Search

In this article, the authors discuss zero tolerance policies and implications for those they affect most, namely students of color (e.g., Black, American Indian, Latino/a/e) and students with disabilities. First, we present a brief history of the use of zero tolerance policies in school discipline and review the literature on their effects. Although these policies seem race neutral, racial and ethnic disproportionality in their use is well documented. Then, the authors examine implicit bias as a contributor to a negative cycle of student-teacher interactions that influence disparate disciplinary outcomes. Lastly, the authors present recommendations for practice, including policy changes, systems for prevention, approaches for managing behavioral errors, and a promising approach to counteract bias in discipline decision making. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

AbstractBackgroundObjectiveMethodsResultsConclusionsThere is limited information on the discrepancy between the spirometric values calculated with diverse spirometric prediction equations in normal children.To determine the differences in percentage predicted (PP) values calculated through thirteen prediction equations (PEs) in healthy Chilean children.We compared the PP values for FVC, FEV1, FEF25–75% and FEV1/FVC obtained by applying thirteen PEs, using GLI-2012 as a gold standard reference equation and including race neutral GLI-2022 in the analysis; PP values are from a group of 208 healthy Chilean children aged 7 to 17 years.In boys, the range of differences for FVC between PEs compared to the reference group went from −5.47% to 20.82% and from −6.4% to 19.74% in girls. For FEV1, in girls, the range of differences went from −5.96% to 18.01% and from −5,04% to 20.67% in boys. Significant differences between GLI-2012 PPs and the other PEs were observed more frequently in girls than in boys (p < 0.001).There is a wide difference between the spirometric PPs values by different PEs, including race neutral GLI-2022. Our findings, especially given the potential interpretative and clinical implications, might suggest the need for conducting standardized, multicenter studies in Latin America to determine which PEs would better fit pediatric populations in this region. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Since the 1930s, federal housing policies and individual practices increased the spatial separation of whites and blacks. Practices such as redlining, restrictive covenants, and discrimination in the rental and sale of housing not only led to residential segregation by race but also continue to shape Whiteness and frame narratives about what constitutes Blackness. Despite the judicial and legislative victories of the civil rights movement, including the "Brown v. Board of Education of Topeka, Kansas" decision, the Civil Rights Act of 1964, the Voting Rights Act of 1965, and the Fair Housing Act of 1968, residential segregation persists and in many cases has grown. Claims of a postracial society notwithstanding, the continued segregation of Blacks and Whites exacerbates racial wealth inequality, racial achievement gaps, and racial profiling. Using White racial frame and critical race theory, we explain the persistence of residential segregation amid growing ethnic diversity in the United States. We also demonstrate why current efforts to narrow racial gaps in wealth, education, and the criminal justice system have failed. Finally, we discuss several important tenets that must guide efforts to curb the epidemic of death by residential segregation in America.

