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This article explores how the economic impacts of violence can continue long after a relationship has ended and how the family law system is a generally unhelpful tool for financial recovery from abuse. Hurdles in the legal system such as the unavailability of legal aid and the absence of affordable legal representation, lack of legislative reforms in relation to property division in cases of violence, and difficulties in enforcing orders, compound experiences of violence and entrench poverty. Reforms to improve the family law property system for victims of violence are suggested.

We exploit a mortgage reform that differentially unlocked home equity across the Danish population and study how this impacted selection into entrepreneurship. We find that increased entry was concentrated among entrepreneurs whose firms were founded in industries where they had no prior work experience. Nevertheless, we find that marginal entrants benefiting from the reform had higher pre-entry earnings and a significant share of these entrants started longer-lasting firms. Our results are most consistent with a view that housing collateral enabled higher ability individuals with less-well-established track records to overcome credit rationing and start new firms, rather than only leading to ‘frivolous entry’ by those without prior industry experience.

Disinformation and misinformation on social media platforms are growing regulatory concerns for governments. In this paper, we examine Australia’s DIGI Code of Practice (CoP). The CoP is a voluntary set of commitments to address false content on platforms that is overseen by Australia’s digital media industry. It was established in response to a federal government directive. We evaluate the DIGI CoP by comparing it to the code it was partially based on: the EU’s Code of Practice on Disinformation (EU CPD). The EU CPD also attempted voluntary regulation, and yet the EU is now moving towards a strengthened CPD. While the DIGI CoP improves upon the original EU CPD, the original version had limited accountability measures and notable content exclusions. We conclude by discussing a recent review of the CoP, suggesting that Australia will also strengthen regulation in this area. Lastly, we address ongoing tensions around media freedom and accountability.

Informal housing has been assessed to have a negative impact on its residents’ well-being. However, this article demonstrates that residents also perceive and experience some positive effects within their precarious housing condition. Both the Global South and the Global North are home to informal housing, yet there are very few studies that compare these contexts. In response, this article discusses the differences and similarities between how informality and precarious housing emerges and is experienced by its residents in both contexts. Qualitative content analysis was applied to interpret the data collected in two separate studies developed in Caracas and Sydney. The perspectives of two different populations deemed vulnerable, low-income groups are discussed: slum dwellers and international students. Aligning with Roy’s (Roy, 2005) proposition in the literature about the need to include actors such as residents in the discussion on informality, this research approach was applied to delve into the accounts of the participants to understand their meanings and experiences in the production of, access to and their everyday lives in their housing environments. Four themes arose from the interpretation of the participants’ accounts: (1) the production of informal housing; (2) permanency versus temporality; (3) networks and relationships; and (4) the overall impact on residents’ everyday lives and well-being. These emerged as significant themes for understanding the perceived well-being of informal housing residents. Residents’ experiences in the Global North and South are indeed different. However, despite the oppressing external conditions and their vulnerability, people in both areas implement psychosocial and physical strategies to improve their housing conditions and well-being. By acknowledging and understanding people’s experiences of informal housing – including those of a positive nature – we gain a deeper comprehension of the processes influencing residents’ well-being.Key messagesAside from negative impacts, informal housing also has positive impacts on residents’ well-being.Residents implement psychosocial and physical strategies to improve their informal housing experience, thus improving their perception of their overall well-being.There are meaningful commonalities between the residents’ perceptions of housing and well-being in Caracas and Sydney.

The Australian Women’s Working Futures (AWWF) Project is a two-wave survey aiming at understanding the attitudes of young women and men aged 40 and under about their working futures. In 2017 the first nationally representative data set on gender and the future of work was collected in Australia. The 2022 data is part of a larger three-country study comparing gender and the post-pandemic future of work in Australia, the UK and Japan.

Government organizations increasingly use crowdsourcing platforms to interact with citizens and integrate their requests in designing and delivering public services. Drawing on attribution theory, this study asks how the causal attributions of the government response to a citizen request affect continued participation in crowdsourcing platforms. To test our hypothe-ses, we use a 7-year dataset of both online requests from citizens to government and govern-ment responses to citizen requests. We focus on citizen requests that are denied by govern-ment, and find that the reasoning for denying a request is related with continued participation behavior. Citizens are less willing to collaborate further with government via the platform, when their requests are denied although the locus of causality is with the government. This study contributes to research on the role of responsiveness in digital interaction between citi-zens and government and highlights the importance of rationale transparency to sustain citizen participation.

