Search

Digital media provide easy access to media content in multiple languages from local, national, and transnational contexts. This accessibility of diverse content enables young people in the migration society to develop multilingual and transnational media repertoires: they have the option to continuously and strategically navigate between different platforms, between different contexts and multiple languages. In this paper, we discuss how multilingualism and transnationalism can be used as key concepts for understanding the cross-media practices of young people and their participation in the migration society. Based on focus groups with young people living in a culturally diverse and socio-economically disadvantaged neighborhood of Bremen, Germany, we discuss how and why young people choose specific media content in a specific language in their daily media practices. Our discussion of the findings then focuses on the question of how media education in the migration society can take the multilingual and transnational media repertoires into account and benefit from it.

This study explores how English education developed in North Korea by analyzing the characteristics of secondary English textbooks published in the pre- and post-Kim Jong Un eras. We performed comparative analyses of textbooks for six secondary schools--three each for the junior middle and senior middle schools--published before and after Kim Jong Un's rule. The comparative analyses adopted Cunningsworth's textbook evaluation framework to examine the textbooks' composition and content: (1) aims and approaches, (2) design and organization, and (3) topic variety. The results showed significant changes in listening materials and activities, among others, as well as concurrent developments in teaching methods. Additionally, each unit significantly reduced the number of topics associated with the idolization of the Kim family and the deliberate vilification of capitalist countries and instead increased the integration of other subjects such as mathematics, science, and technology. This study showed that despite various changes, the aim of English education in North Korea continues to be the maintenance and further development of the socialist system through the improvement of students' English proficiency. This study also discusses the coexistence of different perspectives such as liberal ideas in English textbooks while emphasizing ideology education and its possible ramifications on the future of English education in North Korea.

Since 1840, Chinese political leaders have struggled to draw effectively from Western culture without abandoning the Chinese essence in their design of higher education. In this paper, we use cultural nationalism as the theoretical framework to examine how Chinese political leaders have responded to this challenge. Our analysis shows that cultural nationalism closely links to politics, and although the form taken by cultural nationalism has varied throughout Chinese history, it has significantly influenced Chinese higher education. In particular, we identify a strong cultural nationalism in today's China, which has already influenced teaching and research in Chinese higher education. Finally, we discuss the implications and limitations of this paper, and call for critical reflections of cultural nationalism and its impact on Chinese higher education.

This research analyzes the contribution of learning the history of early independence in fostering a philosophical understanding of nationhood. The research questions are: 1) What kinds of philosophical understanding of nationhood are perceived as pro-Islamism and pro-secularism by high school students? 2) How is nationalist behavior expressed as an act of accepting secularism and opposing Islamic fundamentalism by high school students? Moreover, 3) How do factors contribute to high school students' actions and philosophical understanding of nationhood? This research was carried out using qualitative methods. This research involved 34 students enrolled in class XI 6. We researched at SMA 1 Semarang (a High School) in Indonesia. This research analyzed data from memos written by students, class activities, and conversations. Data was analyzed using qualitative content analysis. The findings showed that the nation's pro-Islamist philosophy is reflected in an attitude of fanaticism, difficulty accepting differences, and support for a closed system. A pro-secularism attitude is reflected in accepting differences, moderation, and prioritizing universal values. Accepting secularism and rejecting Islamic fundamentalism is perceived as an attitude of accepting historical agreements, moving away from fanaticism-based conflicts, and preparing for a more democratic future. The philosophical understanding of nationhood is formed by in-depth arguments on socio-political-religious phenomena, acceptance of historical agreements, and hopes for a peaceful future. The findings indicate that future research needs to investigate the teaching of national philosophy in Indonesian history material in different periods or events. They can also be carried out for teaching national philosophy in other places or countries.

The years of independence have changed various social, political, and literary realities in Kazakhstan, which has affected the thematic and stylistic expressions of Kazakh writers. Thus, research should identify the ideological, social, and thematic features of modern literary writing produced during the years of independence. In particular, social symbolism's role in transmitting national ideals should be scrutinized simply because such sentiments have various literature, cultural, and educational repercussions. Hence, this paper distinguishes the main issues and ideas revealed in post-independence fiction to give a diachronic analysis of the thematic scope of modern Kazakh literature. Following this, this study discusses the themes and topics found in post-independence Kazakh short fiction to shed light on how these texts can be used pedagogically.

