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Under which circumstances and why do warring factions comply with third-parties' demands for the cessation of hostilities, and when do such calls go unheeded? The existing literature on multilateral conflict management and compliance with international regimes does not offer empirical answers to these questions; leaving researchers and policy-makers alike with little guidance on how the multilateral actors can most effectively impact on the behavior of governments and rebel groups engaged in armed conflict. This study aims at closing this lacuna. Based on the current literature on cooperation, compliance, and conflict management, it develops a theory of compliance with United Nations Security Council resolutions in civil wars. Using a new dataset coded and compiled for this study at the International Peace Institute, it then tests this theory by analyzing civil-war parties' compliance with all requests for military de-escalation addressed by the Security Council to factions in twenty-four civil wars between 1989 and 2003, using multilevel MLE models. The paper is the first large-n quantitative analysis of compliance with United Nations Security Council resolutions in armed conflict. The paper finds that compliance with Security Council resolutions in civil wars is strongly correlated with the conflict-management ecology, the compliance strategy pursued by the United Nations, great-power dynamics in the Security Council, and the linkage between the Council's effort and ongoing peace processes. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

It is widely claimed that civil society associations such as NGOs enable the disadvantaged to address issues of weak governance. Yet, existing research suggests that NGOs have a problematic relationship with the poor and, in turn, have a limited impact on the political participation of marginalized groups. This paper will examine the question how NGOs relate to their clients by analyzing Indian NGOs' decision to pursue legal activism in the form of public interest litigation (PIL). The nature of PIL allows an entire population group to seek redress, and hence, presents an effective venue for accessing the state. In India, PIL has developed into a useful tool to enhance marginalized groups' political participation and to promote the legal activism of NGOs. This paper will provide insight into why and when NGOs use PIL to pursue basic human rights on behalf of the poor and disadvantaged, and whether these marginalized groups are the intended beneficiaries of NGOs' legal activism in the first place. Instead of identifying NGOs merely in terms of civil society agents who thicken political development, this paper will analyze NGOs as self-interested actors with specific political motives. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper will make the case that by examining the historical record, the theories associated with a state emerging from extreme ethnic violence, in particular the comparative symbolic politics theories of Stuart Kaufmann and the author's direct experience in a NATO peacekeeping unit, that this model best describes the environment and peacekeeping challenges facing SFOR and NATO in the late 1990s. This paper offers a unique perspective from both the lens of the theorist and practitioner that can capture peacekeeping tools to monitor the complex problem sets of extreme ethnic violence. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Filling the Gap via �Loose Institutions�: A Case Study from the Acid Deposition Monitoring Network in East Asia (EANET). This paper aims to discuss whether �loose institutions� via networks, which variety of actors tie complexly, could have any significance for the creation of regional environmental governance. Using a case study from the Acid Deposition Monitoring Network in East Asia (EANET), the paper especially focuses on why East Asian states have chosen the acid rain issue, to explain how the formation of regional institutions weaves regional norms with networking. In order to explain these focal issues from analytical approaches, 'network analysis' as the theoretical framework is firstly introduced and applied to the three periods of the case: formation, maintenance, and development of the network of EANET. The idea of effectiveness on international/regional institution is secondly used for its evaluation. As a conclusion, this case study implies that environmental governance in East Asia could entail three processes along with the whole dynamic of network advancement: international/ regional networking, the promotion of good governance, and concrete measures for the implementation of the issue. It also suggests the possibility to mix the different modes of governance to make �patchwork quilt� towards the promotion of further environmental cooperation in East Asia. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The paper tests the resilience of the human rights norm within the setting of the UN counter-terrorism bodies, looking at the levels of socialisation to this principle of the security elites of three Western countries: Italy, the United Kingdom and the United States. It analyses, in comparative perspective, their contributions to the development and evolution of the UN counter-terrorism framework in two selected cases: The 1267 sanctions regime, in light of the impact on its listing and de-listing procedures of the European Court of Justice's ruling in the Kadi Al Barakaat case (2008): And the adoption and implementation of the 2006 General Assembly's Global Counter-Terrorism Strategy. The paper contends that the observed levels of compliance and the standardisation of member states' practices as a result of the implementation of this framework suggest a strategic use of the human rights norm. It also argues, however, that partial socialisation to this norm has occurred. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The massive destructive consequences of the 2004 Indian Ocean earthquake and tsunami,have called attention to the phenomenal failure of the international community to provide early warning before the disaster,and the chaotic disaster relief efforts after the extent of the catastrphy became evident.These lessons have made the need for the establishment of an institutionalized disaseter warning and disaster relief regime a matter of great urgency.This paper offers a well structured agenda ,detailed outline of the fundamentals ,and the parameters pertaining to the main issues such a regim would have to address.Due to the enormity of the task,the paper makes an argument for an Asia first approach due to the experience acquired since 2004 in that region.If it will be successful there, the regime buildig policy process can be extended to other regions.These incremental expansion would eventually lead to the establisment of a politically integrated and coordinated global early warning and disaster relief regime. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper traces motivational influences from the US-led invasion and occupation of Iraq to patterns of Islamist terrorism in Western Europe. The paper analyses the circumstances of two successful terrorist attacks in Western Europe occurring after the invasion in March 2003. First, we survey the mass casualty attack attributed to a group of al-Qaida associated radical Islamists in Madrid on 11 March 2004, and secondly, the slaughter of a Dutch filmmaker on the streets of Amsterdam, also by an al-Qaida inspired terrorist network. These terrorist attacks were launched in the context of intensified counter-terrorism efforts on the global scene, and the invasion and occupation of Iraq. The paper situates these acts of terrorism within the broader theory of so-called "spillover effects" from armed conflicts to international terrorism. The argument in this paper is that although there were no Iraqi insurgents involved in these two attacks, the Iraq war was a significant motivational factor for the terrorists. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Securing the Palestinian territories has become the objective of the EU police mission, EUPOL COPPS, and the US Dayton mission, in particular after the victory of Hamas at the January 2006 Palestinian elections. At stake with the security governance of the territories is the legitimacy of the Palestinian Authority created by the Oslo agreements, despite its electoral defeat. This paper aims at questioning the link between norms and security, in other words, how to ensure security while rejecting the output of the democratic and the self determination norms? It adopts a realist theoretical framework and a constructivist ontology (Jervis 1998, Barkin 2003, Farrell 2002) which insists on the concepts of perceptions and norms when defining reality. It seeks to acknowledge the interdependence between norms and security, by assessing the extent to which norms can potentially enhance or worsen the security of a territory. Thus, norms do not just codify power relations that originate in material conditions (Flynn and Farrell 1999). As a matter of fact, the non respect of the issue of the elections led to the take over the Gaza strip by Hamas in June 2007, eventually endangering the stability of the region. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

One of the unique aspects of the Israeli-Palestinian conflict is that it is played out on an extremely small scale, involving tiny territories with short distances existing between opposing communities. The paper will demonstrate how GIS can be utilized i ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article presents the conference paper "How is RAMSI faring? Progress, challenges, and lessons learned" presented for the "46th International Studies Association Convention" held in Hawaii on 6 March 2005. It outlines the situation in Solomon Islands before the assistance mission and some of the factors that led to the decision of Australia to intervene. It also examines the challenges being faced by the Regional Assistance Mission to Solomon Islands (RAMSI).

Is Islamic culture retarding development in the Muslim world? This question has aroused considerable debate but how far is it an accurate assessment of the interconnection between economics, society and religion. What are the dynamics of cultural-religiosity and their impact on political and economic change? Why should Islam be regarded as exceptional in regard to other religions and to what extent should it be de-coupled from cultural tradition? Clearly, the complexity of development engages traditionalism in all its manifestations and many challenges and opportunities confront the Muslim world. In exploring these themes, this paper hopes to illuminate the debate surrounding Islamic cultural/developmental contradictions. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

'There was a time when metaphysics was called the queen of all the sciences ? In the beginning, under the administration of the dogmatists, her rule was despotic. Yet because her legislation still retained traces of ancient barbarism, this rule gradually degenerated through internal wars into complete anarchy; and the sceptics, a kind of nomads who abhor all permanent cultivation of the soil, shattered civil unity from time to time. But since there were fortunately only a few of them, they could not prevent the dogmatists from continually attempting to rebuild.' Imannuel Kant, The Critique of Pure Reason, Preface to the First Edition. Free-ranging spirits. - Which of us would dare to call himself a free spirit if he would not wish to pay homage in his own way to those men to whom this name has been applied as an insult by taking on to his own shoulders some of this burden of public disapprobation and revilement? What, however, we may call ourselves in all seriousness (and without being in any way defiant) is 'free-ranging spirits', because we feel the tug towards freedom as the strongest drive of our spirit and, in antithesis to the fettered and firm-rooted intellects, see our ideal almost in a spiritual nomadism - to employ a modest and almost contemptuous expression. Friedrich Nietzsche, Human, All Too Human. 'It is not at all surprising that the philosopher has become a public professor or State functionary. It was all over the moment the State-form inspired an image of thought.' Deleuze and Guattari, A Thousand Plateaus. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

An Operational Code is a prism that influences the actor's perceptions and diagnoses of the flow of political events, his definitions and estimates of particular situations... [and] provides norms, standards, guidelines that influence the actor's choice of strategy and tactics, his structuring and weighing of alternative courses of action. Such a belief system influences but does not unilaterally determine decision making; it is an important but not the only variable that shapes decision-making behavior. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Common perception is that the Northern Ireland Peace Process is falling apart and for a number of reasons this may be true. The people of Northern Ireland are disillusioned. The radical parties from opposing sides of the conflict dominated in the 2003 elections, minimizing the voice of the more moderate parties that were key to the establishment of the peace process. In addition, the activities of paramilitary groups closely linked to powerful political parties, continued after the peace. Together these issues leave little room to question why the perception exists that the peace has failed. While there are certainly plenty of reasons to discuss the failures of the peace process, there are more reasons to discuss what may be working in the process and what progress has been made, if any? While the high profile political dramatics and actions of the sometimes-organized paramilitary groups have tremendous consequences for the peace process, there has been continuous effort made to realize the vision of the 1998 agreement in the work of the institutions and working partners, formalized with the establishment of the peace agreement. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article asserts that there is no linear progression from ethnic toward civic nationalism as nations continue to make inroads in the realm of democratization in Croatia, Serbia, and Bosnia and Herzegovina. It introduces the nationalist demobilization model using a simple two-person, non-zero-sum game. It concludes that ethnic component of nationalism need not become less distinguished as the moderate and inclusivist parties gain voter support and the democratic system institutionalizes mechanisms, such as electoral rules assuring fair election.