We study whether carbon emissions affect the cross-section of US stock returns. We find that stocks of firms with higher total carbon dioxide emissions (and changes in emissions) earn higher returns, controlling for size, book-to-market, and other return predictors. We cannot explain this carbon premium through differences in unexpected profitability or other known risk factors. We also find that institutional investors implement exclusionary screening based on direct emission intensity (the ratio of total emissions to sales) in a few salient industries. Overall, our results are consistent with an interpretation that investors are already demanding compensation for their exposure to carbon emission risk.

On October 26, 2008, Porsche announced a largely unexpected domination plan for Volkswagen. The resulting short squeeze in Volkswagen’s stock briefly made it the most valuable listed company in the world. We argue that this was a manipulation designed to save Porsche from insolvency and the German laws against this kind of abuse were not effectively enforced. Using hand-collected data we provide the first rigorous academic study of the Porsche-VW squeeze and show that it significantly impeded market efficiency. Preventing manipulation is important because without efficient securities markets, the EU’s major project of the Capital Markets Union cannot be successful.

North Korea's fisheries policy has created a wide range of maritime security challenges within the larger Northeast Asia region. North Korea has focused on increasing fish production and bringing in income, but its political economy has resulted in fisheries exploitation that is neither monitored nor controlled directly by the state. This is further complicated by United Nations sanctions that prohibit the legal export of fisheries product, and a series of maritime boundary disputes between North Korea and other countries. Combined, these factors lead to a range of maritime security problems, including fisheries smuggling, IUU fishing in both North Korean waters and elsewhere in the region, inter-state maritime clashes, arms proliferation, and maritime piracy. This has a number of policy implications for fisheries management and engagement with North Korea on maritime issues.

I assess a justification for the granting of transitional amnesties conditional, at the minimum, upon full disclosure of wrongdoing by perpetrators. According to this rationale, such amnesties are morally legitimate because they foster restorative justice. I distinguish between two conceptions of restorative justice that I call the punishment-deprioritizing and punishment-prescribing conceptions. I argue that while conditional amnesties granted to perpetrators of minor offences conditional upon full disclosure, verbal apology and reparations could promote restorative justice well enough to justify them in the eyes of adherents of the punishment-deprioritizing conception, conditional amnesties in favour of perpetrators of serious human rights abuses, because they are unlikely ever to be conditional upon perpetrators’ carrying out burdensome reparations, are likely to promote restorative justice on the punishment-deprioritizing conception only to a limited extent and not enough to justify them from the standpoint of adherents to this conception. Conditional amnesties, I contend, cannot ever promote restorative justice on the punishment-prescribing conception because it holds that punishment is indispensable for the achievement of the aims of restorative justice and amnesties exempt perpetrators from criminal punishment.

This article provides a historical perspective on how institutionalized articulations of gender in visual news narratives may contribute towards the erosion of a country’s soft power potential. It analyses thirty years of photographic coverage given by an elite western publication, Time magazine to women from two countries with problematic place brands: Iran and Pakistan. This study documents how iterative longitudinal patterns of visual grammar contribute towards the layered marginalization of women within narratives. Women are much less visible in terms of image frequency, with selective value placed on certain kinds of female subjects across the decades, choices often shaped by stereotypes as well as foreign policy preferences. For Iranian women, the visual discourse empowers women resisting conservative forces, and valorizes trailblazers redefining the public space. For Pakistani women, a narrative showcasing political activism devolves into one highlighting victims/activists in the context of gender-based discrimination. The choice of ‘valuable’ bodies in both instances, expressed with the help of quantifiable semiotic trends in camera angles, shot and gaze, is imbued with indirect judgment of the political leadership and cultural and socio-political systems of the countries themselves. In both cases, the overall narrative is of a system pre-disposed to oppress women, thus negatively juxtaposing the ‘people’ aspect of the Anholt Nation Brand Index against the elements of governance, culture and heritage, to the overall detriment of both place brands.