Despite their prolonged history of immigration to the UK, studies on Turkish Cypriots' acculturative processes have been scarce. Utilizing 20 semi-structured interviews with three generations of Turkish Cypriot immigrants living in the UK, this paper explores the acculturation processes of Turkish Cypriots by focusing on their sense of self, ethnic and national identity delineations. How do they identify themselves, and what do their identifications suggest about their acculturation? In an attempt to contribute to the empirical studies on the acculturation and identity of "other white" immigrant groups, we argue that there exists a bi-cultural/multi-cultural self with varying degrees of closeness to the host country, as well as hyphenated (British Cypriot), multi-hyphenated (London Turkish Cypriot) and travelling identities that are constructed through experience, time and place. Although there exist some intergenerational differences, it can be said that Turkish Cypriots have been open to the idea of integration starting from the first generation and, in general, have high acculturation, which was evident from the narratives of how they situate themselves within the ethnic and national identities.

Many values and values that are founded on culture and culture play an essential role in understanding societies and transferring the existence of those societies to future generations. There are national heroes of each culture with valuable points, differences, and similarities from its history or its history to the present day. With these similarities, differences and cultural values, each society carries itself to a different point from other societies. There are various methods in the cultural education of societies, and the success of these methods gives results in proportion to the number of people they can achieve. Television programs and television play an essential role in mass education. The Turkish series sector usually carries traces of national identity and cultural values. Turkish series often reflect Turkey's historical, cultural and social values. Turkish series reflecting local traditions and customs usually offer cultural education to the audience. Traditional clothes, language use, and food culture elements are frequently processed in series. In addition, the transfer of historical events and cultural heritage is frequently included in these series. In these aspects, Turkish series play an important role in increasing the cultural awareness of society and protecting national identity. The Turkish series sector and cultural education, together with the traces of identity and cultural education in terms of the Magnificent Century series descriptive analysis and indicator scientific method, were examined with examples. When scientific methods examine descriptive analysis and indicators, many elements such as historical events, cultural structures, clothes, language use and traditional lifestyles are found. This study will discuss the educational relationship by analyzing the' Magnificent Century' series.

This study aims to determine the differentiated learning materials' impact on students' understanding of nationalism and global diversity. This research was a quasi-experimental study conducted by following a post-test-only control group design. Two classes from different schools were selected as research samples using a statistical matching technique. The researchers collected the data using tests and analyzed them using descriptive statistics and an independent ttest to achieve the study's objective. The results of the descriptive statistics showed that the experimental group had a higher score than the control group. It can be seen from the mean, minimum and maximum scores of the two groups. This result demonstrates that students who used varied learning resources had a greater comprehension of nationalism and global diversity. Furthermore, the independent t-test result confirmed that the differences in understanding were significant. In terms of the effect size, it confirms that differentiated instruction greatly affects students' understanding of nationalism and global diversity. Thus, this study concluded that differentiated learning materials affect students' understanding of nationalism and global diversity significantly. Thus, the researchers promote differentiated learning materials for teaching nationalism and global diversity based on the study results. Moreover, differentiated instruction may also be used for teaching different learning materials.

This article focuses on recent changes in Rhodes College's Foundations in the Liberal Arts curriculum that were motivated by a desire to help students become competent and engaged debaters of meaning and value in the trying times of the 21st century. I focus on how my own two foundational liberal arts classes--"The Bible* and Nationalism" and "The Bible* and Comparative Ethics"--sought to widen the category of scripture for college students in their value discussions, as well as the benefits and potential limitations of moving away from the Bible as the sole source of moral formation in the American classroom.

