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The work devoted to the intellectual discussions that took place in Argentina in the context of the Falklands / Malvinas war of the 1982. The article argues that while the left parties supported the war, a minority of intellectuals on the left Ted Grant, Adolfo Gilli, Alan Woods, Alberto Bonnet and some other opposed it. According to the left parties the war between Argentina and the United Kingdom over the Falklands – Mal-vinas islands contained a progressive content on Argentina side. The attack on the Falklands – Malvinas islands was di-rected against British imperialism. The left parties presented the war as ending “one of the last refuges of colonialism” in Latin America. They argued that since Argentina was a semi-colonial country it should be supported in the war. Marxists have always given support to national struggle against imperi-alism. The struggle for national liberation. The intellectuals on the left censured the war. The war was reactionary on both sides. Their attitude to war between Britain and Argentina was determined by which class is wage the war. On both sides it was capitalist powers which were involved and therefore they were opposed the war on both Britain and Argentina. Argenti-na was not a poor exploited colony although there are some semi-colonial features, particularly dependence on foreign capital. It is, of course in no position to play an imperialist role on the world scale like USA and Great Britain, but the Argentina bourgeoisie had imperialist ambitions within South America. The claim of the Argentinean bourgeoisie to posses-sion of the Falkland – Malvinas on the ground of self-determination had no basis. If there had been a population on the islands composed of argentines, opposed by the British and fighting to unite with Argentina. In that case the Marxists would be duty bound to support them in their struggle against British imperialism but there was not a single Argentine living there. All of them English speaking. The conquest of the Falkland – Malvinas by the Argentine army was not an act of liberation but an act of violence against them. By invading the Falklands – Malvinas in 1982 the Argentina junta armed to disorient and deceive the masses at home.

Recent historiographical research has posed the question about the "productive dimension of power" and the construction of consensus among the population during the last Argentine civic-military dictatorship (1976-1983). This article extends that question to the Malvinas war, fought between Argentina and Great Britain in 1982. Based on the study of documents declassified in 2015 and kept in the Department of Naval Historical Studies, the article analyzes the social communication and the psychological campaign that the Argentine Navy projected during those days to model celebratory attitudes and feelings towards the Army and to underpin the military operations of the dictatorship in the South Atlantic, and the consequently expected (and frustrated) diplomatic negotiations. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article aims to analyze the formulation of the Brazilian Foreign Policy in the context of the Malvinas War (1982), focusing on the understanding of the position adopted by the most relevant actors in this process. Thus, the present study seeks to understand the Brazilian diplomatic option for “imperfect neutrality”, as well as to identify and analyze the influence of the actors involved in the process of formulation and implementation of the foreign policy regarding the conflict. It is argued that the Brazilian government acted constrained by the internal conjecture and its historical bilateral relations with Argentina, as well as the centrality of the austral country to the Figueiredo’s government and the peculiar characteristics of the Brazilian Foreign Affairs Ministry. In this sense, the identification of the “decision-making unit” prevalent in structuring the national positioning regarding the Anglo-Argentine dispute under analysis emerges as an important variable for the understanding of the country's position throughout the work.

In this article we offer a broad historical overview of how the "Malvinas cause" has been taught in Argentine schools over the years. It is divided into four parts: first, we focus on the period prior to the 1982 armed conflict in order to analyse how the issue had traditionally been conceptualised and thus, offer a reflection on the pre-existing ideological "terrain" which permeated the discursive reception of the war in schools. Second, we analyse how the war was experienced in the classroom through the analysis of correspondence between ministerial authorities and the schools, as well as through the analysis of oral testimonies by teachers and pupils. Third, we focus on what is called the process of "demalvinization" during the first decades of the return to democracy and the impact of this process on educational policies. Finally, we analyse the policies adopted by the Argentine Ministry of Education in the transmission of the Malvinas cause as an integral element within a contemporary politics of memory in the context of the 30th anniversary of the 1976 military coup; in particular, we focus on the place assigned to the 1982 Malvinas War in the educational resources produced at the time.

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This introduction to the special issue of the Journal of War and Culture Studies sets out the scope of the collection of articles which reflect in different ways on conflict and culture on the occasion of the 40th anniversary of the Falklands/Malvinas War. The special issue highlights the diversity of practices of cultural production in response to the war and its legacy. The articles examine: how the war has been remembered in Britain since 1982, materials which inform diplomatic practices through which the war is remembered in Argentina and the Falkland Islands, memories of the Malvinas War from the perspective of Argentine military veterans imprisoned for crimes against humanity, UK military veteran practices of return and/or pilgrimage to the islands, and the use of hyper-realistic painting by an Argentine pilot-turned-artist in reproducing and reconstructing some of the war's events. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Four decades after the Falklands/Malvinas War and Argentina's return to democracy, this article explores the ways in which veterans accused of crimes against humanity remember the conflict. Before confronting the British in the South Atlantic in 1982, the Argentine military had been involved in operations of counterinsurgency and illegal repression at home. Since 2005, hundreds of former officers — including veterans of the Malvinas War — have been accused and convicted for the crimes of the 1970s. This article focuses on the narrative of 'Malvinas' shared by former comandos (special forces) in the prison where they are detained in the present. It questions the content of ethnographic interviews with these veterans, and the context in which they were produced, to revisit the link between the violence of the 1970s and the Malvinas War from the perspective of the military involved in both scenarios. In so doing, the article deals with some unsolved issues of memorialization in post-war and post-authoritarian Argentina. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Studies of memory in relation to the Falklands/Malvinas War have typically focused on interrogating narratives, practices and performances associated with its memory within different national contexts (predominantly Argentina, the Falkland Islands and the UK). Far less attention, however, has been placed on how memory of the war is summoned on the international stage, in diplomatic settings like the United Nations (UN). This paper analyses specific diplomatic materials and performances produced by the governments of the Falkland Islands and Argentina on and after the 30th anniversary of the war (2012-15), paying particular attention to how they reference the 1982 war. The paper argues that these performances and materials of diplomacy are revealing of the (re)production of geopolitical relations and strategies, as well as how memories of the past can be consciously foregrounded/backgrounded in an attempt to achieve strategic and diplomatic objectives. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The Malvinas War is a central chapter in Argentine history, both because of the events that led to it, and because of its immediate consequences: the end of the military dictatorship and the return of democracy in December 1983. One of the most original methods to explore this capital event is the uchronia, the utopia in History, by asking the question “what would have happened if ...?”. Far from being a mere fictional resource, the uchronia allows us to think about history from “its shadow”, from its unrealized aspects. From this focus, specific to comparative literature, we propose to analyze three uchronies about the Malvinas War: Argentinos... a vencer! by Juan Simeran (2012), Dalle mie ceneri by Giampietro Stocco (2006) and Machines Like Me by Ian McEwan (2019).

The Malvinas War was an armed and declared conflict between Argentina and Great Britain (United Kingdom) for the possession of the so-called Malvinas Islands (Falklands, in English) located in the South Atlantic, resulting in the British victory and the beginning of a very more rooted in Argentine society: the conflict generated by different constructions of memory about the war. Veterans and family associations are the places of memories where the most participatory people emerge in the debate about the representations of such a war. César Horácio González Trejo, a civilian veteran of the war, opted to join an association of relatives of soldiers killed in the war instead of a veterans' association. His views on the war differed in many ways from other civilian veterans like himself. I addressed these factors in the interview, when analyzing the construction of Trejo's memory on certain aspects of the war, such as its legitimacy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]