Dramaturgical perspectives have been used successfully in the past by crisis management researchers. However, previous contributions have been limited because they have been actor-centered, which has meant that they have tended to ignore the critical role that an audience can play in the drama of a crisis. This article therefore presents a “third act” in which dramaturgical perspectives are used to deliver an actor-and-audience centered analysis of crisis management. This third act is built around the dramaturgical concept of “characterization,” which we introduce to assess how an audience receives the symbolic outputs and discourses that are produced by crisis actors. After this theorizing, we present an analytical model, which will allow future researchers to analyze the interplay between actor, audience, and legitimacy when examining crisis. We conclude by illustrating the model's analytical capacity via an examination of the role of leaders and experts during the COVID-19 pandemic.

While there is a proliferation of studies on China’s Belt and Road Initiative (BRI), there is a gap in the literature in terms of an exploration of the costs and benefits from the perspective of the energy sector, in both the areas of sectoral development and energy transition. This paper uses Australia as a case study. The paper is the first to quantify the impact of the BRI in the energy sector, and the analysis informs the current debates on the BRI in Australia. We find that energy cooperation under the BRI enhances the performance of energy companies, but the Chinese energy investment in Australia faces mounting challenges. We suggest some areas for cooperation and such cooperation could be extended to third countries. Amid the increasing trade and political tensions, the two countries need continued, level-headed discussions and debates about the potential cooperation areas at all levels.

The Ecosystem Approach to Fisheries Management (EAFM) strives to balance multiple objectives of ecological wellbeing, social and economic wellbeing, and good governance. The Provincial Government of West Papua with technical support from the USAID Sustainable Ecosystems Advanced Project (SEA) has developed a fisheries management plan (FMP) for the anchovy fishery in Raja Ampat, West Papua Province of Indonesia. EAFM is the appropriate approach to manage the fishery because EAFM multiple objectives reflect the challenges and needs to ensure the sustainability of the fishery resources and to contribute to local communities. The FMP includes management issues, operational objectives, appropriate management measures, and action plans defined through a participatory process. The issues include overfishing as shown by declining anchovy catches, resource competition between local small-scale fishers and industrial fishers, limited livelihood opportunities, and an absence of a functional fishery governance institution. To address these challenges, the FMP has multiple operational objectives: to empower local livelihoods, strengthen institutional management mechanisms, and ensure anchovy resources sustainability. The integration of the socioeconomic aspect means there must be management decision trade-offs that weigh trade-offs of stock sustainability, local poverty, interests of the private sector, and addressing the horizontal conflict between locals and industrial fishers. Strengthening fisheries institutions is critical to ensure integration in resource investments and in detailing activities to implement the FMP because of the complementary roles, and lack of synergy of the multiple agencies. This holistic approach is expected to support the long-term use of the anchovy resources while partially alleviating local poverty.

This article explores the relationship between criticality, art and curatorial practice, and the condition of migration. Focussing on curated events in Lincoln, London and Liverpool, the argument centres on how the destabilising practices of curation might provoke sensorial and social connections and disruptions between and across art and lived experience. Furthermore, it is suggested that the ways in which art irrupts into urban sensibility may be - both intentionally and surprisingly - powerful, violent, and mournful (or 'radioactive'). Finally, the article comments on the curated work as a pathway to impact, noting both the irony and the serendipity of social consequences in an audit culture of knowledge production.

This article surveys the literature on participation in transitional justice (TJ) focusing primarily on victims and bottom-up actors. We argue that often the preoccupation in TJ has been with greater rather than more meaningful participation, and that there needs to be a concerted effort to focus on everyday actors, including their voices, needs and priorities. Consideration also needs to be given as to whether meaningful participation can occur without genuine obligation and commitment to heeding participants’ input, and greater consideration is required to measure and build an evidence-base regarding participatory TJ efforts and their outcomes. We advocate for further discussion in theory and in practice about how participation in TJ can be reimagined toward actor oriented, bottom-up led processes that lead to meaningful outcomes. We suggest that TJ specific participation considerations are required and refer to existing theoretical considerations and models from other disciplines and sectors as helpful departure points.