Cosmopolitanism and nationalism are often presented in binary terms, as standing in opposition to each other, especially with regards to education. In this paper, we establish a framework for studying education policy today through the lens of a concept we have developed: 'cosmopolitan nationalism'. Many education systems around the world are grappling with and simultaneously integrating both cosmopolitan and nationalist elements in policy objectives, curricular content and pedagogic approaches. Through an in-depth analysis of three country examples -- China, the US and Israel -- we outline four different manifestations of education policy that can be explained by employing the analytical lens of cosmopolitan nationalism: (i) the increasing prominence and visibility of the International Baccalaureate within these three public education systems; (ii) reforms of specific curricula elements and pedagogies legitimised with reference to approaches assessed as globally leading through international assessments; (iii) efforts to promote national education systems as international beacons of best practice; (iv) creation of alternative education provisions that are promoted globally for very specific purposes and populations. We argue that, given our heterogeneous sample of case study countries, and careful analysis of these, a cosmopolitan nationalism lens offers important insights into education policy-making today which has the potential to be applied in other contexts.

Based on fieldwork in Tinsukia district of Assam, this article examines the interplay of Ekal, ideology and education among the Adivasis in the tea gardens. The Ekal schools are one-teacher, informal schools operated by the Sangh Parivar in the underprivileged regions of India and Nepal. Considering the backward status of Adivasis in these tea gardens, the official narrative of the school is to reduce the literacy gap among the community, impart "sanskar" and empower them with entrepreneurial skills. I argue that Ekal's organisational structure and funding are corporate, and its conception of 'empowerment' is neoliberal. This works as an effective model for Hindutva as the Sangh seeks to bring popularly Christian-dominated tea gardens into its Hindutva fold. This is done by practices both inside and outside the school.

A recent global reconnaissance of Christian higher education found a number of key themes that shaped current developments, such as the pressing challenges of secularization and nationalization but also the advantages of privatization and massification. This article provides an update to this older analysis by taking a birds-eye view of trends within the past 70 years of global Christian higher education. It reveals that privatization and massification trends do not predict new developments in countries and outliers always exist. Furthermore, it highlights some findings missed in previous analyses related to the importance of indigenous Christian groups and Christian general education.

This article examines how Florida Governor Ron DeSantis' remarks contribute to anti-intellectualism and fuel the pushback against critical race theory (CRT) championed by like-minded conservative Republicans who view its instruction as an affront to society and authentic historical narratives. Dismissing educators and scholars who uphold the teaching of CRT as unpatriotic and denigrating to American society, DeSantis, who has presidential aspirations, has effectively used the issue (along with a number of other matters) to solidify his conservative base fearful of social and hegemonic change. Although CRT is not taught in Florida public schools, similar to other conservative-dominated states which have seized on the teaching of CRT as anathema to their civic principles, DeSantis' thinly veiled attempt to appease right-wing voters is yet another example of Republicans stoking cultural wars designed to energize conservative constituents against what many of them perceive as liberal attacks on their beliefs and values.

This article discusses how the critique of the monopoly of Western liberal thought through the decolonisation movement that was intended to increase the number of voices heard has been co-opted by nationalist politics in India and Russia. The debates in higher education in these countries reflect current key questions on the nature of the Indian and Russian nations--both under respective nationalist governments--where both are advocating a cutting off from Western modernity. Using Mignolo's concept of "de-linking" that was intended to raise up non-Western ways of thinking, the article shows that India and Russia have adapted and simplified decolonial discourse to reject "Western-influenced" critiques of development, inequality, and authoritarianism. Under political pressure from these authoritarian regimes, universities have helped to embed repressive majoritarian politics through anti-Western rhetoric disguised as de-linking, enabling democratic backsliding by discrediting opposition. This is done to protect a new identity based upon state conceptions of traditional values, paradoxically erasing minority voices that do not fit neatly into the unified national narrative. When universities are branded as Western agents for being critical of local traditions and schools of thought, the space for critical thinking and democratic debate is ultimately removed, leaving those who oppose Putin and Modi with no safe way to engage with political discourse, and this actually undermines the intentions of decolonial philosophy.

Developing nationalism character among the digital native generation in Indonesia has been one of the national goals, especially to educate the nation's life through formal education. To realise these goals, teachers become the spearhead to grow this character within students. However, most teachers find it difficult to deal with since they have low teacher competencies. This study aims at revealing teachers' challenges and strategies in building the nationalism character among the digital native generation through formal education. This study employed a qualitative approach with the type of library research. The data collection technique was document studies, while the data analysis used content analysis. The study results showed that: (1) Indonesian teachers still have low mastery of the teacher competencies (pedagogic, professional, social, and personal aspects). They also perform monotonous learning methods and rarely use digital-based learning media; and (2) the strategies to build the nationalism character among the digital native generation era are through teacher competencies mastery, effective learning tools, varied learning methods and integration of the digital-based learning media.

