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Forty years on, Theda Skocpol's account of the French Revolution remains remarkably robust. But how are we to think about political change today? Since Louis XVI walked up to the guillotine, we have been used to thinking of a left/right opposition driving political change, but this was not the only division at the time, nor indeed since: during the Terror, Robespierre was supported by the Montagnards, the deputies who sat on the highest benches of the Assembly, while the opposition was located at the bottom, in the Marais or the Plain. Like during la Terreur, today's politics, from France to the United States, appears more to oppose a centre to an extreme, and this prism allows us to track Skocpol's own evolution since 1979, from periphery to centre. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

How do radical reforms shape economic development over time? In 1790, the French Constituent Assembly overhauled the kingdom's organization to establish new local capitals. In some departments, the choice of local capitals over rival candidate cities was plausibly exogenous. We study how changes in administrative presence affect state capacity and development in the ensuing decades. In the short run, administrative proximity increases taxation and investments in law enforcement. In the long run, capitals obtain more public goods and grow faster. Our results shed light on the dynamic impacts of state building following one of history's most ambitious administrative reforms. (JEL D70, H41, H71, O18, O43) [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Burke was possibly the first person to use the term “political theologian” in English. He used it as a term of opprobrium against dissenting preacher Richard Price and his enthusiasm for the French Revolution. This article seeks to explicate the meaning of the term “political theologians” in Burke’s Reflections, and why Burke regarded the conjunction of politics and theology as a pejorative. The article further seeks to explain how Burke could see such an integral and positive role for Christianity in relation to the English state, while using the term “political theologian” as a slur. It concludes that it was partisan politics in the pulpit that Burke opposed, something he regarded as a violation of the distinct characters and functions of politics and church in society. Finally, the article seeks to locate Burke within the genealogy of the terms “political theology” and “political theologian.” [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper comments on Richard Bourke's Hegel and World Revolutions, focusing on its analysis of Hegel's relevance for debates on revolution, freedom, and the Enlightenment. While agreeing with Bourke's call for critically engaging with Hegel's ideas rather than dismissing them outright, the paper raises some questions concerning Bourke's reconstruction of Hegel's interpretation of Kant, his account of the French Revolution, and the impact of Hegel's work on contemporary debates. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

A little-remarked aspect of Hegel's lecture courses on the philosophy of world history is that he delivered them five times during a nine-year period (1822–1831) that aligns almost perfectly with the years of the Greek War for Independence. If Hegel was tracking the French and Haitian Revolutions while writing The Phenomenology of Spirit then he may have been similarly tracking the Greek Revolution when delivering these lectures. What Hegel had done conceptually in 1807 in his Phenomenology of Spirit he now intended to do historically in this lecture course: namely to theorize the historical course of human freedom. Since these lectures represent the first text of Hegel's to be translated into English (in 1857) and since they had been translated into Italian even earlier (1840) Hegel's contention that freedom from domination was the moral aim of world history would provide philosophical support for abolitionist and other emancipatory freedom movements in Europe and the Americas. Equating domination by tyrants with slavery would also inspire national independence movements from Greece to Italy and New Spain. Hegel's romantic account of Greece's emancipation from domination in antiquity and the present seemed to speak in favor of such nationalist uprisings. At the same time his concern with the devolution of the French Revolution left him ambivalent about revolution as a political praxis. His lectures would strike both notes as the Greek Revolution unfolded. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Since the mid-2010s, interest in Olympe de Gouges as a pioneer of feminism has consistently grown in the wake of fourth-wave feminism and international social movements such as #MeToo. After almost two centuries of oversight or representations of de Gouges as illiterate and a victim of her time, a number of historians and authors have been working to reinstate her legacy as a writer and actor of the French Revolution. In conjunction with this newfound interest in feminist figures like Olympe de Gouges, the literary field experienced a metamorphosis with the growing popularity of graphic novels, from both popular/mainstream and scholarly perspectives. This article proposes to analyze how the depiction of Olympe de Gouges in the eponymous graphic novel by Catel and José-Louis Bocquet in 2012 contributed to the mainstream recognition of de Gouges as well as subsequent feminist figures, and enabled the development of graphic biographies as a literary sub-genre. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The 2022 Canal+/PBS/BBC series Marie Antoinette not only comes as evidence of the enduring mystique around the eighteenth-century queen of France, but illustrates her appropriation by contemporary creators who want to deal with twenty-first century issues. Under the guise of delivering a biopic, the writing team explores the condition of women through a Marie Antoinette who is neither a historical figure nor a fictional character, but someone with whom younger viewers can empathize. Paradoxically, however, this updated Marie Antoinette appears both as a model of female resilience and necessary self-care in a persistently misogynistic and patriarchal society, and as the ultimate exemplar of the pampered, self-indulgent one-percenter. Setting aside obvious anachronism, we have to wonder what the series' creators aim to accomplish by revisiting history in such an ambiguous manner. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article provides an analysis of the French Revolution, which profoundly influenced political and social structures from the 18th century in the world, alongside the social class structures in pre-revolutionary France. The analysis employs a historical and methodological framework to examine the definitions, positions, ideologies, and political stances associated with these structures. The first focus addresses the pre-revolutionary social class structures, while the second investigates the ideological and political manifestations of these classes. Key concepts from economic, social, and political theory will be utilized to inform this examination. Furthermore, the article discusses the reasons the French Revolution is regarded as distinct compared to other revolutions within Europe's political history. By comparing the perspectives of Anglo-Saxon and French historians, the article analyzes the fundamental theses underlying these contrasting approaches. Additionally, it examines the political and ideological representations of social classes during the Revolution and explores how class tensions evolved into a revolutionary movement. The main finding of the article is that ideological and imagined assumptions regarding the French Revolution lead to a paradigm shift in the history of the French Revolution as empirical and monographic research is conducted. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