This study explores the emerging impacts of the COVID-19 pandemic on coastal small-scale fishing communities in Cameroon and Liberia, where we conducted qualitative interviews with small-scale fish harvesters, fish processors, traders, and consumers. We found that the implementation of COVID-19 safety and health protocol initiatives impacted the entire fish value chain, which contributed to social anxiety and negatively affected social well-being for those who depend on small-scale fisheries for employment and livelihoods. Fisheries in both nations saw a reduction in fish catch, widened supply and demand gap and a significant spike in fish price. Drawing on the Sustainable Livelihoods literature, we discuss how COVID-19 interacted with other existing aspects of community vulnerability and lack of capacity, despite communities finding ways to respond safely to the challenges of the pandemic. Moving forward, these small-scale fisheries will require a holistic assessment of the long-term social, ecological, and economic impacts of the pandemic. Better fish processing and storage facilities and more robust institutional structures around markets and fisheries management will improve the adaptive capacity of people in these communities, who will no doubt face future challenges related to issues such as climate change. © 2022 Elsevier Ltd, University of Guelph; Social Sciences and Humanities Research Council of Canada, SSHRC, This study was funded in part by the Arrell Food Institute at the University of Guelph and in part from Coastal Routes, funded by the Social Sciences and Humanities Research Council of Canada.

Governance systems reconcile diverse interests to enable collective decision-making and action. Questions related to representation in the governance of networks are addressed in the literature; underexplored is the empirical variation in governance arrangements and pathways of representation. Complex, multi-jurisdictional disasters provide a robust theoretical and empirical context in which to investigate network governance pathways due to the tensions between democratic principles of representation and the need for timely, expert-informed response actions. In this article, we address three questions related to network governance, representation, and complex disasters: what governance structures allow for a representation of diverse interests? What governance structures provide a perception of voice to key affected parties? And where do we see variation in the kinds of structures that give voice to these entities? Using an inductive, grounded theory approach along with mixed methods that include case studies, interviews, and archival data in the form ICS 209 incident reports, we provide evidence from 10 of the most jurisdictionally complex wildfires that took place in 2017. In doing so, we introduce the distinction between macro and micro structures of network governance for understanding more precisely the pathways by which representation occurs and how representation functions in disaster networks. There is no singular normative goal when we think about network governance and representation in disasters; rather there are competing contingencies that emerge out of complex contexts. We propose four key propositions to guide further work in this arena.

The Principality of Hutt River was founded in 1970. Led by a committed and eccentric family, the Principality was Australia’s most famous micronation. Micronations assert their claims to sovereignt...

A substantial empirical literature has examined the relationships between organizational characteristics and performance across the public sector, including the determinants of financial sustainability in local government. However, with the exception of one 2020 source, no attempt has been made to investigate the impact of administrative intensity on municipal financial sustainability. To address this gap in the empirical literature, this article examines the influence of administrative intensity on financial sustainability in the Victorian state local government system in Australia, as proxied by financial sustainability ratios, over the period 2014/15–2018/19. In addition, we consider whether variations in the relationship between administrative intensity and financial sustainability exist between rural and urban Victorian local authorities. We find that administrative intensity significantly affects the financial sustainability indices of local councils. In addition, there are differences across rural and urban councils in the association between financial sustainability and administrative intensity. The study concludes with a brief discussion of its broader policy implications. Related Articles: Curato, Nicole, and Simon Niemeyer. 2013. “Reaching Out to Overcome Political Apathy: Building Participatory Capacity through Deliberative Engagement.” Politics & Policy 41(3): 355–83. https://doi.org/10.1111/polp.12015. Van Acker, Elizabeth. 2009. “Service Delivery of Relationship Support Programs in Australia: Implications for the ‘Community Sector.’” Politics & Policy 37(6): 1307–29. https://doi.org/10.1111/j.1747-1346.2009.00221.x. Wallis, Joe Tor Brodtkorb, Brian Dollery, and Muiris MacCarthaigh. 2017. “Commissions and Local Government Reform: Expressed Leadership Identities of Commissioners in Inquiries Proposing Municipal Mergers in Northern Ireland and New South Wales.” Politics & Policy 45(2): 285–308. https://doi.org/10.1111/polp.12199.