This conceptual research analyses the historical development of the German concept of "Bildung" to the Danish "dannelse." The starting point is J.G. Fichte's 1808 "Addresses to the German Nation," in which "Bildung" is analyzed as a key concept. The paper illustrates the influence Fichte had on N.F.S. Grundtvig, the "father of modern Denmark," with important adaptations based on English liberties and Nordic mythology. Grundtvig's "dannelse" is then analyzed based on his 1832 "milestone" work, "Nordic Mythology." The paper finds that "Bildung" and "dannelse" can be considered parallel concepts of similarity in their shared emphasis on the mother-tongue as a "living language," and focus on social cohesion. However, "Bildung" and "dannelse" can also be characterized as concepts of difference, in that: 1) "dannelse" popularized "Bildung," meaning that it was not just for the academic bourgeoisie, but the entire "folk"; 2) freedom of expression is fundamental to "dannelse," in contrast to the stability of will and moral order in "Bildung;" 3) in "dannelse," national unity is expanded to a wider circle of belonging, the whole of humankind; 4) Nordic mythology is a social cohesive in "dannelse," to contrast Fichte's more rational conception of "Bildung." Written by a British author for an English-speaking readership, this research does not feign to be more than a prefatory glance at two rich and complex concepts. However, in shedding light on the historical development of "Bildung" to "dannelse," it aspires to edge readers closer toward a shared conceptual understanding or, more aptly, to better understand misunderstandings.

This article analyses the changes in education legislation and the history curriculum in Spain over recent decades. To this end, the characteristics established for the teaching of history in the last two education laws, passed in 2013 and 2020 -- the first by a conservative government and the second by a progressive one -- are studied and compared. This study is carried out by situating the education debates presented in this research in the social and political context of Spain. The study of these legislative changes allows us to observe the different visions of national identity existing in Spain, which find a prominent area of confrontation in education and the teaching of history. The article also argues that the emergence of the ultra-right has led to a markedly nationalist vision of Spanish history that seeks to recover elements of national unity, and that has become one of the axes defended by conservative options for the teaching of history in Spanish schools. This view contrasts with the approaches advocated in the latest education legislation, which propose a more heterogeneous approach to the subject of identity in Spain.

Local history has its point in providing information to local communities for the exemplary process. However, there are not many studies of local history to be implemented in history learning. Thus, the purpose of this study was to find the values of character education in the material for the struggle of K.H. Ahmad Hanafiah in defending Indonesian independence in the Lampung Residency and its implementation in learning local history. The method used is a qualitative research method with historical studies. This study uses primary and secondary sources and uses interviews as reinforcement. The results of the study are: (1) K.H. Ahmad Hanafiah as a local figure who fought to defend Indonesia's independence in Lampung Residency, (2) The values of character education contained in the material include: religious attitude, hard work, curiosity, love for the homeland, national spirit, and independence, (3) These character values can be implemented in local history learning through the Class XI lesson plans covering the stages of planning, implementation, and evaluation in high school. It is hoped that students can imitate the figure of a K.H. Ahmad Hanafiah, especially for those who live in the Lampung area, and apply it in their lives both now and in the future. History learning has a central role in instilling the values of national character because the scope of the material taught contains heroic, exemplary, patriotism, and nationalism values. [Note: The page range (62-71) shown on the PDF is incorrect. The correct page range is 62-72.]

Global education is a broad field associated with educational traditions rooted in the objective of preparing learners to engage with a complex and interdependent world, and to respond to the needs of the planet. This article explores existing pedagogical approaches to argue for the need, in non-Western contexts, to make greater connections with existing religio-cultural orientations -- specifically, to move beyond pedagogies of reason, that is, rational, linear, logical approaches that undervalue a range of human experiences and are independently insufficient in developing feelings of connection and commitment to issues of social justice in non-Western contexts. Examining an alternative pedagogical model, this article suggests that a framework for global education guided by the Islamic values of "rahma" (compassion and mercy) and "adl" (justice) in contexts such as that of Pakistan can prove valuable in developing commitment and encouraging action for social change.

