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School racial segregation significantly affects racial disparities in US children's health. Recently, school segregation has been increasing, partially due to Supreme Court decisions since 1991 that have made it easier for school districts to be released from court-ordered desegregation. We investigated the association of the end of court-ordered desegregation with child health, using the 1997-2018 waves of the National Health Interview Survey (n = 8182 Black children; n = 16 930 White children). We exploited quasi-random variation in the timing of school districts' releases from court orders to estimate effects on general health, body weight, mental health, and asthma, using difference-in-differences and event-study methods (including traditional and heterogeneity-robust estimators). Heterogeneity-robust difference-in-differences analyses show that release was associated with increased school segregation, improved mental health among Black children, and better self-reported health among White children. For heterogeneity-robust event-study analyses, school segregation increased steadily over time after release, with worse self-reported health and higher risk of asthma episodes among Black children aged 18 years or older after release. Black children's mental health temporarily improved in the short term. In contrast, White children had improved self-reported health, mental health, and risk of asthma episodes in some years. Interventions to address the harms of school segregation are important for reducing racial health inequities. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Describes the exhibition "Pool: A Social History of Segregation" hosted by the Fairmount Water Works in Philadelphia from March to September 2022.

The article offers information about the sundown towns and racial exclusion, along with explores the southern White Diaspora and the great retreat. It mentions that urban economists and economic historians have studied the forces behind residential segregation, zoning, and housing inequity. It discusses the sundown towns were all-White and appeared across the U.S. between 1890 and 1960.

Neglected in the many studies of Dallas, Bishop Thomas K. Gorman and Catholic religious orders that staffed schools and churches in the Diocese of Dallas led the way in desegregation and achieved peaceful change ahead of secular institutions. Gorman and religious orders formulated, supported, and implemented desegregation policies without fanfare or publicity that might divide Catholics and arouse segregationist opposition from within and/or outside the Church's ranks. Black Catholics were far from quiescent and made important contributions to secular desegregation. In September 1955, two African American Catholics enrolled in Jesuit High, a boys' school, making it the only desegregated school in Dallas. George Allen, the father of one of the boys, subsequently worked behind the scenes to negotiate desegregation of the city's buses and other public accommodations. Another African American lay Catholic, Clarence A. Laws, organized and led civil rights protests in the city as the National Association for the Advancement of Colored People's Southwest regional director. White sisters also contributed to racial change. Even before the US Supreme Court ruled public school segregation unconstitutional in Brown v. Board of Education in May 1954, the Sisters of St. Mary of Namur, without publicity, admitted African Americans to a white girls' school, Our Lady of Victory, in Fort Worth, making it the first desegregated school in the city. However, residential segregation and white flight limited integration of Catholic schools and churches, and Catholic school desegregation largely involved the closure of black schools. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Social demographers and historians have devoted extensive research to patterns of racial segregation that emerged under Jim Crow and during the post-Civil Rights era but have paid less attention to the role of slavery in shaping the residential distribution of Black populations in the United States. One guiding assumption has been that slavery rendered racial segregation to be both unnecessary and impractical. In this study, I argue that apart from the master–slave relationship, slavery relentlessly produced racial segregation during the antebellum period through the residential isolation of slaves and free people of color. To explain this pattern, I draw on racial threat theory to test hypotheses regarding interracial economic competition and fear of slave mobilization using data from the 1850 Census, as well as an architectural survey of antebellum sites. Findings suggest that the residential segregation of free people of color increased with their local prevalence, whereas the segregation of slaves increased with the prevalence of the slave population. These patterns continue to hold after controlling for interracial competition over land or jobs and past slave rebellions or conspiracies. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Understanding residential mobility, housing affordability, and the geography of neighborhood advantage and disadvantage relies on robust information about housing search processes and housing markets. Existing data about housing markets, especially rental markets, suffer from accuracy issues and a lack of temporal and geographic flexibility. Data collected from online rental platforms that are commonly used can help address these issues and hold considerable promise for better understanding the full distribution of available rental homes. However, realizing this promise requires a careful assessment of potential sources of bias as online rental listing platforms may perpetuate inequalities similar to those found in physical spaces. This paper approaches the production of rental advertisements as a social process driven by both contextual and property level factors. We compare data from two online platforms for the 100 most populated metropolitan areas in the United States to explore inequality in digital rental listing spaces and understand what characteristics are associated with over and underrepresentation of advertisements in certain areas. We find similar associations for socioeconomic measures between platforms and across urban and suburban parts of these metropolitan areas. In contrast, the importance of racial and ethnic composition, as well as broader patterns of segregation, for online representation differs substantially across space and platform. This analysis informs our understanding of how online platforms affect housing search dynamics through their biases and segmentation, and highlights the potential and limits in using the data available on these platforms to produce small area rental estimates. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article focuses on the history of psychiatric hospitals in Alabama between 1952 and 1972. Topics include the Mental Retardation and Community Mental Health Centers Construction Act of 1963, the racial segregation happening within hospitals in Alabama, and the impact of the Civil Rights Act in 1964 making the segregation unconstitutional.