This study examines the relationship among White antiracism, colorblind racial ideology (CBRI), and White privilege awareness. We use Critical Race Theory (CRT) to frame the historical context of racism in the U.S. and the emergence of racist ideologies. We examine the extent to which White privilege awareness mediates the relationship between CBRI and antiracist practices among White people. We found that (1) participants' antiracist practices were increased the more they rejected power‐evasive forms of CBRI, (2) people who were more aware of their White privilege were also more driven toward antiracist practices, and (3) respondents' awareness of their White privilege was enhanced as they rejected power evasive forms of CBRI. We also found that White people were more likely to participate in antiracist practices when they rejected power evasion CBRI partly because rejecting CBRI enhanced their awareness of White privilege. Our results suggest that the fight against racism requires White people to acknowledge and dismantle the privileges that come with being a member of a dominant group. We contend that CRT is a powerful framework for psychology because it helps resolve the problem of understanding how structural phenomena become ideologies that shape the way people believe and behave. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Existing across multiple media platforms, Barstool Sports ("Barstool") is one of the most important sport brands in the United States. While Barstool's critics frequently assert that the company is "racist," few, if any, detail how their racial politics work. Through a brief genealogy of Barstool's cultural history and a close critical reading of "The Barstool Documentary Series," we show how Barstool's racial politics operate through gender—specifically the affective appeal of Big Man sovereignty and the homosocial bonds of White fratriarchy —to create and normalize racially exclusive and White male-dominant social worlds that dovetail remarkably with racial and gender ideas that organize what Maskovsky calls Trump's "White nationalist postracialism" and the Proud Boys' "Western chauvinism." [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The Supreme Court's recent decision striking down the use of race-based classifications in university admissions reflects its growing commitment to the concept of "colorblindness," which has implications well beyond education. In anticipation, many schools and other actors are already moving toward alternative, facially race-neutral strategies for promoting diversity and reducing racial disparity. But what will happen when those policies too are challenged because they have race-related motives? Will courts soon find all race-conscious policymaking unlawful based on its ends? This is the next stage of the legal battle over colorblindness, and it is already underway. The first wave of this litigation has centered on selective public magnet schools at the K-12 level. At the time of the Supreme Court's affirmative action decision, four challenges to magnet school admissions policies were already pending in, or had just been decided by, the federal courts of appeals. All of the policies in question are race blind: Applicants' race is not considered in any way. But all were nonetheless challenged under the theory that they were crafted impermissibly with diversity concerns in mind. In one, a district court threw out the policy. These cases are clearly designed to be vehicles for the Supreme Court to extend the colorblindness principle to the ends sought by policymakers, not merely to race-conscious means. Such an extension would completely upend the government's role in addressing racial inequality and throw countless existing policies into question. Other similar challenges will surely soon follow. This Article uses the magnet school litigation as an entry point to examine the future of colorblindness, arguing that precedent and many other considerations counsel against extending the principle beyond racial classifications. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Shonda Rhimes' latest televisual sensation updates her post-racial and post-feminist fantasies for a post-Trump world. Discarding her trademark colorblind casting, Bridgerton confronts racial tensions and gender disparities within a fanciful reimagining of the aristocracy of colonial Britain. Yet, in a move familiar to longtime viewers of Shondaland, the means of resistance to such injustice is gratuitous displays of interracial relationships. Bridgerton constructs a historical fantasy that centers authentic love and desire as the exclusive mechanism for constructing a post-racial and post-feminist society. Through love, the English aristocracy is transformed into a permissive, racially inclusive matriarchy wherein one's duty is to live and love authentically. While previous scholarship has contextualized Rhimes' work within neoliberalism, I argue that the racial and gendered politics of Bridgerton are more adeptly understood through Fisher's theory of capitalist realism, which describes contemporary capitalism's investment in mystifying authority and equating authentic consumption with identity construction. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Mathematics instruction is not race or culture neutral. For students who have been historically marginalized in mathematics classrooms, high-quality mathematics instruction, instruction that helps students build conceptual understanding, on its own might not be enough to disrupt inequities. These students might also need instruction that is culturally relevant, with teachers who demonstrate cultural competence, build critical consciousness, and support student learning. Our goal in this study was to understand which components of culturally relevant pedagogy (CRP) are captured and which are missed in a typical U.S. framework of high-quality mathematics instruction. To find the overlaps and gaps, we analyzed the mathematics lessons of three elementary teachers through both the lens of CRP and the Mathematics-Scan, a mathematics observation tool. We found the strongest overlap between the two frameworks in the patterns of strengths and weaknesses in the teachers' lessons. When the teachers were delivering high-quality instruction, they were also often supporting students' learning or showing cultural competence. When the teachers were delivering lower quality instruction, they were also often missing opportunities to enact CRP. At the same time, key elements of CRP including linguistic support for students, high expectations, critical consciousness, and nuances within cultural competence, were missed by the high-quality instruction framework. High-quality instruction was the foundation for CRP in the teachers' classrooms, but CRP was more than just high-quality instruction. We conclude with recommendations for increasing the alignment between the frameworks and implications for international educators also grappling with equity in their own frameworks of mathematics instruction. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article examines the politics of mobility in post-1994 South Africa by paying attention to minibus taxis, which have received little consideration from literary scholars although they are ubiquitous in contemporary South African literature. Attending to the minibus taxis that pervade post-apartheid Black writing, I contend, sheds light onto the ongoing racialization of mobility in the country. Offering a socially situated reading of Thabo Jijana's Nobody's Business: A Taxi Owner, a Murder, and a Secret (2014), I show that the abysmal state of public transport in present-day South Africa is emblematic of larger realities of immobility which continue to structure the lives of most Black South Africans. Motivated by the death of his father, a taxi owner who was murdered at the job, Jijana's searing investigative memoir provides a powerful lens into the underbelly of the minibus taxi industry and the violence that drives it. As it reveals the precarity that continues to characterize not just public transport, but every-day life for the Black majority, Nobody's Business suggests that the politics of mobility in post-apartheid South Africa cannot be understood outside the racism and anti-Blackness that define the democratic dispensation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Research Question: There is a dearth of research within prominent sport management outlets using critical race-based theories. This article provides a pathway to addressing this problem as we build on the call to address, challenge, and disrupt epistemological racism in sport management research. We propose adopting a theory of racialized organizations – a meso-level approach to examine organizations as racial structures. Research Methods: Within this conceptual paper, we provide an overview of the theory and apply it to specific case examples to highlight the utility of TRO within sport management research and practice. Results and Findings: Coupling TRO and sport management brings awareness to the racialization processes within sport organizations and helps disrupt dominant narratives of sport being race neutral. Implications: Utilizing TRO assists scholars in reframing research questions, increasing the study of racially minoritized sport stakeholders, and challenging notions of race neutrality that reinforce inequitable power relations. From a managerial perspective, sport leaders must interrogate the complicity in perpetuating racialization and how whiteness influences practices and policies. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Purpose: This paper introduces the special issue on Race and Accounting and Accountability. In so doing, it explores racism in its historical and contemporary forms, the role of accounting and accountability in enabling racism and racial discrimination and also efforts of redress and resistance. Design/methodology/approach: We reflect on several critical themes to demonstrate the pervasive and insidious nature of racism and, review the literature on race and racism in accounting, focusing on studies that followed the seminal work by Annisette and Prasad (2017) who called for more research. We also review the six papers included in this special issue. Findings: While many overt systems of racial domination experienced throughout history have subsided, racism is engrained in our everyday lives and in broader societal structures in more covert and nuanced forms. Yet, in accounting, as Annisette and Prasad noted, the focus has continued to be on the former. This special issue shifts this imbalance – five of the six papers focus on contemporary racism. Moreover, it demonstrates that although accounting technologies can and do facilitate racism and racist practices, accountability and counter accounts offer avenues for calling out and disrupting the powers and privileges that underlie racial discrimination and, resistance by un-silencing minority groups subjected to discrimination and injustice. Originality/value: This introduction and the papers in the special issue offer rich empirical and theoretical contributions to accounting and accountability research on race and racial discrimination. We hope they inspire future race research to nurture progress towards a true post-racial society. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