The main purpose of this research is to reveal the identity to be constructed with the illustrations in the life science textbooks in terms of identity types. Case study, one of the qualitative research designs, was used in the research. The data sources of the research consist of the 1st, 2nd and 3rd grade life science textbooks taught in Turkey in 2021-2022. The research used 'content analysis' to provide a detailed description based on the purpose of the study. The illustrations in the life science textbook of the 1st, 2nd and 3rd grade are coded separately with regard to the types of identity in the literature. Categories and themes were the result of the combination of the codes. In life science textbooks, only illustrations that could have a connection with identity construction have been analysed. As a result of the research, it has been determined that the illustrations for the collective identity are prominently included in the life science textbooks. In the theme of collective identity, there are illustrations emphasizing national, social and religious identity. For digital identity and universal identity topics, there are a limited number of illustrations.

National identity is a complex and contested issue, and it is often debated in the fields of social and cultural studies. Museum collections, and the way they are presented and interpreted, are closely linked to national identity. National museums, as symbols of national unity, can manipulate perceptions about dominant ideologies and the individual's place in society. This article aims to deepen our understanding of how national museums negotiate and construct national identity by critically analyzing the theories and concepts of nation, nationalism, and national identity.

Purpose: The article explores the roles of war and violent conflicts in citizenship education. Approach: This is a theoretical article, drawing on literature from the interdisciplinary fields of political science, history, citizenship education as well as field studies in different learning arenas, war memorial sites- and museums. Findings: There are divergent roles of war in citizenship education, and the typology of five didactic perspectives illustrates the challenges concerning the types of citizenship it aims at. Narratives of war could produce and contribute to different forms of citizenship or even represent the opposite of the concept. Research limitations: Further empirical research is needed to develop knowledge on how to deal with war and conflict in educational practice, both in schools and other learning arenas. Practical implications: The article contributes to addressing and structuring the challenges and potentials of didactic approaches to war and violent conflict in citizenship education.

Through a quantitative approach, this study implemented Angelle and DeHart's Teacher Leadership Inventory (TLI) analysis (2011) with the aims of exploring the nature of teacher leadership in International Islamic schools and understanding the variables that affect teacher leadership from teachers' perspectives. A one-way ANOVA was used to determine whether there were any statistically significant differences between the means of two or more independent and unrelated groups, and it was conducted for each variable (i.e., school level, degree level, gender, years of experience, and status for leadership position) and the four factors of the TLI. The findings revealed that gender, leadership position, and nationality affected the teachers' perspectives regarding teacher leadership in Islamic schools. We argue that these differences should be taken into consideration by Islamic school leadership and policy makers when establishing schools and building systems, thereby avoiding assumptions that teacher leadership is embedded within their systems in all countries (Muslim and non-Muslim).

In discourse-based teaching of the English language, there are three levels of analysis, text analysis, discourse analysis, and critical discourse analysis. Each level examines the effect of discourse-based teaching on students. This study employed Fairclough's Critical Discourse Analysis model in a qualitative phenomenological method. The study attempted to identify the ideologies that are presented in English language teaching in the Indonesian Islamic higher education in Borneo, to clarify the implementation of discourse-based learning, and to demonstrate the necessity of discourse-based learning for English language learning in Islamic higher education in Borneo. The data was collected from English language lecturers and university students in Borneo's universities through tools like observations, questionnaires, interviews, and documentation. The data was analyzed using the interactive model in three steps: data collection, data condensation, and data display. The study summarizes the operationalization of the discourse-based teaching intervention and its implementation on the sample of the study. The results were gathered in the form of opinions and feedbacks of the participants of the study who were taught through discourse-based teaching strategies and assessment was done through Fairclough's three levels of analysis. The study found out that by making use of the CDA methods, it is much easier to present various types of discourses in English classrooms of the Islamic universities in Borneo, such as the necessity to develop graduates with strong Islamic character, formulate the political agenda and instill spirit of nationalism in students.