The article focuses on the urban stream Waller Creek, which runs through downtown Austin, Texas. Topics include how the creek plays into the history of Austin's residential segregation, the relationship between natural hazards, "racial hazards," and park planning, and how physical landscapes transmit social memories.

The article discusses the reparations strategy of alderman Robin Rue Simmons and BRicK Partners consulting firm owner Robin Snyderman in Evanston, Illinois. It describes the wealth and opportunity losses due to segregation in Evanston. Under Simmon's strategy, 10 million dollars of city revenue was earmarked to the African American community through housing, economic development and educational initiatives. Also noted are other factors contributing to the disparate conditions in the community.

The growth of single-family rentals (SFRs) in the wake of the US foreclosure crisis has recently begun attracting overdue scholarly attention. The transformation of millions of single-family homes from owner- to renter- occupied over the past decade raises numerous important questions about the vulnerabilities and opportunities created by this historic tenure shift for both households and neighbourhoods. This research reports on the demographics and housing conditions of single-family renters and the characteristics and trajectories of high SFR growth neighbourhoods over the recent housing market cycle. We show that SFRs are distinguished by their high prevalence of children, particularly those living in poverty, and conspicuous lack of tenant protections. Further, SFR growth is most intense in racially diverse yet economically segregated neighbourhoods. Overall, these findings suggest the need for urgent policy responses to reduce vulnerabilities. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article examines the speeches of U.S. Supreme Court justices about the case Brown v. Board of Education. Among the topics addressed by the justices in their speeches were the defense of the decision, desegregation, and racial equality. Tom C. Clark and John M. Harlan praised the power of democracy and equality following the criticism received by the court over its decision. It cites the political opportunities presented by the justices' speeches to engage the public sphere.