"Kayıkçı Parası", included in Durali Yılmaz's latest book "Köprüler Kurmak Sonsuza", draws attention by offering a different perspective on the archaeological excavations carried out by Europeans in our country and touches on how the idea of nationalism, sparked by the French Revolution, began to emerge in Europe. Nations that see themselves as the ancestors of European peoples also seek to create a current history thesis. The Germans, who took the lead in this regard, turned to Troy, described in Homer's epics, and started archaeological excavations in Çanakkale. The last person to come to the region for these excavations was the famous German archaeologist and scientist Manfret Korfmann. Apart from the excavations, Korfmann pays close attention to the local people, goes to coffee shops and tries to learn Turkish. He especially admires Turkish music. After this, the story turns into the inner journey of Korfmann in the Anatolian geography, as he searches for a great ancestor. This journey extends from Anatolia, which he sees as the cradle of civilizations, to Troy. During this journey, the author transforms Korfmann, starting from his name, in the context of language, history and culture, and presents us with a new person with a completely different identity. This transformation extends from Truva to Troy, gaining a spatial dimension as well. In this study, Durali Yılmaz's short story "Kayıkçı Parası" from his latest work Building Bridges to Eternity is analysed in terms of the transformation of humans and space. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Studies on the Indo-European principle of trifunctionality and on the medieval Three Estates imagery provide researchers with precious resources for investigating the ways and means through which social representations become loaded with sacredness, and sacredness progressively transferred from one set of social representations to another. This article focuses on the transformations undergone by the Three Estates religious substratum, first at the time of the birth of Absolutism, and second during and after the French Revolution. In the case of France (and with openings towards other contexts), it shows how trifunctionality has been attributed, alternatively or conjointly, to the bourgeoisie and to the nation. Triune imagery has thus contributed to shape rituals and symbols proper to civil religion in France. Additionally, this contribution draws lessons from our case study for assessing both the resilience and the power of metamorphosis proper to symbolic references once the latter are organized into patterns that nurture a community's cohesiveness by the putting into motion of images, narratives and ritual practices. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

When he first heard in May of 1804 that Bonaparte intended to declare himself emperor, Beethoven famously tore off the dedication page of his third ('Eroica') symphony. In roughly the same time-frame during 1804–05 Wordsworth was coming to the conclusion of his first full version of The Prelude (completed May 20, 1805), with similar attention to Napoleon. I want to use this compositional coincidence as a lead-in to a concentrated reading of Book X of The Prelude which can lead to a stronger connection between Wordsworth and not just Beethoven, but the whole of nineteenth-century European literature, especially the great tradition of novels in France. By following carefully his intricate structuring of the stages of his crisis and its resolution we can arrive at a new way of seeing Wordsworth's links to the broad landscape of nineteenth-century European literature. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

An introduction is presented in which editor discusses various articles within the issue on topics including French Revolution; racial politics to his reckoning with a growing capitalist economy and workings of capitalism through another legal fiction.