This paper examines the recent process of transformation within the World Bank as a series of reactive mediations to the crisis-laden course of capitalist development on a global scale over the last two decades. Two aspects of the Bank?s attempt to construct a new development agenda as a response to contradictions emergent within neoliberal-style social restructuring are highlighted. First, it has embraced the theoretical trends and policy implications of institutional economics. Second, it has refashioned its relations with client countries and their civil societies under the rubrics of ?ownership?, ?participation? and ?empowerment?. The paper proceeds to indicate why the Bank?s current reformulation of development theory presents itself within mainstream theoretical paradigms as an appropriate prescription to counter the crisis of neoliberal-style social restructuring. Concurrently, on the basis of a materialist critique of capitalist development, the paper proceeds to indicate the substantive limits to these present reforms by indicating their theoretical weaknesses and their practical contradictions. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

TV guide published a story during the U.S.-led war against Iraq that advised adults on steps that will minimize the potential for distress and reassure children during an unsettling time, just one story among many devoted to hand wringing out the effects of the war on terror on U.S. children. My research on the role of children in framing U.S. foreign policy for the public is intended to explore the role that ubiquitous stories about children and war, which began during the Gulf War of 1990-1991, play in the presentation of U.S. foreign policy, and the connections between childhood and the performance of comtemporary U.S. masculinity. In a paper that I presented at last year’s International Studies Association, I stressed that while conventional paradigms of masculinity, centered on rescue, protection, and chivalry are compatible with varous humanitarian interventions to ostensibly save women and children, insufficient attention has been given to the way in which consumption-driven constructions of both childhood and masculinity play a role in U.S. foreign policy. In other words, out traditional notions of both childhood and manhood have been chnaging in light of market-driven developments in advertising and branding, and these changes are being rather seamlessly woven into foreign policy representations. I intend to apply my ideas about childhood masculinities, which have developed further in the past year, to the war on terror in Afhanistan and Iraq. In so doing, I hope to further extend the application of my ideas about children and foreign policy, and contribute to further clarification about our understanding of masculinity and foreign policy as well. (quote from Mark Laswell, 2003: Kids and the Telivision War. TV Guide. April 12-18: 18-21.) [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Some foreign policy votes in Congress are partisan while others are bipartisan. This paper argues that apart from electoral connections and party ideology, international political situations drive partisanship in congressional foreign policy voting. American foreign policy towards India if analyzed during different periods has generally been policies that are bipartisan in nature. Analyses of various crucial policy decisions relating to India in the US Congress after the Cold War indicate that decisions were mostly taken in a collective manner according to apparent predictions. This paper traces the changing contours of U.S. foreign policy towards India from the latter part of the Clinton administration to 2008, to that of the administration of George W. Bush and Obama by analyzing the interactions between the two parties in the Congress to evaluate the determinants that influence policy. Some of the questions posed are: how much of a say do these actors actually have? What is the significance of a bipartisan consensus in the congress that explains decision making in the US with regard to India? This paper also demonstrates a transformation of views on India within the US Congress. The evolution and passage of the Indo-US Civil Nuclear Cooperation Agreement, illustrates the argument that foreign policy interests and goals especially in the case of India, modifies partisanship which may continue on other issues. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

What makes a growing number of congressional members sponsor and cosponsor foreign policy bills and resolutions? Although proactive legislative behavior increasingly influences U.S. foreign policy decisions, little empirical research exists on this topic of foreign policy cosponsorships. This paper investigates members' cosponsorship behavior by focusing on the North Korea debate on Capitol Hill, from the 103rd (1993-94) through the 111th Congress (2009-10). Whereas previous research views cosponsorship as a position-taking tool or a coalition-building signal, I argue that foreign policy cosponsorship activities have a great deal to do with members' personal interests and policy expertise. Findings from the Poisson regression analyses suggest that neither voters nor parties direct the North Korea debate. Instead, this paper shows how congressional members use low-cost cosponsorship strategies to promote their own foreign policy interests, particularly with constituency pressure and party influence largely absent. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper explores foreign involvement in Africa as part of energy security. As the international players seek to secure the flow of oil at reasonable prices using sometimes approaches of stark contrast between the West and the East, we look at what is left from this game for Africa. The paper seeks to find out how international energy-related involvements impact the African states where internal institutions are too weak to manage abrupt changes that associate with the large oil sector such as political and fiscal reforms and the economic shocks. Africa is tremendously abundant in oil. Although Africa is just waking up as the new energy powerhouse, it has experienced intensive foreign engagement in other resources including slavery and raw materials long before the colonial era began. This paper argues that history of foreign exploitation for resources is accountable for Africa's failure to perform well despite its promising resource endowment but will remain so as long as Africa supplies resources for the world as crucial as oil. Liberal economists argue that resource industries bring foreign investments needed for states' economic development. Oil companies and foreign government resonate this argument as they claim to build infrastructure projects, provide aid and assist transparency and democratic progress in the places they operate. While external investors reap large commercial benefits, Africa has continued to suffer with wars, abject poverty and bad governance. This paper looks closely whether the approaches they use contribute to Africa's resource curse. It begins with brief discussion of the definition and causes of the resource curse existing in the literature. It then moves onto foreign involvements in Africa for oil security, the focus of this study, provided as part of the cause to the resource curse in the region. In this sector, it explains how Africa has stepped up as a strategic location for international energy, who involves in the African oil game and what approaches they employ by economic, political and military means. By this, the paper sheds light on the unaddressed relations between foreign resource extractions and the resource curse discussion. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper has the following two interrelated objectives. The first aim is to set out and defend a novel theoretical account for distributive justice beyond borders. My approach offers a common basis both for the current debate on the scope and for the ongoing dispute about the site of justice. First, in light of the deadlock in the debate between statism and cosmopolitanism on the scope of justice, my framework offers a common theoretical lens that makes it possible not only to assess these positions but to move beyond them. Second, my framework also offers a new perspective on the dispute about the site of justice, i.e. the type of objects to which justice is applicable, which is closely linked to the debate about whether the existence of institutions is a necessary condition for obligations of justice to arise. Going beyond a dichotomous approach not just in terms of the scope but also in terms of the site of justice, my theoretical framework shows that justice is not just triggered in the context of existing institutions but that certain types of interaction or even mere impact may suffice, under specific conditions, to give rise to demands of justice. The second objective of this paper is to demonstrate that the concept of global public goods, e.g. financial stability, and global public bads, e.g. climate change, raises profound and unprecedented questions of justice. Surprisingly, this concept - despite its striking relevance - has hardly played any role in discussions about justice. The paper attempts to fill this gap in the literature. I argue that reflection on global public goods and global public bads strengthens the theoretical framework I set out in the first part of the paper and generates key new insights into the ongoing debate about the scope and site of justice beyond borders. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

What can account for the variety of immigration policies adopted by governments that share similar migration pressures and challenges? Using the cases of West Germany and Switzerland, this paper examines the political processes and policy choices that mark the foundational periods of the two countries' guest worker regimes from the late 1940s to the early 1970s. The paper provides an empirical challenge to the immigration literature's claims that, first, "guest worker countries" are marked by policy uniformity, and, second, guest worker recruitment will unavoidably result in immigration. Instead, this analysis shows that the recruitment systems of postwar Switzerland and West Germany differed in two critical, and little noted, respects: first, in the speed with which permanent settlement occurred, and, second, in the timing of recruitment restraints. Thus, while the Swiss system for a long time was marked by state-enforced worker rotation, West German officials took no steps to prevent settlement. And whereas the Swiss government started to reign in recruitment in the early 1960s--a time of high market demand for migrant labor--West German policy makers only sought to put an end to recruitment during the oil crisis of the early 1970s. The theoretical framework developed in this paper combines institutional and ideational approaches to the study of public policy. Policy choices on matters of immigration, I argue, can be understood as the result of the number, and type, of conflict arenas they have to pass through. The various conflict arenas--executive, legislative, electoral--distinguish themselves by the extent to which they are open to societal influence, or, conversely, by the degree to which they offer political insulation to policy makers from both populist and interest group pressure. Conflict arenas not only determine to what extent policy choices reflect the preferences of policy makers, they also offer institutional constraints and incentives that shape preferences themselves. Moreover, under certain conditions, policy choices will also reflect processes of social learning among political elites. While this argument is tested empirically against Switzerland's and West Germany's postwar guest worker systems, the theoretical framework is designed to allow for the comparative study of immigration politics more generally. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper examines the correspondence between Kantian ethics and Kantian politics concerning the question of emancipation in world politics. The chapter is divided into three parts, the first of which focuses on the political implications of Kant's ethics, particularly the second formulation of the Categorical Imperative (CI) (the duty to treat all others as ends-in-themselves) and the normative ideal of the Kingdom of Ends this evinces. The moral law is interpreted as to set explicit ends for political development towards greater approximations of right and it is this notion that is taken to be the core of Kant's vision of emancipation - an ideal that continues to animate CT and CIRT. The second part critically interrogates this emancipatory potential in the moral law against the programmatic aspects of Kant's political philosophy and finds that key aspects of Kant's politics openly contradict the ethical precepts of the CI in regards to; (i) public discriminations against women and dependents; (ii) the permissibility of social inequality, and; (iii) undue limitations imposed on resistance and political change. In the final part, Kant's ethics is tested against his idea of the World Federation and whether it is sufficiently rendered to approximate the Kingdom of Ends in the cosmopolitan sphere. By exploring some of the limitations Kant placed on cosmopolitan community, the paper concludes by suggesting that it is the attempt to overcome these shortcomings in the original Kantian program that motivates a significant part of the ongoing commitment to the emancipatory project in Critical International Relations Theory (CIRT). [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Most existing research on business political influence treats business as a homogenous group and focuses on its interaction with the state. The paper demonstrates that competitive relations between businesses can be an important factor influencing governance. The paper argues that an intra-industry conflict between pharmaceutical companies conducting research and development (R&D) of new drugs and companies manufacturing generic medicines significantly shaped the global governance of pharmaceutical intellectual property. A conceptual framework is proposed that highlights the nexus between governance and companies' competitiveness and, therefore, the possibility of business political conflict. In addition, the concept of contextual power resources is developed to explain which business interests prevailed in the conflict. The research examines three periods, in which global pharmaceutical IP governance evolved: the negotiations of the WTO TRIPS Agreement (1986-1994); the debate on TRIPS and public health (1996- 2003); and the negotiations of US Free Trade Agreements (FTAs) (2000-2007). The outcomes of the TRIPS and FTA negotiations benefited R&D-based companies, the outcome of the debate on TRIPS and public health benefited generics companies. The paper argues that the variation in outcome can be explained by variation in the contextual power resources available to the two business groups. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper concentrates on authority and the responsibility to protect. The paper's principal finding is that states during and after the Cold War have strongly supported the restrictions in international law on the use of armed force. The humanitarian crises, civil wars, and conflicts in the 1990s and 2000s reinforced state suspicion of power not regulated by international law. States have resisted any step - unilateral interventions, assigning responsibility for human protection in the event of state inaction to the Security Council, or working around the Council in extraordinary situations - that could diminish the nominative power of the law. The recent internal strife in Kenya, Darfur, and Kyrgyzstan has shown that the concept enjoys a high profile, but its practical influence is quite limited. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Research on the impact of EU membership on national foreign policies is relatively rare and has so-far produced few theoretical insights. This paper aims to fill this gap by proposing a synthetic theoretical framework, which can account for the various aspects of EU impact. At the substantive level Europeanization is manifested either through the articulation of a 'need for adaptation' to specific EU policies (policy adaptation) and/or through the invocation of EU policy 'models' and 'norms' in the process of policy formulation and legitimization (policy framing). At the procedural level it may entail the adjustment of policymaking structures in order to accommodate the requirements of EU membership (institutional adaptation) and/or the entrenchment of national officials in the co-operative diplomatic culture that guides interaction among member-states within the EU (procedural socialization). The utility of the model is illustrated through a study of Greek foreign policy towards Turkey. The paper calls for a more nuanced approach, which is able to take into the creative usage that actors make of Europe. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The armed conflict in the Republic of Tajikistan, which involved the country's four regions vying for access to the political apparatus after the collapse of the Soviet Union, has been noted for its sudden escalation to violent conflict in 1992, the climax of fighting between 1992 and 1993, as well as its termination via peace settlement in June 1997. Yet, while the overt violent conflict only lasted less than a year, it claimed up to 60,000 lives and displaced an estimated one million people who fled into neighboring countries. Over ten years later, Tajik society has not seen a resurgence of direct violence, but the lasting effects of its period of non-violence may have produced a worse result which involves the presence of latent or structural violence. At the political level, the country's peace process which involved a political sharing arrangement has not been enforced since 2000 and leaves many opposition members isolated from the political process. The level of endemic corruption, lack of press freedoms, along with an increasing rate of drug, arms and human trafficking from South Asia to Eastern Europe, and continuing violence along its southern border with Afghanistan are significant hindrances to sustainable development within the country. Its economic dependency on remittances through labor migration has floated, yet not alleviated the economic development of the country, and instead, accompanied with nation-building strategies of encouraging Tajiki language over Russian language development, has left many Tajiks migrating to Russian-speaking countries susceptible to trafficking and forced labor. Problematically, the aforementioned risk factors are often tolerated both nationally and internationally as acceptable in the absence of direct violence. And while all are significant, the focus of this paper is not on evaluating the risk factors alone, but is focused on the lack of social and religious freedoms which have been highlighted by the Tajik government as "the" source of potential instability for Tajikistan. It is my thesis that it is correlation of the aforementioned factors with the current exploitation of social and religious affairs by the Tajik government for political gain that needs to be considered as increasing the potential for Tajiki men and women to become radicalized. This hypothesis comes from the recent intensity of Government efforts to "secularize" social and religious practices in the country through the political process including regulating the usage of the hijab, the registration of madrassas, and the co-opting of Friday prayers at large mosques which have given rise to concerns for recruitment into more fringe or radicalized elements of Islamic practice. Civil Society organizations have recognized that this recent assault on social and religious life is detrimental in the face of political and economic instability, and have worked on preventive measures to counter the government crackdown in this sphere. This paper will summarize the aforementioned hypothesis, then delve into a discourse on the varying approaches to preventing radicalization between government offices and civil society organizations and where these two competing strategies (albeit asymmetrical in their power dynamic) leave Tajikistan's citizens. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper argues for conceptually dislocating national identity from the nation-state, so that we can recognise the risks and opportunities for global inclusion that national identity presents. The paper offers two arguments for this dislocation approach. First the origins of national identity lie in international mobility and exchange. Second, the contemporary experience with national identity frequently exceeds and may in fact be re-shaping the nation-state. The paper then considers two risks of this dislocation. One is that the strategic choices of individuals with multiple national identities will create unfairness or inequity, the other is that the interpenetration of national identity into the affairs of other states creates problems for democracy. Yet these practices can also provide avenues for representing complex patterns of mobility and attachment, as well as integrating the fates of disparate states, which means they present resources - as well as risks - for global inclusion. So if national identity does not neatly map on to the state structure, and is unlikely to ever do so without considerable conflict and alienation, then we should seek ways to bring out the inclusive potential of such dislocation, while minimizing its tendency to generate patterns of privilege or influence. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

When examining popular culture and the politics of ethnicity, nationalism, religion and class, it becomes clear that sport is an element of culture which is heavily implicated in their (re)creation and maintenance. In this paper, the sport of football is examined for its role in building these elements of identity. More specifically, this paper examines the politics of the football stadium, and considers the political implications of football fan behaviour. Rather than viewing the football stadium as a 'liminal' space where an ontological dichotomy exists between the liminality of the stadium and the 'real' world outside, I argue that the stadium instead acts as a continuity mechanism between life in the stadium and outside of it, and as such represents not a space of unreality but rather a space of a slightly different alter-reality. In other words, I reject the notion that football fandom in the stadium is merely the performance of the carnivalesque and as such is limited in space, time and consequence. Certainly the stadium is loud, hyper-masculinized, and any number of other things that are not present in the 'real' world, but my argument is that the 'real' worlds of football fans are impacted considerably by their experiences and identity performances through ninety minutes on any given Saturday. Therefore, this paper seeks to ascertain the extent to which the football world and the 'real' world intersect, while also examining the extent to which football fandom is implicated in the (re)creation and performances of identity. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