Classical Theory courses in the U.S. present a history of our discipline grounded in the works of Durkheim, Marx, and Weber, defining "classic" by space and time, giving pre-World War II Europe credit for creating the foundation of contemporary sociology. While past critiques of this canon have argued for expanding the geographic bounds outside of Europe, these efforts still ground the origins of social theory in a time period of racial exclusion and segregation. We argue for a reckoning with the racial origins of the discipline in the United States in anti-Blackness and the legacies of racial exclusions. We must grapple with the histories of exclusion and segregation that continue to impact the discipline's present and futures. In this paper, we argue that the teaching of sociology's history should be through the "Foundations of Social Theory," a broad approach to teaching that rejects the ideas of both "classics" and a "canon." This approach roots theory in our history through core issues of study (e.g., the origins and consequences of capitalism) and directly addresses past racial and gendered exclusions by centering BIPOC intellectual contributions across time. By lifting the time and space restrictions, we open the doors to including voices omitted and repressed due to the exclusion of BIPOC people, especially Black women, from higher education in the U.S. This approach acknowledges the diverse histories and voices in our classrooms and profession, and highlights the relevance of social theory for our future. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In 1922, the U.S. Department of Commerce issued its first Standard State Zoning Enabling Act, a model law authorizing local governments to engage in land-use regulation. Authored during a period of rapid industrialization in U.S. cities, as well as high rates of European immigration and the Great Migration of Black Americans from the rural South to Northern industrial cities, the Act delegated to local governments the power to regulate and direct growth within their borders. The Act, last updated in 1926, has proven durable in its first century, as its principles and language are, even today, found in the zoning enabling laws of nearly every state. However, the broad power conferred to local governments under the Act—to engage in land use regulation for broad and undefined general welfare purposes such as maintenance of community character and property values—has brought about serious negative consequences for housing affordability, racial equity, and access to opportunity. This essay argues that a twenty-first-century zoning enabling law, focused on ameliorating high housing costs, addressing racial segregation, and providing access to opportunity for all communities, is needed for land use planning and regulation to respond to one of our most urgent social crises. The essay discusses the origins of the Standard State Zoning Enabling Act and its adoption into state laws; explains how zoning has been used to systematically segregate and preclude non-white and low-income communities from accessing economic opportunity; and offers suggestions for how an updated zoning enabling law could direct local governments toward more equitable land use regulations. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Today, Los Angeles is one of the most racially and economically segregated regions in the nation—a result of generations of entrenched racially exclusionary policies, practices, and systems. Yet economists, policymakers, and developers continue to define the housing crisis as primarily a crisis of supply that can be solved by prioritizing deregulatory solutions. This myopic view undercuts the need for race-and place-based solutions necessary to reimagine more inclusive neighborhoods. The time is ripe to reevaluate and reimagine existing approaches. By using race-and place-conscious strategies such as those outlined below, housing policy can be advanced in a more successful and inclusive manner, measuring housing as one essential part of community health. To do otherwise risks perpetuating inequities and further harming the region's most economically vulnerable communities—overwhelmingly communities of color. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article investigates white-black race relations in postwar urban Kansas. Focusing on seven small and mid-sized cities, it explores how white Kansans continued to maintain discrimination, segregation, and exclusion in these years, even as they yielded slowly to the demands of civil rights activists and their supporters. Specifically, it examines the means employed by whites to assert their dominance in social interactions; to discriminate in housing, employment, and commerce; and, in some cases, to defend their all-white (or nearly all-white) municipalities, the so-called sundown towns, from any black presence at all. In addition, it briefly discusses the white backlash which followed as whites turned sharply to the right on racial issues, convinced that blacks now enjoyed full equality and no longer required further concessions. In so doing, the article provides insight into the history of the black freedom struggle in a sampling of cities in a midwestern state, supplements the historiography of racism in Kansas, and opens new lines of inquiry into the historiography of the freedom struggle in the North during this period of rapid and profound transformation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

A literary criticism is presented of the book "The American Monument" by Lee Friedlander. It mentions that his oeuvre contains a number of explicitly political images, including an extensive document on the civil rights movement, as well as shots of segregation-era signage and the brutal labor discipline of industrial belt. It also mentions that artist Martha Rosler described the work of Friedlander as ‘privatized' version of the photography of Robert Frank.

A historical overview of college football's participants exemplifies the diversification of mainstream American culture from the late nineteenth century to the twenty-first. The same cannot be said for the sport's audience, which remains largely white American. Gerald Gems maintains that football culture reinforces the construction of American identity as "an aggressive, commercial, white, Protestant, male society." Ken McLeod echoes this perspective in his description of college football's musical soundscape, "white-dominated hard rock, heavy metal, and country music—in addition to marching bands." This article examines musical segregation in college football, drawing from case studies and interviews conducted in 2013 with university music coordinators from the five largest collegiate athletic conferences in the United States. These case studies reveal several trends in which music is used as a tool to manipulate and divide college football fans and players along racial lines, including special sections for music associated with blackness, musical selections targeted at recruits, and the continued position of the marching band—a European military ensemble—as the musical representative of the sport. These areas reinforce college football culture as a bastion of white strength despite the diversity among player demographics. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article examines the 1931 desegregation case based in Southeast San Diego County, Roberto Alvarez v. Lemon Grove Independent School District, through the lens of the deportation regime. This analysis reveals the ways new pressures from deportationbased immigration policies initiated in the 1920s complicated widely shared notions of transnational Mexicano identity and emphasized differences in nativity and citizenship status. The practice of apprehending individuals identified as "illegal aliens" took on a new form during the repatriation efforts of the Great Depression--removal. Within this new context, this article highlights the significance of the fact that working-class Mexicanorigin migrant parents mobilized to demand educational equality for their children and to reject segregation. It illuminates how the Lemon Grove Mexican-origin community gave expression to a more expansive notion of their anti-segregation worldview than that found in the court ruling. They envisioned a community that was transnational and inclusive regardless of citizenship status, and they challenged segregation beyond mere claims to whiteness, critiquing inequality of resources with little reference to assimilationist goals. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article deals with syndicated television cartoons and southern segregation following the U.S. Supreme Court's decision in Brown v. Board of Education. Topics discussed include a plan to establish a state-owned television system to broadcast public school curricula, efforts by segregationist television stations to encourage only European American children to watch their cartoons, and several popular cartoon shows including "The Deputy Dawg Show."