The purpose of this study is to determine Turkish and refugee middle school students' views on their national belonging. The study employed the qualitative research approach aligned with the purpose; semi-structured interviews were conducted with Turkish and refugee students. Data were analyzed using the content analysis method. Results showed that the most important common features for national belonging of both Turkish and refugee students were the common language they spoke and the place they lived in and the difference of views regarding national belonging were in terms of discrimination. Regarding Turkish society's expectations of them, both groups emphasized universal values such as being hardworking and being a good person, but their perceptions of serving the state differed. As for what Turkish and refugee students should do for this society, Turkish students believed that they should be hardworking and refugee students thought that they should be good people. It can be said that the differences of opinion between Turkish students and refugee students who migrated to Turkey would decrease if both groups came together on the subject of universal values.

This study explores the representation of culture in "My Book of English," a second-generation English-language book for the first-year middle school in Algeria. Based on both content and a linguistic analysis method, our objective was to demonstrate the cultural significance of some representational choices. The notion of ideology was exploited in this study to examine the part that language takes in perpetuating ideas about culture, multiculturality, diversity, nationalism, and identity. According to the findings, cultural and social representations capture both the tendencies of cultural heritage preservation and the promotion of innovation and change. The analysis demonstrates that "My Book of English" acknowledges, to a certain extent, the role that English plays in the processes of internationalization and globalism. However, as a foreign language material, the book exaggeratedly highlights the source culture, making it difficult for the learners to transcend national boundaries.

This paper delineates the rise, fall and re-emergence of "tongshi" education in Chinese higher education history, and in doing so hopes to reveal the underlying forces behind the two waves of "tongshi" education and capture their important 'Chinese' characteristics. Based on a comparative-historical examination of the Chinese knowledge traditions and their modern developments across different time periods, this paper argues that despite deliberate efforts to borrow from the American general education model, "tongshi" education in China stands out as an evolving, localized educational ideal embedded within the changing socio-cultural, political and institutional environments that Chinese universities are situated in. Three salient 'Chinese' features are put forward, i.e. a dual focus on reviving the Chinese learning and opening to the world, an underlying rationale to foster a collectivistic, political consciousness, and finally an economic-driven, utilitarian orientation to produce innovative talents.

In this article, we analyze the problematization of immigration in citizenship education in Chile. Drawing on Foucault's genealogy of problematizations, we explore the conditions under which curricular discourses about immigration shifted from a historical phenomenon that emphasized "the civilization process" during the 19th century to a more recent positioning of immigration as a problem of social inclusion in the 1990s. We propose that immigration was produced as a problem of social inclusion because of the existence of an "immigrant-free national community" narrative that racializes populations. To pinpoint the origin of this narrative, we trace discursive practices regarding immigration by analyzing the social studies curriculum, policy recommendations, and political statements regarding immigration. We argue that the shift from conceptualizing immigration as a historical phenomenon to a problem of social inclusion was possible since the neoliberal discourses of the 1990s created hesitations about the "immigrant-free national community" narrative. The social inclusion narrative posits that, in a globalized world, the Chilean national community, supposedly untouched by immigration, would be unavoidably at risk because of (new) immigration influxes. Immigration became a problem, and citizenship education was positioned as a solution to deal with the perceived expansion of cultural diversity.

This article examines the intertwining and evolution of neoliberal and nationalist discourses in post-colonial Hong Kong and Macao, arguing that their combination reveals the dual layers of political rationality in the dynamics of higher education policymaking. It suggests a move towards governmentality with Chinese characteristics, marked by gradual and continuous shifts towards decolonisation and re-Sinicisation within the 'One Country, Two Systems' framework. This perspective contrasts with existing literature on Hong Kong that emphasises the maintenance of the colonial status quo and points out abrupt changes due to the 2019 protests and the 2020 National Security Law. By analysing the reconfiguration of governmentality in the higher education systems of these post-colonial Chinese societies amid changing political landscapes, the article sheds light on both the incremental changes and significant moments influencing the trajectory of higher education development in Hong Kong and Macao.