Over the past decade there has been increasing research on how sporting mega-events such as the Olympic and Commonwealth Games are developing strategies, norms and rules to govern how they impact the host nation, city and communities, and in particular their impacts on economic, social, physical, human and cultural capital. This paper addresses a gap within these interconnected fields by examining how the strategies, norms and rules used to govern a mega-event may impact the social and physical capitals of communities in the host city during and following a mega-event. These associations are revealed through a novel methodology that combines the Institutional Grammar Tool developed by Crawford and Ostrom and the Community Capitals Framework devised by Flora and Flora, to analyse policy documentation, complemented by 11 in-depth interviews on the refurbishment of the Broadbeach Lawn Bowls Club as a venue for the 2018 Commonwealth Games in the City of Gold Coast, Australia.

At a time when the world faces a number of complex problems that transcend national borders and which individual states appear unable to address on their own, multilateralism ought to matter more than ever. All too often, however, attempts to encourage collaborative and effective responses to transnational problems are unable to overcome national interests, or lack the capacity to address novel challenges that defy easy resolution. Despite the urgent need for international cooperation, it is often conspicuous by its absence and it is not unreasonable to ask, does multilateralism really matter anymore? We argue that it does, if only because, there is no alternative. To illustrate multilateralism's weaknesses and potential strengths we provide a novel comparison of the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) and the Arctic Council, which reveals the importance of history, diplomatic styles, the significance of issue areas, and the motivations of members. The two bodies literally and metaphorically illustrate developments in the North and South, and provide a novel and revealing benchmark for measuring the success of multilateral bodies at different moments in history.

Conventionally used coverage measures do not reflect the quality of care. Effective coverage (EC) assesses the extent to which health care services deliver potential health gains to the population by integrating concepts of utilization, need and quality. We aimed to conduct a systematic review of studies evaluating EC of maternal and child health services, quality measurement strategies and disparities across wealth quantiles. A systematic search was performed in six electronic databases [MEDLINE, EMBASE, Cumulative Index of Nursing and Allied Health (CINAHL), Scopus, Web of Science and Maternity and Infant Care] and grey literature. We also undertook a hand search of references. We developed search terms having no restrictions based on publication period, country or language. We included studies which reported EC estimates based on the World Health Organization framework of measuring EC. Twenty-seven studies, all from low- and middle-income settings (49 countries), met the criteria and were included in the narrative synthesis of the results. Maternal and child health intervention(s) and programme(s) were assessed either at an individual level or as an aggregated measure of health system performance or both. The EC ranged from 0% for post-partum care to 95% for breastfeeding. When crude coverage measures were adjusted to account for the quality of care, the EC values turned lower. The gap between crude coverage and EC was as high as 86%, and it signified a low quality of care. The assessment of the quality of care addressed structural, process and outcome domains individually or combined. The wealthiest 20% had higher EC of services than the poorest 20%, an inequitable distribution of coverage. More efforts are needed to improve the quality of maternal and child health services and to eliminate the disparities. Moreover, considering multiple dimensions of quality and the use of standard measurements are recommended to monitor coverage effectively.

Australia’s National Plan to Reduce Violence against Women and their Children, launched in 2010, has emphasised the need for integrated responses across government agencies, specialist domestic and family violence services and the justice system. This article presents an evaluation of an integrated, community-based domestic and family violence response service that uses a rare model of co-location in a police station, and assesses its suitability as a model service for the future. The evaluation reveals that there are many positive aspects of such co-location and the authors argue that this model should be more widely trialled in Australia.

Ageing populations have been identified as a looming fiscal threat to many developed nations across the world. However, in Japan, both the scale of the problem and the institutional context is such...

This study investigates media coverage of Afghan refugees by English-language media in Pakistan and explores how coverage is shaped by a shift in the political stance of the Pakistani state and establishment towards Afghanistan. The author examines how Afghan refugees, their forced repatriation from Pakistan, and the subsequent conflict between Pakistan and Afghanistan were framed in both long-form and short-form media coverage over three years. Using Galtung’s Peace and War Journalism Model to inform the Critical Discourse Analysis, this study finds that conflict-escalatory frames dominated media coverage, and media stance changed over time to reflect state policy on the forced repatriation of over three million Afghan refugees in Pakistan. Findings reveal that the coverage in all four publications was highly politicized and inflammatory, the voice of Afghan refugees was significantly missing from coverage, while the Pakistani government and military elite were predominantly used as news sources. Based on the findings, the author argues that pressures from the Pakistani state and military establishment are key reasons why media coverage of Afghan refugees frequently contained negative frames of terrorism and ethnonationalism. Sporadic employment of limited peace-oriented framing was, however, observed in some of the coverage.