In this essay, I highlight a critical, if under-examined, dialectic between dominant urbanism and Black queer urbanism. First, I demonstrate the ways that dominant urbanists drew on a sedimented historical imaginary of the slum as a racialized site of debilitation and death in their articulation of and support for new urban infrastructures designed to support long-term stability through capitalist growth. Anti-blackness formed a fundamental aspect of the syntax and grammar of urban renewal and redevelopment. Next, I examine the efforts of the adherents of Father Divine's Peace Mission Movement to build a world centered in spiritually appropriated, communal architectures wherein their disruptive forms of social-geographic life challenged heteronormative futurity and segregation through the haptic politics of touch and what I term ecstatic consecration. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article focuses on the desegregation of buses in Birmingham, Alabama, during the 1950s. Topics include the desegregation of buses in nearby Montgomery, Alabama, the founding of the Alabama Christian Movement for Human Rights (ACMHR) by Reverend Fred L. Shuttlesworth, and how the ACMHR worked with African American activists.

From the early 1960s onward, battles over school desegregation took on an increasingly metropolitan orientation, one all but destroyed by the Supreme Court's 1974 decision in Milliken v. Bradley. In Boston, Detroit, and Philadelphia, segregationist urbanites, when faced with a legal challenge either created or made possible by black civil rights advocates, reversed course and trumpeted the advantages of metropolitan desegregation. These tactical metropolitanists recognized that a larger desegregation area reaching into the predominantly white suburbs would mean that white children would continue attending majority-white schools and they understood that stoking suburban opposition to desegregation could defeat integrationist legislation. Despite their segregationist motives, tactical metropolitanists offered a potentially productive solution capable of mitigating white flight, providing lasting integration, and aligning with the efforts of integrationist civil rights advocates in court. Uncovering tactical metropolitanism complicates our understandings of urban segregation and the sources of metropolitan reform. It suggests the need for a metropolitan history of civil rights that centers the importance of municipal boundaries in perpetuating inequality. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Redlining refers to the officially sanctioned practice of denying mortgage loans in some areas in order to racially discriminate against Black people and other people of colour. Recent studies have shown the persistent impacts of redlining on health risks in effected neighbourhoods. This study contributes to that growing body of work by analysing the relationship between the category that neighbourhoods were assigned on redlining maps and the percentage of the population with 3+ risk factors as defined by the Census Bureau's Community Resilience Estimates. The areas given the lowest redlining grade of D are significantly different than those given the grades of A or B and the areas not graded at the time. This result supports the argument that historical governance and planning decisions do not stay in the past and planners must work to rectify equity issues lest we be complicit in this pattern of racial discrimination. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The author discusses the arrival of African diplomats in the U.S. in 1960. He mentions the impact of black diplomats from newly independent nations in Africa, the issue of their presence in a racially segregated Washington, D.C., and presents instances of discrimination against ambassadors and their staff.

