring and reconnected different social forces. There has been a shift in the functions of state institutions which are, to some extent, becoming fused. Security institutions are drawn into economic domains while economic institutions increasingly adapt to discourses on military issues. This fusion has been facilitating the reconnection of industrial capital, military capital, and state elites who attempt to leverage the interlocking components of US-led policies and economic security, that in turn reproduces the developmental form of the Japanese state. This paper offers a theoretically-informed way of understanding new geopolitical lines underpinning state transformation in Japan and sheds light on the constitutive elements we currently see as 'networked security architecture' such as the Quad or 'friendshoring' industrial policy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this paper, I look into the lesser-known history of "comfort women" in the Philippines. I engage with the following questions: how did the trafficking and sexual exploitation of Filipino women emerge as part of state policy in the Japanese Empire? How was it dealt with in the aftermath of the war, especially in the face of shifting post-war alliances and the changing place of Japan in the geo-politics of the Cold War? How did events in the international arena, in turn, affect diplomatic relations between the Philippines and Japan, specifically with respect to aid and trade? Finally, how did the market forces at play affect state policy in the Philippines? [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Muslim migrants in Japan suffer from the lack of access to burial grounds when 99.9% of the nation is cremated. Muslims are usually met with opposition from the local community where cemetery construction is planned. Using ethnographic data, the study shows how Muslim associations inadvertently fail to respect the codes of Japanese rurality when seeking a cemetery in a community to which they do not have membership, leading to a conflict. This paper closes with policy prescriptions for the central government in ensuring the cultural rights of immigrant minorities in Japan. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper will present a timeline of how a remote island in the South Pacific became a U.S. appurtenance (1860); then a U.S. territory (1925); and, finally, through a so-called "friendship treaty," bargained away by New Zealand in order to maximize American Sāmoa's maritime boundaries (1980). The original claim to the island is fraudulent, as many government officials and scholars have long suspected but have been unable to prove. This paper will examine the fraud in detail and present conclusive evidence for the first time. The island's name is Olohega [oloˈhɛŋa] and it belongs geographically, historically, and culturally to the nation of Tokelau. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Japan in late 2021 faces two important elections - in September for presidency of the Liberal-Democratic Party (and de facto Prime Minister) and in October for Lower House of the Diet. This paper argues that Kishida Fumio, victorious in the former and to contest the latter on 31 October, offers little prospect of change. His government includes the same key figures as the Abe and Suga governments of 2012-2021 and is likely to continue the same US-led anti-China policies, marked by substantial military expansion and multi-national military exercises drawing to the East China Sea warships of major countries including not only the United States but also Great Britain, France, Australia, even Germany. This paper considers current trends and, while suggesting that significant change is not probable, nevertheless draws attention to a citizen-led challenge that could cause upset to the long-established LDP-dominated order. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper explores the politics of Asia-Pacific War memory and memorialization in Southeast Asia, evident in the production context and visual semiotic resources of Thailand's Victory Monument, a generic memorial to Thai war heroes, and the Philippines' Shrine of Valor, a historical shrine complex dedicated to Filipino and US soldiers of the Asia-Pacific War. These heritage structures represent two divergent memorialization practices that demonstrate how the commemoration or suppression of war memory is influenced by politics, agendas, and the benefits it brings to the state. In Thailand, the inward justification and outward restraint stem from the difficult choices the state had to make during the war. In the Philippines, while war memorialization was pronounced and served state aims, it was initially undermined by President Ferdinand Marcos, who wanted to bolster his fraudulent war heroism claims. The cases illustrate how diverging national memorial practices surrounding the war's contested past achieved similar aims and how memorial sites become repositories of meaning potentials through which we could make sense of the nation and its international entanglements. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Calls for reparations and apologies for crimes committed during the 1930s/40s war in Asia have been major points of contention in East Asia's public memory since at least the 1980s. In recent years, a "history/memory war" over the "comfort women" issue has intensified. At the same time, the battleground has also shifted to the terrain of "heritage" and has increasingly taken on a global dimension. This paper considers an increasingly significant arena for East Asian memory wars, involving diaspora communities in Western countries. Its particular focus is the coordinated "comfort women" activism of Korean-American and other Asian-American diaspora groups in certain regions of the United States. I argue that their decades-long activism has triggered a "memory boom" in its own right, helping to forge new inter-ethnic alliances and raising the political profile of Asian Americans. However, this has come at a cost, straining to breaking point post-war arrangements for symbolizing and cementing US-Japanese reconciliation. The paper illustrates how the expanding scope of Asia's memory wars has made the struggle for appropriate remembrance, as well as control over narratives of the past, an increasingly global affair, with potentially lasting repercussions for societies far beyond East Asia. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Shortly after the Meiji government assumed administrative responsibilities in 1868, the Iwakura Mission left Japan to circumvent the globe, searching for information on institutions that could centralize a divided archipelago. In so doing, it encountered a world embarking on a new phase of imperial expansion. While the majority of the Mission's participants returned with visions of a large, expansion-oriented Japan, others saw their country's future as a small, neutral state. Debates over the suitability of either vision continued throughout the Taisho period, especially as Japan incorporated territories at its peripheries, including Ezo (Hokkaidō), the Ryūkyū Islands (Okinawa), Taiwan, and Korea. This paper examines the impact of the Mission participants' perspectives, which were informed by their first- and second-hand experience of American and European amalgamation of peoples of diverse cultural, ethnic, and racial origins. How did the participants' experiences influence their views on Japan's future as an expansionist state? What did their experiences teach them about the assimilation of peoples of diverse backgrounds? This paper identifies the legacy of these debates as extending to the present, where Japan seeks to rescind postwar restrictions against extending military powers beyond its borders. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper focuses on civic activities to conserve underground sites that reveal the dark heritage of wartime forced labor in Japan. At times collaborating and at other times competing with others, various local groups seek to bring these shameful heritages to the center of the Japanese memory-scape. In doing so, these movements challenge Japan's homogenizing national war memories and carve out a democratic public sphere to renegotiate understanding of the war heritage. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The Miike Coal Mine, extending across Omuta and Arao in Kyushu, was an engine for economic growth in Japan until the nation's defeat in World War II. In 1873, the Meiji government introduced convict labor in the mine. This arrangement continued after the government handed the mine over to a private company, the Mitsui Coal Mine. It was not until 1931, in the wake of the International Labor Organization's 1930 Forced Labor Convention, that convict labor was terminated. The history of convicts in the mine was not widely known for decades until a local group started restoring memories of it in the 1960s. This paper examines the social and discursive environment in which the recovered history of convict labor evolved. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Sanitation workers in any society are essential workers that deal with the 'dirty work' that most people would rather not do. With the coronavirus outbreak in 2020, these workers have been particularly vulnerable with the increase in the amount of household garbage due to people staying home, as well as potential exposure to the virus through handling contaminated trash. This paper analyzed interviews of six Japanese men who work in garbage collection and/or are sanitation union members to shed light on how they experienced the impact of the coronavirus outbreak in their daily lives. Qualitative analysis highlights the following seven themes (1) Alerting overseas news of potential dangers; (2) Fear of contracting Covid-19: (3) Negotiated for safer protocols and gear; (4) Increased workload; (5) Experience of discrimination and stigma; (6) Increased public attention and awareness; and (7) "Our Work Goes Beyond Garbage Collection." The paper also highlights sanitation workers' concern with the increased privatization of the public sector, pointing out how this may undermine the general welfare of society especially in times of crisis. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The Technical Intern Training Program (TITP) – a short-term labor rotation system that originated in 1993 – brings young and middle-aged workers from developing countries to Japan with a stated objective to transfer Japanese vocational skills and techniques to these workers. However, the program faced criticism for doing little more than covering the chronic labor shortage in unskilled blue-collar jobs that are regarded unfavorably by many Japanese in recent years. This paper highlights the heightened vulnerability of the technical intern trainees as cheap and disposable sources of labor, especially during the Covid-19 pandemic. Based on digital communications with 16 Vietnamese technical trainees and an analysis of the content on media platforms since the outbreak of the pandemic, the paper extends my previous work on the challenges faced by technical intern trainees, analyzing the handling of Japanese governments and the accepting companies. The article also introduces the roles of support groups in Japan devoted to protecting vulnerable technical intern trainees. At a moment when the Japanese government is reforming and promoting the TITP, this analysis of Vietnamese technical trainees during the COVID-19 crisis is particularly timely. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The right to protection from violence should be conferred upon all people regardless of their nationality. However, migrant women in Japan face exceptional risks, including that of domestic violence. This paper focuses on the vulnerability of Nepalese women, most often in Japan as dependents of their husbands, who are engaged as cooks in the ubiquitous Indo-Nepali restaurants. Shut out of the male-dominated support networks within the Nepalese community, they are forced to rely on Japanese state support in a time of crisis. Yet, despite the fact that most of these women are working and paying taxes in Japan, many are unable to effectively access the state support system, leaving them particularly at risk in times of calamity, as we are seeing now with COVID-19. This paper outlines their vulnerability and calls upon the state to recognize that these migrants are not free riders, but residents entitled to equal rights and protection under the law. At a time when we often hear about the national imperative to "Build Back Better" in the post-COVID-19 period, I hope that these vulnerable populations are included in such building. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Lastly, the paper contributes to understanding shifts in ways of commemorating, remembering, and dis-remembering the Asia-Pacific War in Japan (Aukema 2019; Elliott and Milne 2019; Figal 2018) by tracing the rise and decline in popularity of Ryozen Kannon, and how it has become a site for the forgetting of past wars and the war dead. As one of the first to be built after the war, Ishikawa's Kannon statue is an important and influential link between wartime and postwar Kannon statue building and beliefs. In contrast to places of active war memorialization such as Okinawa, therefore, Ryozen Kannon has been "[de-]activated" as a site of war memory, a memorial through which the living "liberated" themselves from actively remembering past wars, conflicts, and the war dead (Figal 2018, 144) in the 1950s and 1960s, and thus a site implicated in their forgetting. [Extracted from the article]

This paper, as a conclusion to this special issue, discusses approaches taken to memory studies of the First World War and what they can tell us about commemoration of the Asia-Pacific War. A lot of work remains to be done in connecting the historiographies of the two world wars of the twentieth century, but this is important if we are to fully understand the development of war and memory throughout the twentieth century and beyond. The First World War was an important reference point for those who fought in the second and founded practices of commemoration such as the Tomb of the Unknown Soldier. Based on my experience as a First World War historian, I address some of the important themes that this special issue on the Asia-Pacific War has raised, namely the image of the soldier, commemoration, the temporal memory of war and how an expanded geographic lens has altered our understanding of the Second World War in general. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The summer of 2018 saw an unprecedented series of LGBT-led political demonstrations in Japan involving thousands of people. They emerged in reaction to an article written by conservative Liberal Democratic Party lawmaker Sugita Mio which stated that LGBT couples "did not have productivity" because they could not have children. The article engendered an unprecedented backlash, as LGBT activists argued that Sugita's notion of productivity attacked not only LGBT people but other so-called "unproductive" groups. This paper analyzes the political context and significance of the 2018 protests and shows how LGBT activist strategies have evolved and responded to changing social and political conditions in Japan. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Kato Koko's Meiji Industrial Revolution - Forgetting forced labor to celebrate Japan's World Heritage Sites - Part 1 Japan proclaimed this transformation "to be the first successful transfer of Western industrialization to a non-Western nation."[3] The condition agreed upon by Japan, South Korea, and the UNESCO World Heritage Committee prior to inscription of the Sites was that Japan must acknowledge that "a large number of Koreans and others [...] were brought against their will and forced to work under harsh conditions in the 1940s at some of the sites." When she returned to Japan in 1989, she co-founded Transpacific Education Network, a company that actually was importing wedding dresses and related accessories rather than providing educational services.[67] Kato is the official head of this company, which attracted public attention in 2016 when financial documents were leaked through the Panama Papers.[68] Kato's company owned a large number of shares in Tokyo Kobetsu Shido Gakuin (Tokyo Individualized Educational Institute), a major chain of cram schools ( I juku i ) in Japan. [Extracted from the article]

This paper inquires into the revival of the cement industry in postwar Japan. The Allied Occupation did not immediately undertake comprehensive plans to rebuild the country's infrastructure. Only after controls on the production of basic industries were lifted in 1948 did cement production begin to rise. By 1956, Japan produced 13,737,594 tons of cement, double that of the prewar peak in 1939. This paper examines the rebirth of the Japanese cement and limestone mining industries in the period between 1945 and 1956 and highlights the cement industry's role in the rebirth of Japan as a "construction state." [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Reminder: Submissions to Cornell University's 2021 Selden Prize Competition for translations from Japanese is coming up fast! Materials may be submitted electronically or by hard copy by August 1. Translations of works from across all time periods and genres are welcomed! For details see the prize announcement at: http://asianstudies.cornell.edu/selden-prize Recent surveys have shown that over 90% of Japanese have a negative view of China and the Chinese people. This tendency appears to have become more pronounced since the beginning of Abe Shinzō's second term as prime minister in December 2012. It also coincides with greater and greater numbers of Chinese visiting Japan as tourists and consumers. This paper investigates portrayals of the Chinese people in Japanese media to identify positive and negative representations and to see if these correlate with the results of surveys of attitudes among the general population. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Reminder: Submissions to Cornell University's 2021 Selden Prize Competition for translations from Japanese is coming up fast! Materials may be submitted electronically or by hard copy by August 1. Translations of works from across all time periods and genres are welcomed! For details see the prize announcement at: http://asianstudies.cornell.edu/selden-prize Founded in 1897 as a semi-official government organ by Zumoto Motosada with the support of Itō Hirobumi and Fukuzawa Yukichi, The Japan Times played an essential role, as the first English-language newspaper to be edited by Japanese, in shaping Western understandings of Japan and Japanese modernisation in the late 19th to early 20th centuries. The Japan Times framed Japanese 'modernisation' in the language of Western civilisation, thus facilitating Japan's rapprochement with the Western Powers (particularly with Great Britain) in the late 19th century by presenting Japan as a 'civilised' (i.e., Western) nation-state. The paper played an equally important role in manipulating Western public discourses in favour of Japan's expansionist ambitions in Asia by framing justifications for Japanese foreign policy in concepts of Western civilisation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The world's electric power system continues to be a principal source of carbon emissions, comparable to transport and such industries as steel and cement. Intense debate surrounds the issue of the pace at which it is greening. In this paper we offer a precise definition of greening as a rising proportion of electric power sourced from water, wind and sun (WWS), since these are all fundamentally renewable. Using the latest data from the BP Energy Review as well as national and regional sources, we demonstrate that by 2019 the EU-28 had reached a proportion of electricity generated from WWS of 34%, followed by China at 27%, Japan at 19% and the US at 17%. Moreover, the EU-28 achieved the fastest pace of transition, increasing its WWS-share of electricity generated from 20% in 2010 to 34% in 2019, or a 14% green shift in a decade. Over the same period, China's green shift in power generation was 10%, while that of Japan was 9% (all achieved in the decade following the Fukushima disaster) and the US at an 7% shift. The IEA has just issued a report revealing that globally renewable sources of energy account for 29% of electricity generated in 2020, up 2% on 2019 levels. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In discussions on Japanese whaling, a common question is why Japan appears indifferent to international pressure (gaiatsu) on the issue, that is, why it continues to flout the international anti- whaling "norm" despite widespread criticism and condemnation. The key to answering this question is to examine why the anti-whaling "norm" resonates so poorly in the domestic sphere. This paper argues that the impotence of international pressure to curb Japanese whaling can only be understood by examining how whaling has come to be reactively defined in the domestic debate not as an issue of conservation and environmental protection but as a symbol of national identity and pride. The paper concludes that because whaling is framed as a key marker of "Japanese- ness", international pressure is counter-productive as it merely serves to stoke the fires of nationalism, creating an atmosphere in which anti-whaling opinion is seen as "anti-Japanese". [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this introductory essay to the special issue of The Asia-Pacific Journal: Japan Focus on "The Comfort Women as Public History," we analyze the turn since the early 2000s towards "heritagization" of this controversial issue. After reviewing the political, cultural and historiographical background to ongoing disputes over "comfort women," we examine how the reframing of this issue as "heritage" has been accompanied by increasing entanglement with the global politics of atrocity commemoration, and associated tropes. Prominent among such tropes is the claim that commemoration fosters "peace". However, following recent critical scholarship on this issue, and drawing on the papers that comprise this special issue, we question any necessary equation between heritagization and reconciliation. When done badly, the drive to commemorate a contentious issue as public history can exacerbate rather than resolve division and hatred. We therefore emphasise the need for representation of comfort women as public history to pay due regard to nuance and complexity, for example regarding the depiction of victims versus perpetrators; the transnational dimension of the system; and its relationship with the broader history of gender politics and the sexual subjugation of women. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Active from the 1960s onward, Tsujimura Kazuko (1941-2004) was an avant-garde dancer who aimed for a "dance without body, without dancing." This paper examines how Tsujimura sought, unconsciously or consciously, to reveal how the body was harnessed for—and constructed from—production in the increasingly capitalist world of high-economic growth Japan. As we shall see, through her limited, but often tense, movement in dance, in her use of costumes in fragmented installation pieces, and in her social alliances, she sought to undo the notion that the body was an expression of free agency. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper assesses the role and the challenges of the use of critical raw materials in Japan's program for achieving net-zero greenhouse gas emissions by 2050. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Thank you for your support for our Asia-Pacific Journal Subscription Drive December 2020. We virtually reached our $12,000 goal, keeping the journal on a firm footing in the coming year. Xi Jinping's frequent references to Mao Zedong, along with Xi's own claims to ideological originality, have fueled debate over the significance of Maoism in the PRC today. The discussion recalls an earlier debate, at the height of the Cold War, over the meaning of Maoism itself. This paper revisits that earlier controversy, reflected in arguments between Benjamin Schwartz and Karl Wittfogel, with an eye toward their contemporary relevance. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In the context of the global increase in displaced people, spiking to nearly 80 million in these corona times, Japan has also seen a dramatic increase in the number of applications for refugee asylum since 2010. Despite increasing numbers of applications, Japan has not increased its refugee recognition rate. Unable to return home to sure persecution when rejected, many refugees end up in Japanese detention centers once their visa expires. Like jails, hospitals and detention centers everywhere, detention centers in Japan are crowded and dangerous and unable to protect the detainees inside. Japan has been slower than many other countries to take precautions, including temporary release. This paper outlines some of the policy shifts that have led to this dangerous situation, the conditions of anxiety inside the detention centers themselves in Tokyo and Ibaraki and the problematic situation of "provisional release" of some detainees into a corona-infested Japan without any safety net or protection. We hope to not only point out the immediate danger of infection under COVID-19, but also the larger dynamic of using detention to manage a refugee asylum system that has proven to be ineffective and unjust. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper examines responses to the COVID-19 pandemic from farmers in Japan. Because COVID-19 was most prevalent in Japanese urban centers and especially the Tokyo metropolitan area, farmers in rural communities in Kansai expressed less concern over infection compared to Kanto-area farmers who were more concerned with risk of infection. While some farmers expressed concern over economic losses from the closure of restaurants and schools, many interviewees had pre-established diverse market channels and thus could pivot their distribution streams during the pandemic. Farmers diverted produce typically for restaurants towards direct sales such as chokubaijyos (direct sales markets) or engaged in online platforms. Because of a lack of single stream distribution infrastructure set up for organic farmers as compared to conventional farmers, many of the interviewees already have robust distribution networks and tend to hold strong community ties with consumers and buyers in their region. We argue that the activities of these farmers demonstrate the resilience of local-scale food systems in Japan, because these networks help maintain food security and community relationships during times of crisis. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Globally, independent restaurants have been dealt a double blow by COVID-19. Restaurant staff face the risk of infection, and restaurants have been among the businesses hardest hit by urban lockdowns. With fewer resources than corporate chains, small independent restaurants are particularly vulnerable to an extended economic downturn. This paper looks at how independent restaurant owners in Tokyo have coped with the pandemic both individually and as members of larger communities. Both government and community support have been key to sustaining these small businesses and their employees during this crisis. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Keywords: Asia Pacific Journal; Japan; Asia Pacific; Pacific Rim; Asia; East Asia; Northeast Asia; Southeast Asia; Southwest Asia; South Asia; Contemporary Japan; Contemporary Asia Pacific; Contemporary East Asia; US-Japan relations; US-China-Japan-Korea relations; Japan-East Asian Relations; Japan-Northeast Asian Relations; Japan-Pacific Relations; Japan-Southeast Asian Relations; Japan-Middle East Relations; Japan-Central Asia Relations; Japan-South Asia Relations; Japan-European Relations; Okinawa EN Asia Pacific Journal Japan Asia Pacific Pacific Rim Asia East Asia Northeast Asia Southeast Asia Southwest Asia South Asia Contemporary Japan Contemporary Asia Pacific Contemporary East Asia US-Japan relations US-China-Japan-Korea relations Japan-East Asian Relations Japan-Northeast Asian Relations Japan-Pacific Relations Japan-Southeast Asian Relations Japan-Middle East Relations Japan-Central Asia Relations Japan-South Asia Relations Japan-European Relations Okinawa N.PAG N.PAG 1 04/14/20 20200401 NES 200401 B Abstract: b The paper examines Japan's capital city of Tokyo's "Zero Emission Tokyo Strategy." PHOTO (COLOR) Figure 1: TMG 2050 and Tokyo Metropolitan Government (Click to enlarge) Figure 1 shows that TMG 2050 also melds the "hard" infrastructure of technology with the "soft" infrastructure of inclusive governance. TMG 2050's aims in these two sectors are a significant acceleration of the GHG reductions it has already achieved since 2015, which marks TMG's post-Fukushima peak of GHG emissions.[7] In other words, TMG's ratcheting-up of ambitions credibly builds on demonstrated prior performance. TMG 2050 and Tokyo Resource-Efficiency We suggested earlier that TMG 2050 is not mere virtue-signaling, but rather builds on TMG's strengths. [Extracted from the article]

