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This article explores Katharine Lee Bates' travel book Spanish Highways and Byways (1900), written out of a collection of commissioned articles published in the New York Times immediately after the Spanish-American War. Her travelogue not only provides the reader with details about the Spanish architectural and natural landscape, but it also works as an instructive text to comment on the social and political panorama of Spain at a time of national crisis. Following the path initiated by Alberto Egea in "Rewriting Stereotypes on Spain: Unveiling the Counter-Picturesque in Katharine Lee Bates" (2019), I argue that Spanish Highways and Byways describes the creation of an emerging modern Spain, influenced by the intellectual movements that shaped Spanish politics of the fin-du-siècle. Bates' text is key to understand the Spanish-American War and its effects on the Spanish population; more importantly, it shows the author's engagement in aspects such as the education of women or workers' rights. In my discussion, I examine how Bates negotiates with her position as an American outsider in Spain and how she takes advantage of this position to build bridges between the two nations at a time of conflict.t [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The document provides a selected bibliography of writings by Bernard Shaw on Americans and the United States, spanning from 1885 to 1948. Shaw's writings reflect his enduring interest in and sometimes disdain for various American topics, including copyright, censorship, Prohibition, Hollywood, American elections, Theodore Roosevelt, World War I, and the Scopes Monkey Trial. The bibliography includes references to Shaw's works published in various American newspapers and magazines, showcasing his critical views on American governance and society. [Extracted from the article]

The International Journal of Military History & Historiography contains a variety of articles and reviews on military history. The articles cover topics such as the Lucchese Army during the Italian Wars, Russian translations of foreign military books in the 17th century, the Korean War, and Indonesian women's military representation during the early independence period. The journal also includes reviews of books on topics ranging from imperial violence to Hitler's personal prisoner. The content spans different time periods, including the early modern period, the 19th century, the World Wars, and the Cold War. [Extracted from the article]

AmorePacific, the creator of renowned product lines such as the Color Control Cushion Compact, Laneige, and Sulwhasoo, stands prominently among the top ten global cosmetic companies, epitomizing the pinnacle of "K-beauty." This article delves into how K-beauty, beyond its contemporary global allure, is deeply rooted in the historical and politico-economic landscape of the Park Chung Hee regime (1961–79). Through an examination of AmorePacific's extensive archives, the article traces the company's development, highlighting its pivotal role in shaping South Korea's cosmetics industry since 1945. The evolving history of AmorePacific provides a lens to explore the often-overlooked roles of women in an industry previously characterized by underground trafficking, post exchange (PX) stores, and counterfeit production. As AmorePacific navigated new economic policy and rigorous rhetoric under the Park regime, Korean women began to assume new economic and sociopolitical roles, including in factory work, as door-to-door salespeople, and as models and moral consumers in state-led campaigns. Thus the work of women was vitally involved with AmorePacific, the nation's growing cosmetic-product industry as a whole, and the Park regime's stringent regulation of South Korea's extensive black market, which was critical to its economic formalization. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This essay demonstrates how wartime objects can have a special resonance in families as keepers of memory, and it especially explores the role of daughters of military participants in preserving the artifacts of their veteran fathers. Using several case studies from a recent public history project collecting objects and object stories in the American southwest, it argues that a focus on daughters as caretakers of family military history offers a new way to engage with descendants' histories by showing how the work of such women can contribute to our understanding of modern war and its legacies. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

As the Second World War approached, the combatant nations launched campaigns to recruit women to serve on the home front as managers of household savings in times of food shortage. In Italy, this phenomenon took on distinct features within an even more widespread and comprehensive educational system focused on nationalizing and militarizing future Fascist men and women, which had already been implemented by the regime a decade before the war began. The transformation of the traditional and modern domestic virtues of housewives into patriotic, social, and public duties laid the foundation for a form of war pedagogy for women aimed at preparing them for the possible descent into war and indoctrinating them as regime-loyal housewives. An integral part of this women's education was the promotion of the traditional female role of childcare and household management, but above all the spread of the policy of 'alimentary sovereignty' in Italian families, which emphasized a model of consumption based on restraint, limits, and resistance, especially about food. The aim of this research is to analyse how the pervasiveness of Fascist war pedagogy for women ingrained a cultural model that persisted beyond the Fascist era and significantly shaped the vision of food of Italian families. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article focuses on the interconnectedness of food and war, exploring how alimentary practices during wartime illuminate aspects of history, memory, and culture. Topics include the role of food in wartime military tactics and resistance, the use of food as a symbolic tool in historical and literary narratives, and gendered analyses of food discourse and protests during the Second World War.