Despite legal and civil emancipation, minorities in the United States continue to face extremely unequal opportunity structures in the financial realm. Evidence of this is found in the fact that segregation between Anglos and minorities has changed little since the civil rights era. This is particularly true for Hispanics, who have actually witnessed an increase in segregation in recent years. Although many factors have contributed to this outcome, unequal access to financial credit has played a particularly important role in maintaining the status quo between Hispanics and Anglos. In this article, I analyze the lasting impact of discriminatory lending within Hispanic communities in southern Colorado. I examine how unfavorable access to credit has contributed to wealth disparities in this region. My results demonstrate that lenders systematically denied Hispanic farmers and ranchers access to subsidized loans throughout the twentieth century. The lack of access to formal banking, the underappreciation of homes and land, and the deliberate isolation of Hispanics from formal institutions forced many Hispanic families to leave the area altogether. Ultimately, unequal access to credit has fostered deep inequalities between Anglos and Hispanics in the region, which, in turn, has reinforced ethnic tension between these two groups. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article focuses on how the binary view of gender in relation to public bathroom segregation is insufficient to meet the diverse needs of the public and proposes the desegregation of bathrooms as the solution to promote gender equality and reduce gender-based social imbalances. It mentions statutory and constitutional framework that has been applied to sex discrimination claims, and the courts' treatment of gender-based discrimination claims and myths about privacy and safety concerns.

The article focuses on experiences and contributions of immigrant entrepreneurs, and especially foreign-born retail businessmen, in Atlanta, Georgia between 1900 and 1930 and pressures imposed by the Jim Crow system of racial oppression and marginalization.

The article focuses on Jewish women increasingly worked outside the home as wage laborers or white-collar, salaried employees and perceptions of women that justified lower wages, gender-segregated work, and patriarchal authority.

this article argues that the unconstitutional and racist policies of the federal government and of local governments have segregated housing throughout the United States and that the consequences of these policies have had an enduring negative effect, not just on African Americans, but on our whole society. African Americans have been excluded from most of the benefits of American social policy, yet they have been treated as if their lower resulting medium household wealth ($11,030 for African Americans compared to $134,230 for whites) is their own fault. In 1993 it was predicted that if housing segregation was permitted to continue, poverty, crime and drugs would become more widespread in the black community, and racial inequality would grow as would white fear and hostility toward blacks. currently racial polarization has corrupted our politics so that interracial political alliances have become difficult to organize. Unless we make genuine efforts to end segregation, we cannot hope to move forward as a people and a nation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article explains the passage of municipal segregation ordinances in U.S. cities between 1909 and 1917, the first formal laws in American history designed to segregate city neighborhoods along racial lines. Topics discussed include two possible channels of segregation laws, brief overview on the rise and fall of municipal segregation ordinances, and political economy framework regarding the mechanisms that drove the political demand for segregation ordinances.

I think it fair to characterize Nathan Glazer as a curious figure in the field. Curious in part because changing positions on controversial issues, especially regarding a topic as polarizing as civil rights policy, is rare. Polemic ideas tend not be easily warmed or converted. But Glazer did change his position on both affirmative action and school integration. In his famous 1972 Commentary Magazine piece entitled “Is Busing Necessary", as well as Affirmative Discrimination, his book length.

Nathan Glazer was an intellectual and loved debating ideas and thinking about social issues. While he had retired before I joined the Harvard faculty in 1986, I got to know him over the years because he stayed very active well into his nineties. I often disagreed with him, but I very much liked him as a person. He was kind and had a good sense of humor. He would often meet with undergraduate and graduate students and wouldagree to be part of debates about issues like affirmative action.

Nathan Glazer, who died on January 19, 2019, at the age of 95, was for several decades arguably the most influential American Sociologist outside of academic sociology. This is striking because, despite appointments at Berkeley and Harvard, he was somewhat marginal within academic sociology. He was co-author of two of the bestselling works is the history of American Sociology, The Lonely Crowd with David Riesman and Reuel Denny in 1950 and Beyond the Melting Pot with Daniel Patrick Moynihan.