We examine the gift exchange hypothesis on both the quantity and quality of output using a hybrid field-laboratory labor market experiment. We recruited participants to enter survey data for a well-known charitable organization. Workers were paid either a high or low wage. We find that although the total number of surveys entered did not vary with the wage, high wage workers made fewer errors and entered more surveys after controlling for errors. We further find that for low costs associated with errors, offering the low wage maximizes profits, but for higher costs paying the higher "gift exchange" wage maximizes profits.

A referendum to decide on Bougainville's future political relationship with Papua New Guinea was held in November 2019. The deferred, non-binding, referendum is a key milestone contained in the Bougainville Peace Agreement (BPA), which sought to reconcile a violent conflict from 1988 to 1998. Although the Bougainville peace process has been deemed a success and significant milestones have been reached towards implementation of the BPA, the conflict continues to have enduring impacts. Particular concerns have been raised about Bougainville's large youth population, often referred to as the ‘lost generation’. This paper documents observations of the 2019 referendum from the perspective of four university students born during the conflict in Siwai District, South Bougainville, whom participated officially in the referendum as an observer group. While trauma and a disrupted education have contributed to youth unemployment and substance abuse in Bougainville, the paper offers a stark contrast to negative narratives of young Bougainvilleans as lacking capabilities to contribute to social and political life. As Bougainville embarks on yet another period of political uncertainty, the paper calls for greater attention to finding avenues to support these young voices to ensure that their generation is not ‘lost’ forever.

The Chinese digital technology giants, Baidu, Alibaba and Tencent (BAT), dominate over their competitors in China across platforms that include e-commerce, digital entertainment, e-finance and artificial intelligence (AI). To understand BAT’s corporate power and their strategic role working with the government – in this case, their involvement in the Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) – this paper unveils the capabilities of these three oligopolies and discusses their international expansion in relation to the BRI. The BRI is being constructed on two layers, the physical and digital infrastructure, and the BAT are contributing to the latter. This paper examines the interrelations between BAT and the state through case studies, observing the tensions and potential contradictions arising from the reliance of the Chinese state on the BAT to build digital infrastructure, while the BAT seek to minimize direct state regulation for their data-driven business models.

The promise of contingent convertible capital securities (CoCos) as a ”bail-in” solution has been the subject of considerable theoretical analysis and debate, but little is known about their effects in practice. We undertake the first comprehensive empirical analysis of bank CoCo issues, a market segment that comprises over 730 instruments totaling $521 billion. Four main findings emerge: (1) the propensity to issue a CoCo is higher for larger and better capitalized banks; (2) CoCo issues result in a statistically significant decline in issuers’ CDS spread, indicating that they generate risk-reduction benefits and lower costs of debt (this is especially true for CoCos that convert into equity, have mechanical triggers, and are classified as Additional Tier 1 instruments); (3) CoCos with only discretionary triggers do not have a significant impact on CDS spreads; and (4) CoCo issues have no statistically significant impact on stock prices, except for principal write-down CoCos with a high trigger level, which have a positive effect.

A book review of Racism in American Public Life: A Call to Action, by Johnnetta Betsch Cole, University of Virginia Press, 2021. 152 pp. $19.95 Accepted version

Supplemental material file: online appendix We show that negative interest rate policy (NIRP) has expansionary effects on credit supply through a portfolio rebalancing channel. By shifting down and flattening the yield curve, NIRP differs from rate cuts just above the zero-lower-bound and has effects similar to QE. For identification, we exploit ECB’s NIRP and the Italian credit register and, for external validity, European and U.S. datasets. NIRP affects more banks with higher ex-ante liquid assets, including net interbank positions. More exposed banks reduce liquid assets, expand credit supply, especially to financially-constrained firms, and cut loan rates, inducing firms to increase investment and the wage bill. This project received funding from the European Research Council (ERC) under the European Union’s Horizon 2020 research and innovation programme (grant agreement No 648398). Peydró also acknowledges financial support from the ECO2015-68182-P (MINECO/FEDER, UE) grant and the Spanish Ministry of Economy and Competitiveness, through the Severo Ochoa Programme for Centres of Excellence in R&D (SEV-2015-0563).