We are currently witnessing a turn to racism and anti-racism in Latin America. The recognition of racism is not new, but the attention and challenge to racism, in such an orchestrated way, is. What are the signals of such turn to racism and anti-racism? What are the overall lessons for Latin America and from Latin America to global antiracist efforts? This introduction looks at the arguments of the articles in this special issue to highlight how issues of racial visibility, naming racism, racial data, legal rights and recognition, entrepreneurship, mestizo identity, the possibilities of alliances, racially-aware struggles against class (and gendered) oppression, are key to understanding this turn. While we do not claim that these articles cover the full extent of this turn in Latin America, we suggest that analysing how this turn appears in Latin American opens useful ways of thinking about anti-racism more widely. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Ted Lasso (2020–23) has garnered much acclaim from both fans and critics, racking up an impressive 21 Emmy nominations for its final season. Commentators repeatedly highlighted that the show's emphasis on kindness, compassion and empathy was a key aspect of its success. This article will investigate how this emphasis played out when tackling complex issues such as racism, xenophobia and anti-immigrant sentiment in the context of English football and its fandom. I argue that the show used special episodes and emphasized individual action with regard to systemic issues, employing post-racial narrative logics, appeals to multiculturalism, tokenism and strategic Whiteness, to deflect from organizational and societal accountability for entrenched discrimination. The same pattern is also seen in the narrative arcs of Sam Obisanya and Nate Shelley. Though the two have contrasting depictions – the latter turning villainous for a time while the former remains virtuous – I maintain that both reflect a larger disinterest in the interiority of characters of colour relative to their White counterparts. I will also examine how the show sidesteps systemic racism in English football fandom to portray fans as largely positive. Finally, through an analysis of Edwin Akufo, I argue that the show's commentary on issues in world football also reinforces racist stereotypes. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Using content analysis of Buffalo media and 20 semi-structured interviews, I document the use of immigrant entrepreneurialism as a neoliberal urban governance strategy. Racism evasiveness is central to this strategy. I observe that immigrants and refugees are treated as symbolic capital as part of a neighborhood branding strategy that involves parlaying diversity into material benefits. I call this strategy global appeal. Buffalo's resurgence is a feel-good story that draws on neoliberal market logics, colorblindness, and diversity ideology. These stories allow Whites to evade racism when discussing neighborhood renewal and racist comments. Drawing on Bourdieu's theory of symbolic capital, Bell's concept of neighborhood frames, and Beeman's theory of racism evasiveness, I argue that immigrants and refugees are used as symbolic capital to construct a neighborhood brand. This is part of a strategy of roll out neoliberalism that relies on two neighborhood frames: revitalization and diversity. The revitalization frame credits immigrants and refugees with contributing to the neighborhood through homeownership, entrepreneurialism, and school enrollment. The diversity frame celebrates people of different races, cultures, and ethnicities coming together while both evading and obscuring racism. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Scholars, policymakers, and advocates have long bemoaned the Supreme Court's colorblind Fourth Amendment jurisprudence. The Court has alternatively ignored or condoned racially discriminatory searches and seizures, allowing government agents to engage in widespread racial profiling. Proposed reforms have typically focused on doctrinal solutions that would limit police discretion or called for the reversal of Terry v. Ohio. This Article provides a comprehensive doctrinal, regulatory, and legislative solution to racial discrimination in police investigations. It proposes a novel solution: adopting recent jury selection reforms aimed at preventing racism in jury selection to combat racial profiling in searches and seizures. Several states, including most prominently Washington and California, have adopted new procedures to combat the analogous problem of racial discrimination in jury selection. These states mandate the rejection of a peremptory strike where a reasonable observer, guided by lists of presumptively invalid justifications, could find that the strike was motivated by racial bias. This Article proposes that criminal legal system actors, regulators, and legislators should incorporate these principles to combat racial discrimination in searches and seizures. Central to this Article is a doctrinal solution whereby trial courts, guided by lists of presumptively pretextual justifications, should suppress evidence if a reasonable observer could conclude that the search or seizure was the product of racial profiling. Although not a panacea, this proposal is a tangible, viable prophylactic to racism in stop and frisk. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article examines how the dissenting opinions authored by justice Sonia Sotomayor expanded the rhetoric of race and judicial speech at the U.S. Supreme Court by drawing on whiteness, colorblindness and critical race theory. Topics discussed include role of judicial voice in court, feminist rhetorical criticism that typifies legal opinion writing, feminist theoretical work on race, affect and embodiment, and feminism's analysis of rights rooted in social and structural relations of power.