Despite frequent moves, low‐income black families are more likely than any other group to churn among disadvantaged neighborhoods, and the least likely to escape them. Traditional explanations for neighborhood inequality invoke racial preferences and barriers to living in high‐income neighborhoods, but recent work suggests that it is also involuntary mobility—such as eviction—which predicts the neighborhood destinations of poor African American families in urban areas. However, we know little about how individuals actually make residential decisions under such unplanned and constrained conditions. Using longitudinal interviews with low‐income African‐American families residing in Mobile, AL, and Baltimore, MD, we describe the array of factors that lead poor black families to move, and describe how families secure housing in the wake of unplanned mobility. We observe that moving among the poor is more reactive than it is voluntary: Approximately 70 percent of most recent moves are catalyzed by landlords, housing quality failures, and violence. We show how this reactive mobility both accelerates and hampers residential selection in ways that may reproduce neighborhood context and inequality. Where mobility is characterized by a greater degree of agency, we show that the strategies families use to make decisions often prohibit them from investigating a wider range of residential options. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Sociologists have long viewed spatial assimilation as a measure of minorities' socioeconomic progress. While assimilation increases as socioeconomic status (SES) improves, blacks remain more highly segregated than any other race/ethnic group. I use the locational attainment model to determine whether black immigrants—like their U.S.‐born counterparts—are highly segregated. This paper broadens the segregation literature by determining: (1) black immigrant segregation patterns after controlling for individual‐level characteristics, (2) the extent to which segregation varies by location, and (3) if racial segregation has the same socioeconomic consequences for U.S.‐ and foreign‐born blacks. I find that black immigrants face high racial and socioeconomic segregation in mainly Caribbean settlement areas. However, black immigrants in all but two predominantly African settlement areas experience no segregation. Essentially, I find that there is a great deal of diversity in black immigrants' segregation patterns stemming from differential treatment in the housing market based on African immigrants' higher SES and/or African immigrants' residential choices. Results in the two outlier African settlement areas (Minneapolis and Washington, D.C.) suggest that entry visa may play an important role in black segregation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The sociological literature, although rich on the topic of racial/ethnic hierarchy, often overlooks its spatially varying nature relative to group tensions and inequality. In this article, we address this gap by drawing on and analyzing four historically important U.S. urban cases (i.e., Atlanta, Chicago, Los Angeles, and New York City) that reflect both compositional diversity and significant variation in racial/ethnic group sizes. Our analyses, which draw on U.S. Census microdata and content‐coded newspaper reports (1910–1930), demonstrate considerable consistency in racial/ethnic labor market hierarchies, yet divergences in levels of labor market inequality. Specifically, our aggregate analyses and cross‐city comparisons of sectoral representations and occupational returns reveal the importance of place‐specific processes—processes consistent with what spatially sensitive queuing perspectives suggest about the bolstering of minority prospects in contexts where subordinated groups come to numerically dominate. As suggested by competition/threat perspectives, however, such gains from queuing are undermined at least to some extent by city‐specific racial/ethnic antagonisms, industry‐level segregation, and group closure. We conclude by discussing the implications of our findings for various streams of research on group inequality, labor market hierarchies, and spatial understandings of how they unfold across urban spaces. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

While recent research has illustrated the frequency and deleterious consequences of eviction, the number of executed evictions pales in comparison to the number of poor families threatened with eviction. This paper uses interviews with 127 randomly sampled landlords and property managers in Baltimore, Dallas, and Cleveland to examine their strategies related to eviction, with a focus on the extended process of evicting rather than the discrete instance of eviction. We find that landlords generally try to avoid costly evictions, instead relying on the serial threat of eviction. By redefining renters as debtors, filing assists in rent collection by leveraging the state to materially and symbolically support the landlord's debt collection. At the same time, housing tenants in small amounts of arrearage aggravates the power imbalance within the landlord–tenant relationship. It gives landlords the legal pretext to remove a tenant for any reason and prevents tenants from exercising their legal rights regarding code enforcement. These findings emphasize the importance of examining the precarious and power‐laden relationship of landlords and tenants while they are still in residence. Poor families live under constant threat of eviction, facing housing insecurity, fees, and legal sanction, with negative impacts for their sense of home and community. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