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Objective: Gulf War Illness (GWI) is a debilitating multisymptom condition that affects nearly a third of 1990–91 Gulf War (GW) veterans. Symptoms include pain, fatigue, gastrointestinal issues, and cognitive decrements. Our work has shown that GWI rates and potential causes for symptoms vary between men and women veterans. Studies have documented neuropsychological and neuroimaging findings mostly in men or combined sex datasets. Data are lacking for women veterans due to lack of power and repositories of women veteran samples. Methods: We characterized GW women veterans in terms of demographics, exposures, neuropsychological and neuroimaging outcomes from the newly collated Boston, Biorepository and Integrative Network (BBRAIN) for GWI. Results: BBRAIN women veterans are highly educated with an average age of 54 years. 81% met GWI criteria, 25% met criteria for current PTSD, 78% were white, and 81% served in the Army. Exposure to combined acetylcholinesterase inhibitors (AChEi) including skin pesticides, fogs/sprays and/or pyridostigmine bromide (PB) anti-nerve gas pill exposure resulted in slower processing speed on attentional tasks and a trend for executive impairment compared with non-exposed women. Brain imaging outcomes showed lower gray matter volumes and smaller caudate in exposed women. Conclusions: Although subtle and limited findings were present in this group of women veterans, it suggests that continued follow-up of GW women veterans is warranted. Future research should continue to evaluate differences between men and women in GW veteran samples. The BBRAIN women sub-repository is recruiting and these data are available to the research community for studies of women veterans. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Despite numerous works of Kartini as Indonesia’s most famous feminist icon, hardly any deep study investigated how Kartini was remembered in the first years of Indonesia’s independence. This study aims to examine how Indonesians celebrated Kartini Day during the Indonesian Revolution (1946–1949), by using print media in Indonesian, Dutch and English from that period. This study argues that for Indonesian nationalists at that time, commemorating Kartini Day was of paramount importance to encourage women empowerment based on the Indonesian nation-state concept. The commemorations were held in many places in Indonesia and were attended by numerous people from different walks of life. During the commemorations, Indonesian women were persuaded to adopt new roles in that era, namely as devoted Indonesian citizens who should contribute to the new country, especially in the field of women empowerment, community service, political participation and war effort. However, Indonesian women were criticised for still being Dutch-oriented and interpreting their freedom way too far. These findings indicate that during the Revolution, the commemorations of Kartini Day was urgently needed by the Indonesian nation-state as a momentum to promote Indonesian nationalism among women and encourage women’s participation in the nation-state building process and in the Dutch-Indonesian conflict. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article focuses on the participation of women in clandestine armed movements in Mexico during the 1970s, emphasizing the need for a deeper understanding of their roles in the so-called "dirty war." It seeks to analyze basic trends regarding women's involvement in these organizations, including their geographic origins and educational backgrounds, while intertwining personal narratives with quantitative data to enrich the historical narrative.