While NATO enlargement has been praised by many as a key component to the future of European security and the maintenance of the organization, the hidden costs of enlargement remain unclear. This paper will examine the costs associated with enlargement from the viewpoint of the institution and candidate states. The political costs associated with enlargement are considered by examining whether new states meet minimal membership criteria with respect to democratization and civil liberties using a baseline of the initial members in 1949 and the members in the organization before the end of the cold war. Further analyses, using a structured focused comparison technique, will examine how candidate states pay for enlargement by focusing on the process between action recommendation and action implementation. In addition, enlargement also effects the organization's institutional and operational efficiency. In particular, as the organization increases membership size it will become increasingly difficult to continue to function effectively using the consensus rule using collective action and principal-agent approaches, this paper will suggest that if the organization maintains the current decision-making system the effect will be to create superficial mandates which will be unenforceable suggesting that the mission of the organization itself as well as its zone of action may need to be reconsidered. As the organization considers future, more risky, rounds of enlargement, it is clear that those hidden costs may become more consequential and could put the health of the organization itself at risk. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In a world of rapid global changes and challenges, nation-states are no longer the sole important international actors; international security institutions are of growing importance. Yet, the interaction of these institutions is far from easy. Only specific aspects of policy problems are ascribed to different actors resulting in an overlap of issue areas. The successive cooperation to tackle security problems causes interlocking institutions. As a consequence, functional divisions of labor seem to be developing in the field of conflict management, one example being the EU and NATO which will be in the focus of this analysis. This paper looks at the relationship of the EU and NATO in conflict management. According to rational institutionalism, institutional functions are the outcome of member state positions and their ascription of specific functions and tasks. But the institutions and institutional actors themselves also have an influence on their agenda and performance. The paper examines the relationship between EU and NATO in conflict management, including which tasks and functions they perform. Then it analyzes whether cooperation and a possible functional division of labor is based on this functional ascription by member states or more on the activities of the institutions themselves. This comparative study will thereby contribute to a theory based analysis of the relationship of these major two international security institutions and it will show that principals (member states) and agents (international security institutions) are of importance in shaping these institutions and their agenda. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The paper connects sociological theories of world risk society to current IR research on global governance. New global risks such as climate change, international terrorism and international financial crises, are confronting global politics with a new quality of challenges. As we argue in this paper, these global risks require new forms of preventive governance which transcend the functional limitations and territorial boundaries of both nation-states and existing international organizations. Therefore, these new forms of preventive governance must neither be equated nor confused with existing concepts of risk management and the 'prevention state' nor with concepts of 'global governance'. By distinguishing between regulatory and assertive governance, the paper identifies four varieties of global risk governance ranging from unilateral regulative governance to new forms of multilateral assertive governance. The normative ideal of 'global governance' integrating public and private actors in symmetrical forms of cooperation represents only one of these types. The paper concludes that these varieties of global risk governance are likely to stay and that global risk governance might be characterized by the combination of different types of governance even within specific issue areas. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Within an altered economic environment, companies are trying to survive. To do so, companies will use 'Business Diplomacy' (BD) which comprise representation, communication and negotiation towards other stakeholders to defend company interests. Managing these relations is seen as useful because it enables the chance to avoid unnecessary and unwanted conflicts. Also, the external environment wherein a company acts is made more susceptible to their specific interests'. This paper shows why BD is different from interest representation of pressure groups which are mainly studied by political scientists. Also, acknowledging the fact that companies use 'diplomacy' is by no means shared by all scholars. Therefore, the concept of BD is defined and positioned within the body of diplomatic studies. Through the introduction of 'Corporate Political Activity' (CPA) as a part of this relatively new concept of BD, this paper aims to expand the understanding about the prerequisites stimulating the use of BD. Also, it deepens the insights on how BD functions and how it can be organized, both internal and external, by companies. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In recent decades, Postinternationalism has developed into an influential perspective in International Relations (IR). Core concepts such as the "sphere of authority" (Rosenau) or "polity" (Ferguson) have been applied to analyze transformative developments in global politics with regard to diverse actors and issues as well as system structure and interaction processes. This paper suggests that a postinternational approach can also provide helpful insights into the field of International Political Economy (IPE) by examining Multinational Corporations (MNCs) and their role in and impact on technological evolution. As a complex polity, MNCs have to accommodate various socio-political stakeholders, technological evolution, markets and national / global as well as public / private governance frameworks. The paper develops an integrative framework to critically investigate the challenges that MNCs face in managing the interconnected issues of technology, markets, regulatory governance and corporate identity in a rapidly changing global environment. It focuses on a case study of the German Siemens AG, one of the oldest and largest MNCs in the world and a leader in the information and communication technology (ICT) sectors of the 20th and 21st centuries. By analyzing Siemens' struggles to adapt to rapidly changing technology, new public policies (liberalization) and new corporate governance models during the 1990s and 2000s, the paper highlights the complex interconnectedness of technology, economics, politics and identity that make up the study of MNCs. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Methods of assessing political leadership are often used independent of each other. This paper illustrates the gains of bridging two at-a-distance assessment of political personality in explaining foreign policy behavior. Leadership traits and operational code measure different idiosyncratic characteristics of political leaders. Utilizing both in a discussion of Turkey's foreign policy towards the United States in the post-Cold War era, I argue that together leadership traits and operational code analyses can offer more insight to understanding patterns in leaders' foreign policy choices. This paper employs two automated content analysis programs, TABARI and Profiler Plus. TABARI generates event data from newswire stories to assess foreign policy behavior, and Profiler Plus analyzes speeches, interviews of political leaders to profile their operational codes and/or personality traits. I show that Turkish prime ministers differ not only in terms of their leadership styles but also in terms of their beliefs about the United States. The paper illustrates that these differences make a better tool when they are taken together in explaining Turkey's foreign policy behavior towards the United States in the post-Cold War era. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper examines the political dimensions of trauma surrounding U.S. wounded soldiers returning from Iraq and Afghanistan since the events of 9/11. Given that more U.S. soldiers survive the "shock and awe" effects of postmodern war assemblages and are returning to the homefront with serious injuries and traumatic combat--related experiences, it is increasingly important to identify how wounded soldiers and their families are embedded within, and politically challenge, military institutions of bureaucratic control, violence, and gendered inequalities. In order to map these relationships of power, I suggest that Annie Proulx's short story "Tits--Up In a Ditch" is an exemplary text for exploring these macro- and micropolitical dimensions of trauma surrounding wounded soldiers since the event-space of 9/11. By taking heed to Michael J. Shapiro's concepts of "national times" and "other times" (Shapiro: 2001), this paper illustrates how Proulx's short story maps the politics of "rural time," "women's time," and "military time" that inform how many wounded soldiers experience the traumatic effects of the war in everyday life, both at home and abroad. By doing so, this paper contributes to a broader political knowledge that is attentive to the temporal structures of power and gendered inequalities underpinning the U.S. wounded soldier as a subject of contemporary war trauma since the events of 9/11. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

"Weak states", "fragile states", "collapsed states", "fragmented states", not to speak of "rouge states": the problem of state disintegration has received considerable attention over the past few years, and numerous are the concepts put forward to try and describe the phenomenon. The various qualifications of states' internal problems have generally been accompanied by different "solutions" the international community should apply. Indeed, it can be argued that the different narratives on state failure have also had as a function to justify international interventions to try and solve the problems. As internal problems resulting of state failure, and especially armed conflicts threatening to destabilize entire regions, have increasingly come to be seen as international problems, the question of the international community's responsibilities has been posed in different forms (the principle of the "responsibility to protect" being one part of the proposed answers). The notion of "global governance", emerging along with an increased awareness on the relations of interdependence in today's globalized world, has been put forward as the overarching response to internal threats that may become international. This paper proposes to look closer at the relationship between state fragility and global governance through the study of the international efforts to put an end to the conflict in Darfur. The war in the Western province of Sudan broke out in 2003, and has for a long time been on the top of international agendas and to the highest degree been seen as an international affair. The Sudanese state is not a weak state however, on the contrary, it is best characterized as authoritarian. It's fragility stems rather from the turbulence at the centre, where constant power struggles have lead to shifting alliances, which in turn determine the conduct of state affairs. However, the Sudanese state has since the outbreak of the war in Darfur incessantly been portrayed as incapable to solve its internal problems, a framing that has justified international interventions on different levels (security level with an international peacekeeping mission, justice level through the prosecution by the International Criminal Court). This paper will explore how the internal conflict in Darfur became an international affair, in other words, how the political authority was transferred from an internal Sudanese level to an international level. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In May 1999, the bombing of the Chinese embassy by NATO during the war in Serbia sparks off a controversy; two years later, in April 2001, in South China, an aerial collision between a US reconnaissance aircraft and a Chinese jet fighter harms once again U.S.-China relations. These two events have many similarities, notably they both ended with regrets/apologies by the US to China (Gries 2004) (Dahl 2004) (Negash 2006). This paper analyzes apologies in U.S.- China diplomacy using Sil and Katzenstein?s analytic eclecticism (2005; 2008; 2010). Indeed, to understand them more than one approach is necessary: Putnam?s two-level games theory (1988), Bull?s (1977) and Constantinou?s (1996) analysis of diplomacy all provide some complementary pieces of information. This paper aims at a better understanding of apologies in U.S.-China diplomacy. It will also show the potentialities of an eclectic analysis to make sense of complex events in international life. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