This paper is the first of a two-part investigation of a topic that has received little attention: the relationships between Keynes and Smith in economic theory and policy. Due to its wide scope and the need for careful discussion of primary sources, two papers are presented. Part I focuses on Keynes and examines all his remarks concerning Smith to address two central questions. Did Keynes classify Smith as a ‘classical economist’ and hence as an exponent of the views he rejected? And how was Smith, and the ‘invisible hand’, treated in Keynes’s writings from 1910 to 1946? The second paper focuses on Smith, and the parallels between the economic arguments of these master-economists.

In investigating Keynes–Smith relationships, this paper discusses Smith and the parallels between the mature contributions of these two philosopher-economists. It begins by carefully examining Smith’s economic theory and policy, summarising his core argument in a clarifying syllogism, and exploring his invisible hand remarks. It then turns to the largely unexplored parallels between their major economic works. In theoretical terms, their core arguments have similar structures and analytical characteristics. In policy terms, both proposed new institution-based systems serving individual and social interests, considerable socio-economic restructuring and non-minimalist roles for the state. The paper concludes with a syllogism summarising Keynes’s parallel position, and comparative comments on some recent analyses of Smith’s thought.

As doctoral students from New Zealand and Australia, advised by supervision teams with a diversity of critical realist experience from limited to none, we came independently to the 2018 Critical Realism conference–primed to seek increased understanding, confidence, motivation, and reassurance. We certainly found these things from the pre-conference, presentations, and individuals within the critical realist community. We also found each other, and a virtual writing group was born. This article is a description of what we did, why, and the outcomes we experienced over the final two years completing our theses. It identifies the structures, contexts, motivations, and mechanisms from which our emotional, critical realist and writing-related outcomes emerged. We outline the roles of serendipitous timing, culture, different disciplinary approaches, administrative structures, and types of interactions on the social learning we developed. We anchor our discussion in recent theoretical literature about the role of writing groups in doctoral education.

As a significant actor in global governance, China has become increasingly active in addressing global environmental challenges. However, Chinese fishing practices do not conform with its policies. How do we understand China’s apparently incoherent stance? Using the case of illegal, unreported, and unregulated (IUU) fishing governance, we explore why China shifted its approach from reluctance to engagement while still allowing the Chinese fleet’s IUU fishing activities to some extent. We find that China safeguards its self-interest by shaping domestic and international rules on anti-IUU fishing while pursuing means of legitimising its actions and intangible aspects of power in the oceans. Our findings have far-reaching implications. First, China’s notion of environmental responsibility is likely to remain within the scope of its interests and what China can control. Second, China’s global environmental approach can be understood as the pursuit of intangible aspects of great power status in addition to its tangible interests.

In economic theory, methodology and philosophy, general theory-special case relationships are rarely investigated. In 1936, Keynes challenged orthodoxy with the claim that his general theory embraced orthodoxy as a special case. Orthodoxy counter-claimed that its theory was the only general theory within which Keynes’s could only be a special case. This paper explores the important issues behind the dispute in three parts. Part A examines the conceptual and methodological foundations of the opposing claims, finding that each side deploys a different model of these relationships. Part B explores all of Keynes’s theoretical works and finds that his 1936 model underpins all his theoretical work in philosophy and economics. Part C concludes with methodological reflections on the conceptual foundations of the dispute.

Collaboration between public administration organizations and various stakeholders is often prescribed as a potential solution to the current complex problems of governance, such as climate change. According to the Advocacy Coalition Framework, shared beliefs are one of the most important drivers of collaboration. However, studies investigating the role of beliefs in collaboration show mixed results. Some argue that similarity of general normative and empirical policy beliefs elicits collaboration, while others focus on beliefs concerning policy instruments. Proposing a new divisive beliefs hypothesis, we suggest that agreeing on those beliefs over which there is substantial disagreement in the policy subsystem is what matters for collaboration. Testing our hypotheses using policy network analysis and data on climate policy subsystems in 11 countries (Australia, Brazil, the Czech Republic, Germany, Finland, Ireland, Japan, Korea, Portugal, Sweden, and Taiwan), we find belief similarity to be a stronger predictor of collaboration when the focus is divisive beliefs rather than normative and empirical policy beliefs or beliefs concerning policy instruments. This knowledge can be useful for managing collaborative governance networks because it helps to identify potential competing coalitions and to broker compromises between them.

