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The Hetu Dangse 黒図檔, currently preserved in the Liaoning Provincial Archives, consists of the documents transmitted between the Mukden-i Nirui Janggin 盛京佐領 (later Mukden Imperial Household Department 盛京内務府) and the General Imperial Household Department 総管内務府 in Beijing or other officials in the Mukden region during the Qing Dynasty. "Hetu" means "horizontal" or "other" in Manchu, and I suggest that the category name "other documents" has mistakenly been applied to the entire archives of the Hetu Dangse. T he Hetu Dangse mainly deals with routine affairs of the Imperial Household, but also contains a large quantity of legal case records, including records concerning marriage, inheritance, and property disputes among the booi 包衣people the people administered by the Imperial Household Department. As a preliminary study on the Hetu Dangse during the Kangxi 康煕 period (1662-1722), this article introduces the main players involved with the archives the booi people and the Mukden-i Nirui Janggin. I first examine the previous studies on the confusing concepts related to the "booi" in the Manchu language and attempt to clarify these terms and concepts. I then look at the function of the Mukden-i Nirui Janggin, which played the central role in recording the Hetu Dangse archives. Lastly, I introduce the general condition of the booi people in the Mukden region, including their administrative system, origins, languages and identity. As the booi people had different origins and lived in a dynamic society with intense linguistic and cultural interaction, it is difficult to precisely fit them into any previously constructed category such as "Banner people" 旗人, "Commoners" 民人, "Manchu" 満洲人, or "Han" 漢人. T he booi people included Manchu and Han people who had lived in the Liaodong 遼東 region before the rise of the Qing as well as Han people incorporated into the booi system during the Qing conquest of China proper. Shortly after the conquest, in the Kangxi period, the previously existing identities of "Han" and "Manchu" were maintained among the booi people, and linguistic diversity also existed among them. At least in the Kangxi period, the booi people did not become a community with a sense of cohesion. Rather it is helpful to understand "the booi people" as an integrated but loose community with an awareness of the differences and mutual influences between the Manchu and Han subgroups.

第二部 政治・社会編, Part II Politics and Society, 第二部 政治·社会篇

Qing imperial economic activity was under the tight control of a few important organizations, a highly concentrated economy, and political pressure. The Imperial Household Department (IHD) is one of these important organizations, and is a major one. The major sources of Qing income were land tax, salt tax, and customs duties. IHD revenue came from tariffs and salt monopoly, far beyond its income from agricultural land rents. In the Qianlong era, IHD bondservants made up most of the tariff administration and the salt administration. These personal also handled the IHD trade in ginseng and other goods, as well as interest bearing loans to merchants from the IHD treasury, which were issued through the Changlu and Lianghuai salt administrations. If these officials were found to have committed a crime and were fined, or had their property confiscated, it would all go to the IHD. In the Qianlong period, every year the IHD treasury was ordered to move millions in funds to the Board of Revenue. Those millions were originally taxes that merchants submitted to the Board of Revenue through the IHD. Qianlong's establishment of Tibetan Buddhist temples in the Rehe region helped to maintain more than one hundred years' peaceful relationship with the Mongolia. During the Qing dynasty, emperors provided for numerous Tibetan monks in the capital, their daily expenses paid by the Board of Revenue. Expenses for building temples and conducting ceremonies were paid by the IHD. The moneys paid by the emperors were far more than the expenses covered by the Board of Revenue, and therefore did not cause fiscal problems for the state. Because the temples of Tibetan Buddhism attracted numerous followers, areas by the temples became important markets, and lamas further gained income from commercial activities. Qing emperors believed that Mongolia was weakened because of Mongol belief in Tibetan Buddhism and that their donations to the lamas contributed to the decline of the Mongolian economy. From these observations, it is safe to say the Qing government successfully weakened Mongolia through Tibetan Buddhism. Surcharges added to customs levies were too numerous to calculate and provided many opportunities for bureaucratic corruption. Although the money that the bureaucrats owed to the government should have been paid to the Board of Revenue, the emperor ordered the payments to be handed over to the IHD. As the emperor set this selfish example, so the bureaucrats followed suit. This pattern of corruption lasted until the end of the Qing dynasty and was a major cause of the Qing's decline.