Background: Civilian war and internal conflicts increase the incidences of mental health conditions among war survivors. It is crucial to assess war-related psychological consequences in war-affected areas in Ethiopia to intervene in the future. Thus, this study aimed to determine the magnitude of psychological distress and associated factors of psychological distress among war survivor women in Northern, Ethiopia. Methods: A community-based cross-sectional survey was conducted, and 1596 war survivor women were recruited to participate using a face-to-face interviews with a census sampling technique from May 1–30, 2022. The psychological distress was assessed using a Kessler psychological distress scale (K10). Bi-variable and multi-variable logistic regression analyses were used, and variables with a p-value less than 0.05 in the multivariable analyses were considered statistically significant. Result: In this study, the response rate was 100% and the prevalence of psychological distress was 44.90% at a 95% CI: (42.40, 47.40). Psychological distress was significantly associated with the education of ability to read and write (AOR = 2.92; 95% CI: 2.12, 4.01), primary education and above (AOR = 3.08; 95% CI: 2.09, 4.54), housewife (AOR = 5.07; 95%CI: 2.64, 9.74), farmer (AOR = 8.92; 95%CI: 4.03, 19.70), emotional violence (AOR = 1.52; 95%CI: 1.05, 2.18), physical violence (AOR = 3.85; 95%CI: 2.37, 6.26) and sexual violence (AOR = 3.25; 95%CI: 1.98, 5.33) whereas being separate was protective for psychological distress (AOR = 0.38; 95%CI: 0.16, 0.92). Conclusion: The prevalence of psychological distress was found to be high. Therefore, women who are housewives, married, farmers, educated, and who have experienced violence must be the focus of governmental and private collaborative interventions to prevent war-related psychological morbidity and mortality. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Cuadernos del Centro de Estudios de Diseño y Comunicación is the property of Cuadernos del Centro de Estudios de Diseno y Comunicacion and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This study investigates the long-term effects of the Paraguayan War (1864–1870) on intimate partner violence (IPV). The identification relies on a novel historical dataset that uses the distance from regions to military camps during the war and military camps' sizes to proxy the impact of the war across Eastern Paraguay. The likelihood of modern-day IPV is found to be 5.54% higher than the average in areas that were more heavily affected by the war. Consistent with relative improvements in female labour participation and human capital posing a threat to the traditional male breadwinner role in households, the evidence confirms that reduced gender differences in the labour market and human capital accumulation after the war increased the long-term likelihood of IPV. As non-gender types of interpersonal violence are found to be unaffected in the long run, I conclude that the gender norm caused by the war enabled IPV, arguing that women's empowerment is a multi-faceted phenomenon wherein some dimensions, such as IPV, have a greater influence than others. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Background: Childhood victimization has been associated with long-term psychological effects and an increased risk of being victimized in later life. Previous research has primarily focused on sexual abuse during childhood, and a wide range of consequences have been identified. However, a significant gap remains in our understanding of the complex interaction between different forms of childhood abuse and violence in later life, particularly in the context of broader social stressors such as armed conflict and displacement. Methods: This study examines the association between exposure to different types of childhood maltreatment in the context of family and intimate partner violence (IPV) among displaced women living in refugee camps in northern Iraq. Structured interviews were conducted by trained female psychologists with 332 women aged between 20 and 62 years. Results: Results indicated that over one-third of the participating women reported experiencing at least one occurrence of IPV by their husbands within the past year. In addition, participants reported experiences of different types of maltreatment (physical, emotional, and sexual violence and physical and emotional neglect) perpetrated by family members in their childhood. While all forms of childhood maltreatment showed an association with IPV within the past year, only emotional childhood maltreatment was found to be a significant predictor of IPV in a multivariate analysis. Conclusion: The study highlights the ongoing impact of child maltreatment and its contribution to increased vulnerability to IPV victimization in later life. In addition, this study describes the specific cultural and contextual elements that contribute to IPV in refugee camps. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This contribution shows that women played influential roles in medieval warfare not as soldiers on the battlefield but as key figures in communication networks. Two crucial aspects in times of military crisis are gathering information about the enemy and communication between allies. Existing historiography of medieval espionage usually attributes such tasks to men. This article demonstrates, however, that cities systematically used the services of women carrying letters around the front lines and gathering intelligence services about the enemy army. The case study of this article is the war the Flemish cities waged against Emperor Frederick III and his son Maximilian of Austria in 1488–1489, a conflict in which dozens of women as spies and messengers tried to influence the course of the war. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Following the conservative Turkish government's political-economic capture of the news media, educated and pro-feminist women journalists have migrated online. Despite having more publicity across platforms, they face immediate prosecution based on the tweet of an anonymous troll, an informant citizen or a government official. While this is a common case of networked misogyny, inspired by Liz Kelly's concept of the continuum of sexual violence, we argue that networked misogyny against women journalists is not simply technological but rather both interconnected across different spaces (online manosphere, masculine newsrooms, and authoritarian state) and intersectional feeding from nationalism, class, and anti-Western sentiments. This intersectionality renders networked misogyny against Turkey's journalists different from liberal contexts because it operates not through illegality but suspicion (of terrorism, treason). Our focus on interconnections and intersectionality allows for theorizing networked misogyny beyond the digital, genders current perspectives on authoritarianism and reframes networked misogyny as a violent war targeting women's intellectual labor and public visibility, both significant threats to authoritarian regimes across the globe. The interconnected and intersectional stories of networked misogyny from Turkey point to how fighting against this form of violence is also a fight against the post-truth regimes of authoritarianism and fight for democracy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article discusses the establishment of the East St. Louis National Catholic Community House in 1919 as part of the National Catholic War Council's efforts to involve Catholic women in Americanization programs. The house aimed to address the issues of immigration and racial tensions in East St. Louis, Illinois. However, the Catholic laywomen who staffed the house focused primarily on assisting Polish, Lithuanian, and Bohemian immigrants, rather than addressing the city's racial and economic problems. The article explores the contradictions and challenges faced by the NCWC secretaries in their efforts to establish a place for Catholics in a national endeavor while reinforcing existing class, ethnic, and racial divides. [Extracted from the article]