Through a Critical Race Theory perspective, we investigated how racial ideology, in particular colorblind ideology, was present in Black forgiveness narratives for racial violence. We collected United States news articles from two high profile cases of Black forgiveness (N = 122), the shooting at the Emanuel African Methodist Episcopal Church and the killing of Botham Jean. We used a thematic analysis to address an overarching research question of: In what ways are these Black forgiveness narratives reflective of racial ideologies that may pressure or misrepresent Black forgiveness? Our results suggested that colorblind ideologies were present in representations of Black forgiveness. Colorblind representations of Black forgiveness ignored and diminished the racial context of the cases, reinforced false equivalencies through Christian messaging, perpetuated Black forgiveness as a palatable path to peace, and maintained a perception of White virtue and morality despite racial violence. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This qualitative study integrates critical race theory to examine the practice of multicultural competence and the mechanism of discursive racism in the context of child welfare workers. We troubled the dominant paradigm of multicultural competence taken up by practitioners, and deployed discourse analysis on racial dialogue in a real‐life setting to highlight how the multicultural competence approach risks becoming a form of colorblind racism that diminish the importance of structure racial power which we call race dismissiveness. In our findings we identified four distinct patterns of race dismissiveness that the practitioners adopted to deflect racial dialogue: race identity fetishism, racial peripheralization, racial erasure, and racial externalization. We argue that the separation between semantic expressions of multicultural beliefs and enacted racial practices needs to be conceptualized as a part of the discursive enactment of colorblind racism that functions to keep structural racism intact through everyday practice. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This Article takes a contrarian approach to the first Justice Harlan's famous phrase from his dissent in Plessy v. Ferguson, "[o]ur Constitution is color-blind," to argue not only that the Constitution has never been colorblind, but also that racial realism counsels against falling for the siren call of constitutional colorblindness. This Article provides a quick tour through America's racial history, from the colonial period through the first constitution, which then is remade following the Civil War. It sketches the operation of America's racial compact that subordinates people who are Black, Indigenous, Latinx, and Asian in a system that simultaneously subordinates White people who lack wealth and power. The Court's application of nominal or formal colorblindness has shielded those who have benefited and continue to benefit from racism such that colorblind constitutionalism, rather than addressing and redressing inequality, serves to enshrine and advance it. In this sense, our Constitution has never been colorblind. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

It is widely accepted that race is socially constructed. Despite this, deference to race witnesses scholarship and activism becoming complicit in the reification of race and the reproduction of its effects. Gilroy describes "the pious ritual in which we always agree that "race"' is invented but then are required to defer to its embeddedness in the world and to accept that the demand for justice requires us nevertheless innocently to enter the political arenas it helps to mark out'. This article engages this contention through reflection on the political deployment of race in Southhall Black Sisters. Empirical data and postracial theory extend the analysis to examine an applied postracialism and to consider whether we have arrived at a new antiracist conjuncture. Ultimately, this theoretically informed and empirically engaged article examines the role of race in antiracist politics and reflects on its future as a tool for performing such principled labor. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Postracialism pervades public discourse and positions race and racism as ancient history with little bearing on contemporary culture. This orientation impedes discourse on race in education, politics, media, and the workplace. As a consequence, postracialism thwarts the articulation of a successful politics of race and prevents movement toward racial justice. This essay identifies racial humor as an important site that might disrupt the impasse created by postracialism. Discussions of race have become labored in public discourse but humor has the capacity to counter the consequences of postracial ideologies. This essay considers the work of Stephen Colbert and his implicit critique of postracialism and Whiteness from the position of a White, male who ostensibly advocates postracialism. Although humor is always subject to varied interpretation, his political satire can be used to affirm progressive race-consciousness, reflect on the influence of racial constructions throughout history, expose White privilege, and refute reactionary White victim narratives. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

In this essay, we examine: How should the intersections of Obama, post-racialism and diversity shape current and future strategies aimed at increasing the representation of Black faculty in academia? This article aims to extend the conversation of post-racialism in the Obama era into higher education, with an explicit focus on the Black professoriate. The central argument in this conceptual piece is that post-racial thinking is potentially dangerous in higher education, given the recent shift from minority access to diversity and inclusion. The authors examine the limitations of post-racial thought within higher education and offer suggestions for re-articulating faculty diversity efforts, Part of the difficulty of interrogating racism is that so many people do not recognize it as a problem, as something that still exists and demands corrective action. After all, [...]