November 2012, Qing imperial economic activity was under the tight control of a few important organizations, a highly concentrated economy, and political pressure. The Imperial Household Department (IHD) is one of these important organizations, and is a major one. The major sources of Qing income were land tax, salt tax, and customs duties. IHD revenue came from tariffs and salt monopoly, far beyond its income from agricultural land rents. In the Qianlong era, IHD bondservants made up most of the tariff administration and the salt administration. These personal also handled the IHD trade in ginseng and other goods, as well as interest bearing loans to merchants from the IHD treasury, which were issued through the Changlu and Lianghuai salt administrations. If these officials were found to have committed a crime and were fined, or had their property confiscated, it would all go to the IHD. In the Qianlong period, every year the IHD treasury was ordered to move millions in funds to the Board of Revenue. Those millions were originally taxes that merchants submitted to the Board of Revenue through the IHD. Qianlong’s establishment of Tibetan Buddhist temples in the Rehe region helped to maintain more than one hundred years’ peaceful relationship with the Mongolia. During the Qing dynasty, emperors provided for numerous Tibetan monks in the capital, their daily expenses paid by the Board of Revenue. Expenses for building temples and conducting ceremonies were paid by the IHD. The moneys paid by the emperors were far more than the expenses covered by the Board of Revenue, and therefore did not cause fiscal problems for the state. Because the temples of Tibetan Buddhism attracted numerous followers, areas by the temples became important markets, and lamas further gained income from commercial activities. Qing emperors believed that Mongolia was weakened because of Mongol belief in Tibetan Buddhism and that their donations to the lamas contributed to the decline of the Mongolian economy. From these observations, it is safe to say the Qing government successfully weakened Mongolia through Tibetan Buddhism. Surcharges added to customs levies were too numerous to calculate and provided many opportunities for bureaucratic corruption. Although the money that the bureaucrats owed to the government should have been paid to the Board of Revenue, the emperor ordered the payments to be handed over to the IHD. As the emperor set this selfish example, so the bureaucrats followed suit. This pattern of corruption lasted until the end of the Qing dynasty and was a major cause of the Qing’s decline., グローバルCOEプログラム = Global COE Program

This dissertation examines the imperial fiscal arrangement during the Qing dynasty that separated the privy or crown’s purse from the state treasury. In my dissertation, I argue that while the distinction between public and private finance has long been identified in European studies as an important sign of the rise of modernity, similar fiscal arrangements in China arose from the crown’s endeavor over several decades to consolidate authority first over the nobility and then over the Chinese state. I see dynamics of this separation as deeply rooted in China’s longstanding patrimonial bureaucratic rule. The continued functioning of the imperial state system into the Qing, a dynasty founded by non-Han rulers, thus suggests the remarkable resiliency of Chinese political traditions despite dramatic institutional changes brought by alien conquest. This dissertation is composed of an introduction, six chapters, and a conclusion. The introduction sets out the reasons why the public/private divide structure does not necessarily mean the rise of modernity and demonstrates how the separation was both indicative of and shaped by China’s longstanding patrimonial bureaucratic rule. Chapter 1 discusses the role played by Nurhaci’s economic strategies in the rise of Manchu power. Understanding the emergence of the imperial fiscal separation in the Manchu state formation process, Chapter 2 discusses how the establishment of the bureaucracy helped the throne win over the Manchu nobility and how the establishment of the bureaucracy as the new foundation of the imperial authority transformed the nature of the privy purse. Chapter 3 examines the formalization of the imperial fiscal separation and its functions, looking especially at how the consolidation of the Qing rule and the expanded territories under the imperial control shaped both source of privy revenues and imperial spending behaviors. Chapter 4 unveils the expansion of privy revenues during the eighteenth-century economic prosperous era both as the consequence of the political centralization and as the instrument of releasing fiscal and military dynamisms of the centralized crown. Chapter 5 discusses how the unprecedented duration and intensity of the Taiping Rebellion not only disrupted the traditional fiscal relationship between central and provincial governments, but also broke down the traditional fiscal separation between the central government and the imperial household. Chapter 6 examines the court’s effort to codify imperial fiscal separation into the constitution in last few years of the dynasty as its last attempt to revive centralized imperial power and how such efforts provoked even more vigorous elite protests and facilitated the dynastic downfall. The conclusion summarizes arguments of each chapter and unfolds the significance of this study on our understanding of the nature of the Qing rule and modernity in Chinese history.