Purpose: One key aspect of European curriculum reforms is to empower students with the skills needed to engage actively in the pluralistic and multicultural global society of the 21st century. This study aims to examine the extent of multicultural education within the national core curricula of three European countries: Hungary, Finland and Ireland, focusing on its role in fostering social acceptance through education. Design/methodology/approach: A qualitative research applying discourse analysis was conducted to identify key multiculturalism concepts within the curricula. The analysis concentrated on understanding how multiculturalism is portrayed through various perspectives, emphasizing situational meanings and frameworks. Furthermore, a comparative analysis of the findings was carried out. Findings: The research found that all three curricula contain the concept of multicultural education, although the extent of emphasis varies. The Hungarian National Core Curriculum (NCC) primarily emphasizes national values and sporadically addresses multicultural issues, often from a local perspective. In contrast, the Irish NCC is tolerance-oriented, stressing not only the understanding of different cultures but also the importance of accepting them. The Finnish NCC reflects a global perspective and emphasizes respect for different cultures and minority groups, with a pluralistic approach. Originality/value: This study enhances our understanding of the discourse of multiculturalism within the curricula of three European countries, emphasizing both their similarities and differences. Additionally, it underscores the crucial role that curricula can play in effectively implementing multicultural education.

Psychological variables remain a much under-investigated sub-category of individual differences (IDs) compared with cognitive ones. The present paper aims to gain a better understanding of the psychological effects of bilingualism by investigating national identity (NI), a socio-psychological construct, based on big data, that has rarely been examined. Drawing upon the 2015 Chinese Social Survey (CSS), which utilised a nationally representative sample (N = 10242), we employed a 'more refined' version of hierarchical regression analysis on the influence of foreign-language (FL)-based bilingualism and other sociobiographical variables on NI. Out of the 18 initial independent variables, satisfaction with life (1.7%-2.2%) and age (1.2%-1.4%) emerged as important predictors for NI as their minimum effect size value ([delta]R[superscript 2], see the range in brackets) exceeded the 'typical' benchmark (1%); in contrast, the influence respectively from FL mastery (0.006%-0.040%) and FL use (0.000%-0.004%) was negligible. In other words, our key finding is that a person's FL-based bilingualism had little to do with his/her NI. Implications for China's plan to reform FL (e.g. English) learning are discussed, and future research directions are also proposed.

This article demonstrates how the use of affect in literature education invokes trajectories of nationalism and/or solidarity using the case of postcolonial Cyprus as example. For this, we analyse secondary school literature curricula and textbooks in both Greek-Cypriot and Turkish-Cypriot educational systems. We do so by making use of affect theory -- mainly 'affective nationalism' and 'affective solidarity' -- met with Henri Lefebvre's 'rhythms' and 'truth of space,' and Raymond Williams' dominant, emergence, residual positions. Our focus questions are: What social, cultural, political meanings about the ethnic self and 'Other' are produced by literature curricula and textbooks? How can affect be used to regulate students and meanings in literature education, and what kind of 'alternative' affective meanings emerge? Our analysis shows that literature can be used in educational settings to evoke simultaneously conflicting affective ideologies and feelings. Theoretical and policy implications are discussed for literature education in postcolonial settings.

In the early 1920s, the Chinese Ministry of Communications reformed the technical colleges under its control. The era constituted a dogmatic vacuum: Confucian elements had largely been abandoned, and Nationalist Party propaganda had not yet been instated. At Shanghai Jiaotong University, the US-educated civil engineer Ling Hongxun (1894-1981) oversaw this period as the school's principal. This article argues that Ling, more a practitioner than an educator, promoted a form of pragmatism that aimed at utilising solution-oriented learning to benefit the nation. In his speeches and essays, he propagated a training that prepared engineers to "save the country through transport and communications." Accordingly, the curriculum at Shanghai Jiaotong stressed the importance of practical experience, discipline and physical exercise. Despite remaining a short-lived era in education, pragmatism became the work ethos for a new generation of engineers.

The increasing popularity of radical right, anti-immigrant, neo-nationalist movements can be seen as a response to super-diverse and complex migration and globalization processes challenging the ideology of the 'nation-state' and the traditional education system. Based on the question of how English is increasingly viewed as a threat to Swiss national languages and identities, this study presents data from Switzerland, often portrayed as the ideal multilingual country. Such a challenge was nevertheless confirmed through the qualitative analysis of 38 in-depth interviews conducted with students and teachers at three secondary schools in three language regions, policy makers, and open-ended questions from 94 student questionnaires. Language education policies have divided the educational landscape into certain regions prioritizing English over a national language and others adhering to the traditional curriculum. The data reveal strong ideological beliefs, lacking intranational communication, and personal as well as societal struggles of positioning based on linguistic competences, expectations, and policies. This article advocates for interdisciplinary approaches to (language) education as societies' and students' needs constantly evolve and calls on all learners' and educators' responsibility to counteract such movements.