This article investigates gender dynamics during the Colombian armed conflict, where the ongoing peace process has had a unique focus on gender equality. Using a lens of militarized masculinity and original expert interviews with Colombian stakeholders in peacebuilding and human rights, the study analyzes how gender norms have been upheld and sanctioned in the context of conflict. Gender essentialisms have been reinforced by armed actors, with women's and LGBT people's bodies as central channels for reproducing traditional sociobiological roles. Expressions not conforming to the heterocisnormative gender order have been sanctioned with violence. While men have been disproportionally affected by combat violence, women and sexual and gender minorities have been more vulnerable to sexual violence and forced displacement. This militarization of gender norms in Colombia has constructed women's and queer bodies as battlefields of war, severely undermining their safety, dignity, and autonomy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This study aims to explore the boundaries shaping the positions of Arab women, which are strongly evident in the private sphere as the primary site for the production of social, moral, and cultural norms that delineate women's roles in the public sphere. This is achieved through a comparison between the works of Fatima Al-Mernissi and Assia Jabbar. Al-Mernissi's works focus on what she termed the "harem institution" as a central political, historical, social, and intellectual concept in her works. Regarding Assia Jabbar, this study focuses on the concept of the harem in her writings, highlighting her interest in documenting and recording the oppression women faced during wars and their struggles within it until independence. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In 1965, impoverished Clevelanders and their allies brought dead rats to City Hall to demonstrate that they alone had the required expertise to write antipoverty policy. They used the rats to educate their representatives about poverty conditions after their unsucessful struggle to gain control over the local War on Poverty. Scholarship on the War on Poverty and welfare rights movement has uncovered stories of innovative women who fought for official and unofficial access to policymaking. But our focus on movement leaders and sympathetic allies has obscured how some of these activists defined democracy. Activists in Cleveland envisioned democracy as a system where those affected by a policy had influence over its crafting. Their radical vision of urban municipal policymaking illuminates that historians have over emphasized the concessions that these women forced from their representatives, an interpretation which has inadvertently privileged access to a seat at the table over their larger goals. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The Stars and Stripes newspaper is an important site for the study of gender in the US military because it has often been among the only news material available for deployed members of the armed forces at war. An analysis of advertising in Stars and Stripes during Operation Iraqi Freedom (2003–2011) found that ads constructed and privileged a commodified, warrior hero masculinity unattainable by military women. The military identity of female servicemembers was often stripped from them in advertising, though they rarely appeared at all. Where women did appear, they were often depicted as the dependent helpmate/mother, as an embodied reward for the warrior hero, or as a powerless subordinate who needs rescue or financial support from the warrior hero. Even though military women performed ably in Operation Iraqi Freedom and soon after, saw all combat specialties opened to them, the ads in Stars and Stripes reproduced, and reflected, their marginalization in the US military. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Feministische Studien is the property of De Gruyter and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Feministische Studien is the property of De Gruyter and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Feministische Studien is the property of De Gruyter and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Feministische Studien is the property of De Gruyter and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