This article explores the idea of 'postracialism' as it circulated during the candidacy and election of President Barack Obama. Treating postracialism as a visual discourse, I recount a history of post-race moments through depictions of African Americans and describe the visual metaphors used to relay the idea through popular and political commentaries. Using Foss's (1994) rhetorical schema for the evaluation of visual imagery, I critique the New York Post 'Stimulus Cartoon' and the New York Magazine 'Politics of Fear' caricature as representatives of the contemporary postracial climate. These images represent the complicated visual culture of postracialism and the types of cultural tropes that circulate to support its logic. Examining the visual rhetoric of postracialism, I argue that the discourse is unable to communicate race in new ways because its contrived attempt at colorblindness (specific to Blackness) continually relies on a periphery view of the racial past. Whether using a comparative frame for racial progress, historically racial (and racist) imagery, or traditional approaches to race in caricatured illustrations, postracialism asks for a way of seeing that it cannot achieve even within its initial utterance. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The essay addresses how law professors can engage critical and decolonial theories to teach students how to deconstruct the marginalizing narratives required in asylum advocacy. These theories provide the theoretical and praxisoriented frameworks for professors seeking to liberate their pedagogy. The goal is for law students to begin their legal work knowledgeable of the law and skilled at advocacy, while also cognizant of how the law reifies existing hierarchies. To achieve this goal, professors must begin to ask different questions in partnership with their clients and students that are historically informed and aimed at dismantling structures and systems that maintain hierarchies. To this end, this essay proceeds in three parts. The first part discusses how In re Kasinga--a seminal gender-based asylum case--helps law students engage with critical, intersectional, and decolonial theories. While Kassindja's case resulted in thousands of women and girls being granted asylum, it enshrined a baseline of objectivity that centers on the intersection of Westernized gender norms and racialized narratives that center whiteness. This section focuses on how decolonial theory highlights the invisible norms that have led to the disproportionate denial of asylum for Black and brown asylum seekers. The second part highlights how teaching the colonial history of the Refugee Convention permits students to understand the historical roots of the gender and racialized norms that pervade how we determine who qualifies as a refugee. The third part discusses how Kassindja's case can be instructive for highlighting the tensions that arise in attempting to conform the client's story to norms that often reinforce stereotypes. In conclusion, the essay starts to engage with pedagogical strategies for teaching clinic students to move from theory to praxis to generate alternative strategies for engaging in critical lawyering. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The eponymous protagonist of Tumac, a comic book published monthly in Sweden between 1978 and 1980, is a young indigenous boy who in contemporary times becomes emperor of a hidden Inca empire. After attempting to create a society where all social hierarchies have ceased to exist, Tumac leaves this hidden location in the jungle to help bring about a revolution in Latin America. This essay argues that Tumac is a prime example of what can be classified in broad terms as a wave of international solidarity in Sweden infused with New Left politics. During this period, colourblindness was elevated to a governing norm and antiracist vision, symbolised here by an indigenous hero fighting for social justice in a part of the world that increasingly took centre stage in the national political debate. In short, Tumac is a leading example of how Sweden wanted to be seen and saw others. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This introduction discusses responses to ethno-racial discrimination in a hostile political environment, colour-blind France. The article presents the current characteristics of the French case, including data measuring ethnoracial discrimination. We outline the on-going role of state institutions and their agents in disqualifying minority claims, but also the recent turn against Islam and the hostility towards new movements against structural racism. We discuss how colour-blindness constrains both local policies and movements. We examine the consequences for individuals that experience discrimination and the collectives that fight against it. We highlight the various strategies that they adopt such as discretion, infrapolitical mobilization as well as tactical re-framing. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]