Elite schools, long tasked with creating a future national elite, often now find themselves competing in a global education market. This article explores how one such school, in Switzerland, articulates with the global imaginary of its local geography -- in particular, with images of luxury tourism and safety -- to appeal to a globally wealthy clientele. It unpacks the material benefits derived from this articulation, for both the institution itself and the individuals who attend it. The school, I argue, fostered a 'club effect' that enhanced the social and symbolic capital of (most of) its students, brought into relief by the scholarship students who were excluded from it. This article thus explores what kind of work is being done when a particular vision -- that of wealth -- is attached to a school, and for whom that work is done. It closes by pointing to ways in which this educational landscape is shifting.

Existing literature has noticed two competing ideas about the state-citizen relationship promoted in China's moral education curriculum: protecting one's freedom and rights, and contributing to and even sacrificing for the country. To reconcile this contradiction, this study uses the framework of 'neoliberalism as exception' to analyze the textbooks of "Morality and Laws," the primary teaching and learning materials in China's moral education. Defining neoliberalism as a focus on individual conduct, including self-reliance, self-entrepreneurship, and individual rights and freedom, this study shows how these textbooks selectively employ neoliberal ideas to promote an understanding of personhood where students are expected to not only practice self-reliance but also prioritize collective and national interests over their rights and freedom. This selective adoption of neoliberal tenets contributes to China's economic development and national cohesion, but it risks perpetuating systemic inequity since all students are posited as coming from the same socioeconomic background.

Schooling is a critical topic in Myanmar's socio-political discourse that involves multiple interests and actors. Different stakeholders deploy schools for various ends, such as the training of workers, cultural subjugation, identity preservation, religious imposition, political propagation and social control. This article identifies the main stakeholders and traces their strategies for pursuing their interests across the development of schooling. The article also highlights the correlated implications of schooling and socio-political conflicts throughout the history of Myanmar.

Our guiding thesis in this article is that the recent burgeoning discussion of differentiation in the context of education has to do with critiques of the globalization theories that have been popular since 1990. In doing so, however, these critically motivated discussions run the risk of overlooking the historical roots of differentiation, which are closely related to the establishment of nation-states in the long 19th century and which themselves have much to do with educational systems and the fabrication of loyal citizens. By reconstructing the genesis of the conditions of differentiation in the context of the emerging nation-states, the article provides a historically informed basis for starting the new discussion on differentiation from an overly simplistic critique of globalization theories.

Numerous studies have noted the difficulties in promoting a common national identity curriculum due to increasing tension between the concepts of local autonomy and national cohesion. Hong Kong's promotion of Moral and National Education provides an interesting case to examine two aspects of this tension -- what national identity education goals can be selected when local people enjoy different rights, and how local education agents can select content and pedagogy to address such goals. This article analyses two sample textbook lessons, two teachers' teaching plans for this subject, and memos from related curriculum development meetings. The comparisons reveal that textbook adaption is a consistent and important part of teacher-textbook interaction, with three major patterns emerging from Hong Kong teachers' interactions with textbooks. These can be attributed to the influence of micro- and macro-level powers over teacher-textbook interactions in Moral and National Education.

UNESCO's relatively high prestige across East Asia has spurred intensifying efforts by governments to use its imprimatur to legitimate official narratives of the past and visions of the future. This article focuses on China's use of UNESCO as an arena for competitive national 'branding' in the education field, especially relating to STEM and AI. We analyse the Chinese state's engagement with UNESCO's education work in the context of shifts in budgetary and political influence within the organisation, and of a growing 'securitisation' of education within China itself. We show how Chinese engagement with UNESCO's educational agenda reflects both domestic political considerations and the 'major country diplomacy' of Xi Jinping, as manifested in the 'Belt and Road Initiative' and intensifying strategic competition with the USA. We conclude by discussing the implications of rising Chinese influence within the organisation for UNESCO's capacity for articulating a coherent and consistently humanistic vision for education.