My paper addresses the issue of "multilateral talks" or "forum" and tries to explain "why states often decide to create the talks for dealing with a security problem instead of resolving it through bilateral diplomacy or international regime?" Built upon the most recent experience of the Six-Party talks, the paper explores the effect of multilateralizing the dispute within a border context of regime theory in IR. My central claim is that the members of the talks decided to commit themselves to the talks since they have an unambiguous preference, i.e., the denuclearization in the Korea peninsular by coordinating their behaviors. Having realized that the second Korean War is a common aversion that they have to avoid, the members of the talks coordinated a variety of conflicting interests through the multilateral forum. The 2005 Joint Statement is the product of such coordination. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The main argument of this paper is that the so-called 'Paris School' of security studies cannot account for practices of resistance because of the way it conceptualizes the 'everyday' as the arena of un-intentional actions. After briefly reviewing some of the main arguments of the 'Paris School', the paper engages in a discussion about oppositional agency to security practices. I suggest that resistance to security has a specificity of its own when compared to general practices of resistance. Further on, the paper traces the main theoretical 'roots' of the 'Paris School', analysing how Michel Foucault, Pierre Bourdieu, Michel de Certeau and James Scott conceptualize the 'everyday', and how this is translated into a vision about agency that leaves out intentionality. Such a vision, I argue, is bound to remain incomplete, and is unable to constitute a coherent theoretical vision about resistance. As a substitute, I suggest the critique of the everyday as developed by Henri Lefebvre, with its emphasis on the transformation of everyday life and its focus on the festival. For Lefebvre, the festival is the ultimate expression of oppositional agency, since it is able to substitute for the alienation of everyday life. I contribute to this theoretical discussion by bringing two examples of such transformations of everyday life: tactical frivolity and 'temporary autonomous zones'. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper gives the outline of an ongoing dissertation project dealing with urban public policymaking in the face of global challenges. In contemporary studies on urban politics and globalization, there has been a bias towards studying economic logics and dimensions of global transformations, and very little attention has been paid to urban public policymaking in relation to the more negative forces unleashed by globalization, such as environmental degradation, climate change, diseases, trafficking of goods, people and weapons, transnational organized crime and global terrorism. What passes as urban policies today are often suffused with issues that are also in some sense global and every so often even touch upon „high politics?. Issues that are being defined in terms of global security challenges are increasingly enduring on local scales and local governments and city administrations around the world are becoming increasingly engaged in obtaining and institutionalizing their own competence and capacity on issue-areas relating to foreign affairs and international politics as well as developing local and transnational policy programmes to manage and mitigate various global challenges. Yet, this curios case of „mission creep? is one of which we so far have unsatisfying theoretical understanding. This dissertation project sets out to explore the ways in which the "darker sides" of globalization come to inform contemporary urban public policymaking and how this might play into the restructuring of global-local political orders. The project includes a case study of New York City and its local strategies on climate change and counterterrorism and in this paper theoretical points of departures and methodological considerations are being discussed. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article examines how the philosophical tenets of neoliberalism have altered the spatial structures of the international system over the last four decades. Drawing upon the work of Henri Lefebvre, the paper brings out the relationship between neoliberal political philosophy and its spatial expression. Lefebvre argued that every historical period has its own 'spatial code', and that every successful social ideology produces a new form of space. This paper argues that neoliberalism's spatial code has generated a set of spatial structures that are in conflict with the bounded territorial spaces of the international system of modernity. It examines new forms of social spatial arrangements emerging in this period, such as global city networks and trans-territorial diasporas. It asks what the implications of this spatial legacy may be for the territorial nation-state and for the wider international system. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The objective of the present paper is to analyze if policies of the Initiative for the Integration of Regional Infrastructure in South America (IIRSA) - applied to the borderline region between Brazil/Bolivia - include social participation in the decisions about environmental resources exploitation. It was used the followed methods: textual analysis of public policies of IIRSA, photography, maps and interview analysis with experts in the subject of regional integration. The research is based mainly in the theories of David Harvey, Neil Smith, David Held and Bertha Becker. The current paper discusses about: 1) how policies have a "lacunar discurse2" conduced by Brazil. 2) how laws are planed exclusively by the decision makers, often without the vote of the citizens. Consequently, there is a loss of autonomy in the management of natural resources done by the people, and decisions are taken according to the international economic demands. The physical consequence of the policies on the environment is an increase of fragmentation not only ecological but also cultural, both reflecting negatively on the economy of the region involved in integrative policies. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In the final years of the Brazilian dictatorship, the Sarney administration adopted a nationalist position towards the protection of the Amazon. This position was taken in response to the perceived threat of a US directed intervention to protect biodiversity and limit CO2 production attributed to deforestation within Brazil's border. This nationalist position strongly asserted the sovereign right to exploit the natural resources within Brazil's borders in order to expand its economy and improve its relative position in the international sphere. By the end of the Sarney administration, decision makers had adopted a more 'internationalist' approach to dealing with environmental issues in order to preempt 'environmental conditionality' by US influenced international lending institutions. By the early 1990s, Brazil had become a leading advocate for an international regime on the environment. This paper argues that the international diplomatic community and Brazilian decision makers mutually constituted an identity shift that integrated Brazil into global norms and institutions through a combination of transnational activism, coercion, and social interaction. In contrast with orthodox theoretical explanations that posit causal powers to deep structures of the international system, this paper traces the processes that form the causal mechanisms behind an identity shift in an empirical case study. These causal processes are inherently reductionist, as change in the international system is produced by the embodied actions of the representatives of different institutions. It uses Foucault's theorization of governmentality to explain how environmental conditionality was used to introduce environmentalism into Brazil's foreign policy, and Checkel's theorization of social interaction to explain how environmental regulation was introduced into Brazilian governance. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]