Keywords: Asia Pacific Journal; Japan; Asia Pacific; Pacific Rim; Asia; East Asia; Northeast Asia; Southeast Asia; Southwest Asia; South Asia; Contemporary Japan; Contemporary Asia Pacific; Contemporary East Asia; US-Japan relations; US-China-Japan-Korea relations; Japan-East Asian Relations; Japan-Northeast Asian Relations; Japan-Pacific Relations; Japan-Southeast Asian Relations; Japan-Middle East Relations; Japan-Central Asia Relations; Japan-South Asia Relations; Japan-European Relations; Okinawa EN Asia Pacific Journal Japan Asia Pacific Pacific Rim Asia East Asia Northeast Asia Southeast Asia Southwest Asia South Asia Contemporary Japan Contemporary Asia Pacific Contemporary East Asia US-Japan relations US-China-Japan-Korea relations Japan-East Asian Relations Japan-Northeast Asian Relations Japan-Pacific Relations Japan-Southeast Asian Relations Japan-Middle East Relations Japan-Central Asia Relations Japan-South Asia Relations Japan-European Relations Okinawa N.PAG N.PAG 1 03/24/20 20200301 NES 200301 This paper analyzes playful activities within protests against the 2020 Tokyo Olympics. One activist in Hangorin no Kai noted that the "originality" of such tactics impressed and galvanized them to take part (Hangorin no Kai 2014, 66). Hangorin no Kai has also admitted its tactics, while playful and provocative as pranks, were ultimately ignored by the mainstream media, such as the I mikoshi i event (Hangorin no Kai 2013). Asia Pacific Journal, Japan, Asia Pacific, Pacific Rim, Asia, East Asia, Northeast Asia, Southeast Asia, Southwest Asia, South Asia, Contemporary Japan, Contemporary Asia Pacific, Contemporary East Asia, US-Japan relations, US-China-Japan-Korea relations, Japan-East Asian Relations, Japan-Northeast Asian Relations, Japan-Pacific Relations, Japan-Southeast Asian Relations, Japan-Middle East Relations, Japan-Central Asia Relations, Japan-South Asia Relations, Japan-European Relations, Okinawa. [Extracted from the article]

Keywords: Asia Pacific Journal; Japan; Asia Pacific; Pacific Rim; Asia; East Asia; Northeast Asia; Southeast Asia; Southwest Asia; South Asia; Contemporary Japan; Contemporary Asia Pacific; Contemporary East Asia; US-Japan relations; US-China-Japan-Korea relations; Japan-East Asian Relations; Japan-Northeast Asian Relations; Japan-Pacific Relations; Japan-Southeast Asian Relations; Japan-Middle East Relations; Japan-Central Asia Relations; Japan-South Asia Relations; Japan-European Relations; Okinawa EN Asia Pacific Journal Japan Asia Pacific Pacific Rim Asia East Asia Northeast Asia Southeast Asia Southwest Asia South Asia Contemporary Japan Contemporary Asia Pacific Contemporary East Asia US-Japan relations US-China-Japan-Korea relations Japan-East Asian Relations Japan-Northeast Asian Relations Japan-Pacific Relations Japan-Southeast Asian Relations Japan-Middle East Relations Japan-Central Asia Relations Japan-South Asia Relations Japan-European Relations Okinawa N.PAG N.PAG 1 03/24/20 20200301 NES 200301: This paper argues the 2020 Tokyo Olympics has raised people's awareness of concerns over radiation exposure as a form of social movement. (IPPNW European Affiliates 2019) Toward Creating a "Chernobyl Law" in Japan Social movements in Japan have entered a new phase since 2011 following the March 11 disaster (Ogawa 2013, 2014, 2016, 2018, forthcoming [2020a]). The Third Sector and the State in Contemporary Japan i (SUNY, 2009), and I Lifelong Learning in Neoliberal Japan: Risk, Knowledge, and Community i (SUNY, 2015). [Extracted from the article]

APJ Subscription Drive November-December 2019 Tensions between the US and China are reaching fever pitch in the era of Donald Trump, with mounting conflict between the US and China, the US and North Korea, China and the nations of the South China Sea, Okinawa and the US-Japan, and Japan and its neighbors, Korea and Taiwan. We believe this makes the work of APJ more important than ever. We have no corporate, foundation or university angel, so our ability to publish relies on our core supporters. Your support allows us to provide APJ free to our 19,000 regular readers and thousands of others around the world who access the journal through reprints and other sources. Our goal: $12,000. If you value the journal, please go to our homepage http://apjjf.org/Subscribe where you can both subscribe to our semi-monthly Newsletter and contribute (tax free) via Paypal or credit card. Enter your email address and an amount and click on Paypal. You can pay by credit card or paypal. We need support in the range of $100-500-1,000 to maintain the site. This essay describes a campaign by nationalist Japanese journalist Komori Yoshihisa against a public symposium and workshop on historical memory and reconciliation in East Asia held at George Washington University in 2003. When conservative politicians, led from behind the scenes by current prime minister Abe Shinzo, alleged anti-Japan bias in the Diet (parliament), the cosponsor and funder of the workshop, the Japan Foundation Center for Global Partnership, wilted under intense political pressure from the Right and withdrew support for the book project. A counterprotest in defense of academic freedom by senior American Japan specialists revived the workshop only to have the Foreign Ministry intervene. Funder interference—insistence on progovernment authors—undermined the project and the essay collection based on conference papers was never published. Fear of the Right led American and Japanese professors to reject a highly qualified fellowship applicant in 2015 and still haunts prominent bilateral intellectual exchange competitions. This essay's scrutiny of the Komori Affair leads to other contemporary concerns, such as the integrity of peer review in a context of funder intervention and the compromise of US academic partners dependent on intellectual exchange activities bankrolled by foreign governments. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Aotearoa New Zealand provides an important example of successful citizen activism in the form of anti-nuclear peace advocacy. The collective efforts by peace actors over several decades resulted in the successful demand for a nuclear-free nation. This paper highlights the widespread participation and political support that facilitated the process and assesses its achievements. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The nuclear disaster in Fukushima which followed in the wake of the 3/11 Tohoku earthquake and tsunami has given rise to one of the most significant public health crises in modern world history, with profound implications for how nuclear energy is perceived. This paper analyzes the most dire phase of the Fukushima nuclear crisis, showing how the level of risk was assessed by nuclear experts and state-level actors who worked largely out of view of public scrutiny. In addition to examining how the accident progression in the reactors was addressed and conveyed to the general public, the paper addresses how the exclusionary zones were determined by Japanese and foreign governments in Japan. As the crisis unfolded and efforts to bring the reactors under control were initially proving ineffective, concerns increased that the dispersion of radioactive fallout was unmitigated, and with radiation monitoring by the U.S. military indicating levels significantly beyond TEPCO's conservative assessments, the United States broke with Japan, recommending an 80km exclusionary zone, and initiating military assisted departures for embassy staff and Department of Defense dependents from Japan. These actions deviated significantly from Japan's assessments (which had established a 30km evacuation zone), creating a dynamic where the U.S. provided technical consultation for the nuclear response while striving to maintain a delicate diplomatic balance as they attempted to impose a qualitatively different crisis management response. Because this crisis had significant implications for Japan's international relations, diplomatic considerations have helped to suppress the complex, often fractious relations between Japan and foreign governments - especially the United States - whose collective efforts eventually turned the tide from managing the nuclear meltdowns to ameliorating their long-term consequences. Based on interviews with political officials in both the Japanese government and foreign embassies in Japan, and nuclear experts and military officers who worked the crisis, the paper analyzes how technical assessments drove decision making and were translated into political policy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The nuclear disaster in Fukushima which followed in the wake of the 3/11 Tohoku earthquake and tsunami has given rise to one of the most significant public health crises in modern world history, with profound implications for how nuclear energy is perceived. This paper analyzes the most dire phase of the Fukushima nuclear crisis, showing how the level of risk was assessed by nuclear experts and state-level actors who worked largely out of view of public scrutiny. In addition to examining how the accident progression in the reactors was addressed and conveyed to the general public, the paper addresses how the exclusionary zones were determined by Japanese and foreign governments in Japan. As the crisis unfolded and efforts to bring the reactors under control were initially proving ineffective, concerns increased that radiation dispersion was unmitigated, and with radiation monitoring by the U.S. military indicating levels significantly beyond TEPCO's conservative assessments, the United States broke with Japan, recommending an 80km exclusionary zone, and initiating military assisted departures for embassy staff and Department of Defense dependents from Japan. These actions deviated significantly from Japan's assessments (which had established a 30km evacuation zone), creating a dynamic where the U.S. provided technical consultation for the nuclear response while striving to maintain a delicate diplomatic balance as they attempted to impose a qualitatively different crisis management response. Because this crisis had significant implications for Japan's international relations, diplomatic considerations have helped to suppress the complex, often fractious relations between Japan and foreign governments -- especially the United States -- whose collective efforts eventually turned the tide from managing the nuclear meltdowns to ameliorating their long-term consequences. Based on interviews with political officials in both the Japanese government and foreign embassies in Japan, and nuclear experts and military officers who worked the crisis, the paper analyzes how technical assessments drove decision making and were translated into political policy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

REMINDER: The deadline for the 2019 Kyoko Selden Memorial Translation Prize competition is soon approaching. Translations should be submitted by the deadline of August 1, 2019. The 2018 prizes were awarded to Dawn Lawson for Nakajima Shōen's A Famous Flower in Mountain Seclusion (Sankan no meika, 1889) and to Max Zimmerman for the short story, "An Artificial Heart" (Jinkō Shinzō, 1936) by Kosakai Fuboku. For further information please see the Cornell Asian Studies Department website. Triggered by globalization, internationalization, and multiculturalism, Japanese ultra-nationalist groups spread hate targeting Zainichi Koreans and other minorities. The focus of this paper is not the traditional manifestation of hate speech between the socially powerful and the seemingly powerless, but women who openly perform hate speech in the name of love of country. It examines Japanese women's groups whose objective is to nurture patriotic awareness under the guise of sustaining culture and tradition. They discover a sense of legitimate social empowerment aiming to restore "historical truth" and uphold their country's honor and dignity for their children's sake. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper traces the social history of the household registration system (koseki seido) in Japan from its beginning to the present day. The paper argues that the koseki has been an essential tool of social control used at various stages in history to facilitate the political needs and priorities of the ruling elite by constructing and policing the boundaries of Japanese self. This self has been mediated through the principles of family as defined by the state and has created diverse marginalised and excluded others. The study includes social unrest and agency of these others in furthering understanding of the role of the koseki in Japanese society. The paper also contributes understanding of nationality and citizenship in contemporary Japan in relation to the koseki. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article discusses several papers related to the financial economic crisis in Japan and the Asia Pacific. Particular focus is given to the ability of Japan to endure its own domestic version of a real estate bubble that burst into a financial crisis. A paper by James Galbraith maintains that the Obama administration's focus on fixing the U.S. banking system is fundamentally misguided. He urges the government to take control of the insolvent banks. One study deals with China's role in global dollar markets and gives the impression that China is the world's largest foreign holder of U.S. dollar instruments. In "A Lethal Shakeout," Stephen Roach notes that Asia's economies were driven by export bubbles.

This paper examines the suffrage rights of mukosekisha: Japanese who are not listed in a household registration (koseki). It explains that Japanese who are not listed in a household registration do not enjoy the right to vote unless they are recorded in a resident record (jëmin hyō), which differs from the household registration. Moreover, a provision in the Public Offices Election Act enacted soon after World War II may prevent some Japanese who are not listed in a household registration from exercising their right to vote even if they are recorded in a resident record. This out-dated provision should be amended to allow the right to vote of Japanese who are not listed in a household registration but are recorded in a resident record. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Prime Minister Abe Shinzō has made Work Style Reform (hatarakikata kaikaku) part of his core policy agenda, promising above all to remedy the Japanese way of work's two greatest problems: dangerously long work hours and grossly unequal wage gaps between regular and non-regular workers. However, critics charge that the proposals will likely aggravate these problems, given that labor policymaking is dominated by conservative business and political leaders bent on deregulation. This paper examines the current Work Style Reform proposals, explaining howthe work hour reduction and equal pay for equal work proposals are being promoted to the public, and why they ultimately fail as reforms from the worker point of view. Despite these serious problems, the government's effective marketing has helped to defuse potential resistance and the reform plans may become law in 2018. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article introduces the Japanese Furusato Nozei Tax System, whereby citizens can designate part of their tax burden to be transferred to as a financial contribution to a prefecture or municipality of their choice, thereby creating an alternative means of taxation. Given that the Furusato Nozei System is gaining widespread popularity, this paper investigates some of its inherent contradictions, its rationale, history and certain paradoxical features of this controversial tax system. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper documents the fact that distributed power is a rapidly expanding and quickly evolving market with important implications for Japanese and global energy futures. It also shows that Japan has an excellent opportunity to grow a robust and sustainable business area that includes primary, secondary and tertiary industries. Distributed power can improve equity, local resilience, and build a more competitive export sector. But Japan may be handicapped by Galapagos features as well as the capacity of vested interests to block progress in power deregulation and other aspects that favour the diffusion of distributed power and efficiency. These handicaps may become even more pronounced after the December 16 general election, which is shaping up to be - at least in part - a contest over whether to stick with centralized power in the hands of Tepco and other giant utilities or accelerate the distribution of opportunities. The election seems likely to bring on even worse political confusion and gridlock than Japan endures at present, which will almost certainly advantage the status quo. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The author discusses the urgency of dealing with black rain or nuclear fallout associated with the Fukushima Dai-ichi nuclear disaster in Japan. He discloses his involvement in meteorological studies concerning possible link between atomic dust and climate change following the 1954 hydrogen bomb testing conducted by the U.S. on the Bikini Atoll. He explains the climatic event called nuclear winter which could lead to the destruction of ozone layer, adding that he previously presented a research paper about nuclear winter in Japan at the 1984 "Prevention of Nuclear War and a Total Ban on Nuclear Weapons" international forum. The health impact of black rain on individuals that have been exposed to it is also explored.

This paper examines the history of women in the Japanese Self-Defense Forces. I focus on policy makers' reasons for introducing women into the SDF, reasons that have nothing to do with gender equality. I apply a framework of "camouflaging" in my discussion of these reasons. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]