On 24 February 2022, Russia attacked Ukraine. Millions of people tuned into social media to watch the war. Media exposure to disasters and large‐scale violence can precipitate anxiety resulting in intrusive thoughts. This research investigates factors related to anxiety while watching the war. Since the war began during the ongoing coronavirus pandemic, threat from COVID‐19 is seen as a predictor of anxiety when watching the war. A theoretical model is put forward where the outcome was anxiety when watching the war, and predictors were self‐reported interference of watching the war with one's studies or work, gender, worry about the war, self‐efficacy and coronavirus threat. Data were collected online with independent samples of university students from two European countries close to Ukraine, Germany (n = 348) and Finland (n = 228), who filled out an anonymous questionnaire. Path analysis was used to analyse the data. Findings showed that the model was an acceptable fit to the data in each sample, and standardised regression coefficients indicated that anxiety, when watching the war, increased with interference, war worry and coronavirus threat, and decreased with self‐efficacy. Women reported more anxiety when watching the war than men. Implications of the results are discussed. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article studies the effect of the 1998–99 Kosovo war on current political participation, disaggregating the analysis by the type of conflict experience – namely death or injury to self or a family member or displacement – and by gender. The results show that experience of conflict is associated with more political participation but with important distinctions between genders by the form of participation and the type of conflict experience. Displacement is associated with more voting among women, but not among men, and with more demonstrating by men but weaker or no effects for women; death and injury are associated with higher political party membership for men but not women. While experiences of conflict increase levels of political participation, the form that this takes varies by gender, with effects on private, civic, action among women, and effects on direct, public, and more emotionally heightened engagement among men. HIGHLIGHTS The view that conflict victims are more politically active than non-victims needs nuancing. In Kosovo, women's war displacement is only associated with an increase in voting. But men will join a political party (if injury or death in the family) or demonstrate (if displaced). This implies that victimization does not contribute to challenging gendered social norms. The accepted "post-traumatic growth" hypothesis is insufficient to explain these findings. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article focuses on the academic debate surrounding the historical phenomenon of comfort women, who were contracted prostitutes for Japanese military brothels during World War II. Topics include the nature of these contracts, the conditions under which women were recruited and employed, and the scholarly disagreement over whether such arrangements constituted voluntary or coerced prostitution given the context of wartime exploitation.

The article discusses the importance of studying the history of fascist groups and organizations in Britain, despite their marginal relevance to the nation's politics. It argues that the history of British fascism should not be dismissed and that historians should explore the development of fascism after 1945. The article also highlights the presence of contemporary fascists in the United Kingdom and raises questions about how to contextualize their growth. The special issue of the journal focuses on various aspects of British post-1945 fascism, including the role of emotion, community building, and antifascist activism. The articles shed light on these often neglected cultures and provide insights for future research. The study of fascism in post-1945 Britain is important for understanding the origins and resistance to contemporary extremist cultures. [Extracted from the article]

Peace museums play an important role in peace education by offering visitors informal and non-formal education. As sites of remembrance, peace museums are rich pedagogical spaces for experiential learning and reflection. Educating children in the spirit of peace, tolerance and harmony between nations has been central to the work of the Museum of Peace in Rivne in Ukraine. Whilst peace museums usually engage in peacebuilding and memory making in times of peace, post conflict, this article reports on the work of the Museum in Rivne in a time of war. Wartime brings difficult questions about engaging in peacebuilding in the face of military aggression and about sustaining memory-making work when violent conflict makes memories too immediate and painful. As explained in the article, the reinvigorated peacebuilding effort at the Museum in Rivne demonstrates that, in a time of war, it is even more important to promote peace, in opposition to war. Through the annual event 'I Vote for Peace', the Museum has sought to create a network of schools committed to global tolerance and peacekeeping, as well as offer Ukrainian children a space for talking about their experiences and their hope for a peaceful future. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Filmic portrayals of Clara Schumann from World War II to the present provide a fascinating insight into changing conceptions of her professional and domestic roles. Just as fictional reshapings of her biography from the late-nineteenth century to the present can be understood to relate to changing social and political contexts, filmic portrayals of this great musical figure over the past 80 years speak to both constancy and change. The image that remains constant, the depiction of a loyal wife in the service of her husband's art, takes on different guises as it is reflected in the mirror of each film's historical, social, and political moment. In Träumerei (1943/44) Clara Schumann provides an idealized depiction of the German woman in the context of war, one who sacrifices her performance career for love of husband, children and domesticity. Song of Love (1947) reflects the revered role of the mother of a large family in post-war America. Limiting its narrative frame to the years leading up to Robert Schumann's death, Frühlingssinfonie (1974) casts a new light on the domestic strands explored in Träumerei , reflecting then recent developments in research in the Neue Schumann-Gesamtausgabe. In Geliebte Clara (2008), whereas the titular focus shifts explicitly to Clara herself, this passionate retelling is based on the familiar narrative that informs all four films. Building on the historiographical work of Beatrix Borchard, Matthias Wendt, and Yael Braunschweig, this article provides a rich cultural context for each film, and explores how that context relates to source materials including letters and diaries. Reaching beyond that scholarship, this article challenges the familiar narrative found in these movies by re-reading passages of Clara's letters and diaries that can be understood to express regret and frustration at the limitations that her domestic life imposed on her artistic career. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article "Women Making War: Female Confederate Prisoners and Union Military Justice" discusses the role of women in Missouri during the Civil War who supported the Confederacy through various activities. The author, Thomas F. Curran, examines the repercussions faced by these women, highlighting the arrests and punishments they endured. Curran provides a detailed account of the women's involvement and punishment, challenging previous interpretations that downplayed their roles. The book sheds light on a lesser-known aspect of Civil War history and women's contributions during that time. [Extracted from the article]