© The Author(s) 2020. Cultural diversity and the digital have been identified as among the most important megatrends facing young Australians in current times. These challenges have been addressed primarily through a siloed risk/protection approach, with research and policy/programme formulation focusing on either social cohesion in the ‘offline’ world, particularly risks/protective factors for those identified as culturally and linguistically diverse (CALD) youth; or digital risks/protective factors regarding cyber-safety for mainstream youth. This article contributes to scholarship that bridges the gap between social cohesion and the digital in youth research and policy agendas. Moving beyond the dominant focus on the psychosocial, we propose a sociologically informed, global digital citizenship framework for theorising and analysing social cohesion in relation to young people’s digital practices as a foundation for this agenda.

Multinational businesses are facing mounting pressure to identify and address risks of exploitation, trafficking and modern slavery in their supply chains. Digital worker reporting tools present unprecedented opportunities for lead firms to reach out directly to hard-to-reach workers for feedback on their working conditions via their mobile phone. These new technologies promise an efficient and cost-effective way to cut through the complexity of global production, gathering unmediated data on working conditions directly from workers at scale. As the market for these tools grows, this paper contextualises their emergence within the broader political economy of supply chain governance. It presents three sets of concerns about their use that must be addressed by businesses, investors, donors and governments that develop or utilise these tools. First, the quality of data gathered by these tools may be inadequate to reliably inform decision-making. Second, global brands may gather large quantities of worker data to identify legal, reputational and financial risks without addressing structural causes of exploitation or delivering outcomes for workers. Third, large scale collection of data from workers creates new risks for workers’ wellbeing and safety.

We explore how large and small banks make funding decisions when system-wide bailouts are possible. We show that bank size, purely on strategic grounds, is a key determinant of banks’ leverage choices, even when bailout policies treat large and small banks symmetrically. Large banks leverage more than small banks because they internalize that their decisions directly affect bailout policies. In equilibrium, this effect is amplified by strategic spillovers to small banks since banks’ leverage choices are strategic complements. Overall, the presence of large banks makes bailouts more likely. The optimal regulation features size-dependent policies that disproportionately restrict large banks’ leverage.

Recognition of co-operatives as a legitimate business model and form of economic participation was significantly challenged by the rise of neo-liberalism in the 1980s with its emphasis on individuals and markets. This fueled an externally and internally driven push to demutualize co-operatives and convert them into Investor Owned Businesses (IOB). While the international trend to demutualize emerged from the end of the Second World War, evidence indicates it accelerated from the late 1980s until the onset of the Global Financial Crisis. Drawing on an ongoing project of historical data collection and visual analysis of Australian co-operatives, this paper explores the Australian experience with demutualization, particularly with regard to agriculture. In line with the international experience, there has been a surge in Australian demutualization since the 1980s. However, while demutualization continues to be a feature of the Australian landscape post-GFC as co-operatives tackle with the changed political and economic environment, the paper also challenges the view that demutualization is inevitable for agricultural co-operatives. Co-operative managers can make strategic choices to avoid demutualization and retain member control. Further, co-operative culture and the persistence of co-operative clusters in particular regions can blunt the push to demutualize.

This paper explores the social support of Timorese workers under the Australian Seasonal Workers Programme (SWP). The SWP, which allows citizens from Pacific Island countries and Timor-Leste to work in Australian agriculture for six to nine months, has become the major source of remittances for seasonal workers from Timor-Leste. The paper describes how access to the internet and the availability of social media devices can help to maintain long-distance family relationships, support migrants' well-being and alleviate the effects of socio-spatial segregation to some extent. However, the need to earn remittances in a fixed period of time forces them to accept a trade-off in the quality of their social and personal lives in rural Australia. According to the New Economics of Labour Migration (NELM), isolation and separation from families are part of a rational household strategy to accumulate remittances. This paper argues that insufficient attention has been paid to the social costs borne by workers and left-behind households and that the sustainability of the SWP depends to a large extent on the ability of workers to find ways of meeting their needs for social support. The analysis is based on data from participant observation and semi-structured interviews with 50 Timorese seasonal workers in Australia and Timor-Leste.