For centuries, prisoners in the United States were housed together regardless of their citizenship status. That changed in 1999 when the federal government began to send noncitizens into separate prisons. Today, tens of thousands of people — more than half of all noncitizens in federal prison — live in an institution segregated by citizenship. The vast majority of these people are Mexican nationals. Nearly all of them are Latino. The rise of the all-foreign prison raises pressing questions about federal immigration power and noncitizens’ equal protection rights. Yet no legal scholarship examines these unusual institutions. Few even know they exist. Drawing on extensive data from the Bureau of Prisons, internal agency documents, interviews, and other primary sources, this Article provides the first account of the all-foreign prison. It notes that these prisons are insulated from meaningful judicial review by an alienage jurisprudence that affords deference to any federal policy characterized as migration control. And it critiques this doctrine, arguing that courts need a more coherent and defensible conception of the relationship between national sovereignty and noncitizens’ equal protection rights. To that end, this Article advances a simple claim: only core immigration activities — setting rules on entry, exit, and naturalization — should count as migration control. Other species of state action, including segregating foreign national prisoners, may affect where and how immigrants live their lives. But they are not the kind of migration control that warrants deference from federal courts. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The University of Baltimore offered a community-based course following the Baltimore unrest in 2015. The course, which we called Divided Baltimore, engaged scores of students and community members together in a weekly forum of presentations and hard discussion. It focused on how Baltimore became segregated, how segregation affects all Baltimoreans, and what we could do about it. I discuss how the course worked, what we learned, and how we were able to pull off the course in short order. The key to what we accomplished was having built community partnerships around structural racism and racial equity in Baltimore over a period of several years before 2015. The lesson is that we can all do this—all be intellectuals in the public—if first we invest the time, our talents, and our intellectual energy in community engagement. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This Article commemorates the sesquicentennial of the Fourteenth Amendment by exploring the U.S. Supreme Court's engagement with the memory of slavery and segregation. It examines major decisions not merely as jurisprudential landmarks, but as monuments of collective memory. This Article suggests that the Court has invoked the memory of slavery and segregation in two primary ways--through two distinct "modes" of memory. The first of these, which I call the parenthetical mode, responds to the evil past by stressing continuities with an older, nobler tradition. It presents the evil era as exceptional and aberrational, and it depicts the constitutional response to the evil era as a terminal close parenthesis. The second framework, which I call the redemptive mode, highlights repudiation, rather than continuity, and underwrites aggressive judicial action to eradicate any lingering vestiges of past evils. This Article contends that in every period of the Court's history--including the present--the parenthetical mode has predominated over the redemptive. The immediate effect, at times, has been pernicious. The cumulative effect has hindered the Court and the country from coming to terms with the evils of our past. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article presents a literary criticism of the book "Democracy in Chains: The Deep History of the Radical Right's Plan for America" by Nancy MacLean. Topics discussed include the focus of McLean's book on value-free defense of segregation and the radical right; the political mobilization of neoliberals; and the focus on the history of politics in the U.S.

American cities today are simultaneously the same and different from Wilson's classic portrayal in The Truly Disadvantaged ([1987] 2012), first published over 30 years ago. Concentrated poverty and racial segregation endure, as do racial gaps in multiple aspects of wellbeing. But mass incarceration, the dramatic drop in violent crime, immigration, rising income segregation, the suburbanisation of poverty, and other macrosocial trends have transformed the urban scene. The paradoxical result is that cities today are both better and worse off. In this paper, I put forth a unifying framework on persistence and change in urban inequality, highlighting a theory of neighbourhood effects and the higher-order structure of the contemporary metropolis. I apply this analytic framework to examine: (1) neighbourhood inequality as an important driver and mediator of urban transformation; (2) racial disparities across the life course in compounded deprivation, poisoned development, and intergenerational mobility; and (3) how everyday spatial mobility beyond the local neighbourhood is producing new forms of social isolation and higher-order segregation. I conclude with a challenge to dominant policy perspectives on urban racial inequality. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article offers information on the role of educator John Massey in emphasizing higher education in Alabama during a period of challenge and change for higher education. Topics discussed include changes for higher education in Alabama; newly freed slaves given access to education under the Reconstruction constitution of 1868; and financial problems faced in an early-career and legal restrictions by segregation.