The catastrophe of Russia's war in Ukraine following on the heels of the COVID-19 pandemic and the Black Lives Matter-inspired protests raises the possibility of marked changes in people's gendered experiences in Central-Eastern Europe and Eurasia (CEE&E). Drawing upon recent discussions, events, and publications--with particular attention to Ukrainian voices and reflexivity as to my position as a US-based political scientist mostly trained on Russia--I suggest ways that these developments have begun to, can, and should change gender studies. I raise three questions: (1) Does CEE&E still constitute a meaningful geopolitical context--or region--for understanding gender? (2) Who should have authority to speak about gender in CEE&E? and (3) Have the possibilities for solidarities among feminist activists across CEE&E and beyond CEE&E increased or decreased, and why? Considering these questions, I argue that there is still much to be gained from studying gender in CEE&E as a field if we incorporate intersectional and decolonial lenses and especially if we can keep pushing ourselves through the scholarly debates that have constituted the field. Incorporating this part of the world--elided since Soviet collapse--can help gender studies as a whole deepen and reconsider paradigmatic concepts such as intersectionality, colonialism, and solidarity. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Jungian psychotherapist Dr. Edward Tick has worked with American veterans of foreign wars for decades. During that time, he learned that one of the most effective paths to healing was to guide Vietnam veterans back there to retrieve their souls that had been left behind, often for decades. He took the acronym PTSD and translated it as Post-traumatic Soul Distress. Those in the medical profession worked with the physical injuries of traumatized veterans; however, they overlooked the trauma to the souls of these returning warriors. Tick and his wife, Kate Dahlstedt, founded Soldier's Heart () in order to travel more deeply into the mythology, spirituality, and psychology of woundedness. He continues his work today in branching out to a larger population suffering the wounds of a society itself in need of soul intervention. There, too, he deepens his interest in ancient forms of healing in the tradition of the ancient healer Asklepios, by guiding pilgrims to ancient healing sites in Greece. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In studying French women resistors, scholars have largely fought the erasure of their contributions from the record. I revisit résistante stories as narratives about clothing that mark the specificity of female resistance as well as changes in gender identity. First, I explore how women weaponized their clothing. During the war they used their dresses, underwear, and jackets to hide Resistance documents, carry bombs, and escape enemy notice. Such resistance continued to occur after women partisans were deported to Ravensbrück, a Nazi detention camp for female political prisoners. Here again clothing became an instrument of resistance. Second, I show how the sartorial choices of résistantes provide crucial evidence of their changing selves. How these women chose to clothe their bodies can help us trace how they changed as a result of their wartime activism. Résistantes' shifting views of their clothing registered profound alienation and confusion about their gendered selves. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

During the late 1950s, prompted by the US State Department, an interracial group of national leaders of women's organizations in the United States formed the African Women's Committee to reach out to their African counterparts in the wake of successful independence movements throughout the continent. After consulting with numerous African women and leading experts on Africa, the committee initiated a program that brought groups of African women to the United States for short training programs designed to strengthen their leadership skills through both coursework and immersion in women's organizations. This article examines the assumptions both groups of women brought to their interactions and the ways the program changed during this period as a response to racist encounters in the US, new teachers in the classes and African women's evaluations of their experiences. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Burke's Emerson essay ends with a "mythic image" of transcendence, alluding to a line from the Aeneid concerning those not properly buried being denied access to the Cocytus' farther shore--"they stretched forth their hands through love of the opposite shore." The image draws together themes of longing, love, death, and crossing from disparate sources: the Grammar's discussion of Plato's Symposium and Phaedrus in which love (Greek eros) is drawn toward a vision of Beauty (Latin bellus; thus the Motivorum's motto ad bellum--translatable as "war" or "beauty"--purificandum); the Rhetoric's climb to a mystic vision of Aristotle's God toward which the whole creation moves out of love; the Symbolic's concluding chapters discussing Dante's Divine Comedy and Poe's Raven (the death of a beautiful woman); Keats' Grecian Urn; Castiglione's Courtier; Spinoza's intellectual love of God; and Burke's office of "pontifcation"--"building bridges" transcending one realm by viewing it in terms of one Beyond. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

If the owl of Minerva flies only at dusk, what are we to make of the recent flurry of popular histories about foreign correspondents? In 2021, with You Don't Belong Here , Elizabeth Becker told us "How Three Women Rewrote the Story of War" in Vietnam, and Judith Mackrell gave us the stories of "Six Women Writers on the Front Lines of World War II" in The Correspondents. The year before, Nancy Cott, the pioneering scholar of U.S. gender history, explored the intertwined biographies of interwar journalists Dorothy Thompson, Vincent Sheean, Rayna Raphaelson, and John Gunther in Fighting Words. And then, in 2022, Deborah Cohen, an acclaimed historian of British and European cultural politics, subbed the relatively obscure Raphaelson out of Cott's quartet and added in H. R. Knickerbocker, the Pulitzer Prize–winning European correspondent in Last Call at the Hotel Imperial. (Cohen also elevates the role of Frances Gunther, John's wife, who suffered from crippling writer's block but was perhaps the most interesting thinker of the bunch.) When two leading, accomplished historians at the height of their games write essentially the same book, you know that something is in the air. So what era's eclipse are these works marking? [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Oil spills in resource-rich areas in Africa have led to irreversible environmental degradation, resulting in social conflicts that have greatly affected women. Yet, the experiences of ordinary women affected by resource extraction activities in the Global South are often marginalised. Recent calls for the southernising of criminology are gaining momentum and could be linked to calls for rethinking how knowledge about Africa is produced, including in its gendered dimensions. For example, in what ways do women's voices matter on issues related to the environment in the Niger Delta? And how do their voices intersect with green criminological theories? This article focuses on amplifying affected women's lived experiences in the resource-rich area of the Niger Delta of Nigeria. Using data collected between 2019 and 2022 through participatory video, focus group discussions, and in-depth interviews, the paper underscores the need to give women a voice on matters that affect the environment, and peace and war dynamics. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This research examined the effects of the Russian-Ukrainian war on identity changes among educated Ukraine-born women who have lived their adult lives in Israel. The data, collected in July 2022, were determined to be representative of educated women aged 25–60 who emigrated from Ukraine during 1988–2018. Findings revealed a strengthened Ukrainian identity in over half of the respondents. The Ukrainian-born Israelis, who held a hybrid Russian-Israeli identity, strengthened their Ukrainian identity. However, this strengthening was not uniform. It was associated with (a) frequency of exposure to Ukrainian news and social media that support the Ukrainian government; (b) attitudes toward the Russian-Ukrainian war; (c) the presence of the war in daily life; and (d) the geo-political place of origin in Ukraine. The study underscores the importance of researching identity shifts in people indirectly affected by crises in today's information-rich age. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article explores the historical significance of deer hunting and deerskins in colonial North Carolina. Deer were highly valued for their skins, which served as currency in the cash-poor colony. The demand for deerskins led to over-hunting and a decline in the deer population. The colonial government implemented regulations to protect this valuable resource, but large numbers of deerhides continued to be exported until the American Revolution disrupted the trade. The article also discusses the role of native Carolinians, British settlers, enslaved Africans, and professional hunters in the deerhide trade, as well as the conflicts that arose over the trade between native peoples and British settlers. [Extracted from the article]

This article explores the legitimacy of the International Criminal Court (ICC) through an analysis of the Ongwen case. The legitimacy of the ICC is evaluated based on three dimensions: origin, procedural, and outcome legitimacy. The article discusses how the ICC's legal framework and establishment may affect its origin legitimacy, and how the inclusion of charges and recognition of victimhood in the Ongwen case may enhance its pedigree legitimacy. The procedural legitimacy of the ICC is questioned in relation to the court's handling of traditional justice mechanisms and cultural considerations. The outcome legitimacy of the ICC is examined through the quality of the judgment and sentencing in the Ongwen case. Overall, the article provides a comprehensive analysis of the different dimensions of legitimacy and their implications for the ICC. [Extracted from the article]