Of all the images generated by the French Revolution it is the guillotine that is the most notorious. From the beginning the apparatus constituted an elaborate visual spectacle, one that not only efficiently dispensed justice but also offered up a form of popular entertainment and ritualised collective vengeance. The paper seeks to shed fresh light on one of the most perplexing mysteries of the revolutionary era. How did enlightened individuals who had helped create the most democratic and egalitarian society yet seen in the world, descend into a totalitarian regime in which many thousands were arrested, tried without appeal and executed? Why did revolutionaries begin to kill one another, and how did the guillotine come to represent an ideal of Revolution? To answer these questions, the paper begins by looking more closely at the relationships between popular violence and state violence in the Revolution, before describing the invention of the guillotine and how audiences had to adjust to a new kind of spectacle, where terror emerges as a principle of government. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In France, the last decade of the eighteenth century saw an explosion in papers of diverse kinds, put to new political uses. However, in the aftermath of the French Revolution, paper was also instrumentalised to articulate histories of revolutionary participation, as well as changing ideas about revolutionary identification. Some of these were coded as virtuous: paper objects found a place at the heart of sentimental accounts of personal sacrifice, such as that of prison warder Joseph Cange. Conversely, paper was central to claims for culpability or reparation—most strikingly, assorted papers were mobilised as defence against recrimination for involvement in regicide, as discussed here in relation to printmaker and politician Antoine-Louis-François Sergent-Marceau. This essay considers how the apparent abundance that characterised the period's paper ecology, along with new attitudes toward paper's proliferation, preservation and disposal, bore the imprint of political justification, evasion and historical revisionism—all framed by the need to 'pass' as post-revolutionary. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this article, I put forward, as a suspicion only, that Kant never thought Black lives had dignity but only price. I follow Michel‐Rolph Trouillot's argument that the Haitian Revolution is unthinkable for Enlightenment philosophers to examine what Kant could have, would have, or should have said about this world‐historical event. By making conjectures about Kant's silence on the Haitian Revolution, I also draw from Kant's writings on the American and French Revolutions. If my suspicion is right, then Kantianism cannot accommodate an antiracist program. This ought to change how we talk about racism, slavery, and colonialism in Kant scholarship and in the history of philosophy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This discussion explores the significance of Kant's silence on the Haitian Revolution. In contrast, Kant was not silent about the French Revolution, and he also went to great lengths to publish his work on religion, which was seen as controversial. I argue that Kant's silence on the Haitian Revolution demonstrates his complicity with the status quo regarding the independence and rights of people of color. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Intellectual historians have tended to focus on the most radical intellectuals of the counter-revolution such as Joseph de Maistre and Louis de Bonald, but the counter-revolution was an intellectually composite movement with many intellectual currents and ideas. In this article, I shed light on the composite character of the counter-revolution by focusing on one of its most moderate members, the comte de Montlosier. The article presents contextualised analysis of Montlosier's conception of moderation, his theory of politics, his critique of fellow counter-revolutionaries, and his ideas for a new aristocratic order build on public opinion and separation of powers. I argue that Montlosier's moderate politics reflected a moderate enlightenment approach to politics, which was neither wholly rationalist nor wholly traditionalist. Rather, it was an attempt to find a middle ground between the two integrating a conservative view of history with a sociological approach to power and politics. I furthermore argue that even if Montlosier was unsuccessful in his endeavours to moderate the counter-revolution, he nonetheless provided a moderate response to it that would become integral to nineteenth-century conservative and liberal ideas. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Moderation and liberalism are different and in some cases antagonistic concepts. In recent years, the view that Sieyès's idea of constituent power is a moderate and liberal rendering of sovereignty has gained acceptance in intellectual history and constitutional theory literature. This claim is based on the premise that radical and illiberal readers of Rousseau's idea of sovereignty, such as Robespierre and the Jacobins, were opposed to representing the general will (volonté générale). Thus, constituent power as the exercise of power by extraordinary representatives to draft a constitution would be a liberal attempt at political moderation in the French revolution. In contrast to this liberal reading, my analysis shows that Sieyès's idea of constituent power is an illiberal attempt at political moderation. Against moderate liberal theories, constituent power demands that the extraordinary representatives of the constituent assembly must will, deliberate, and act as if they were the people themselves. These representatives have absolute powers and the mandate to create a constitution but also the imperative to perceive and mirror the sovereign will. From a political theory approach, I conclude that constituent power is not a liberal idea but a key notion of moderate illiberalism that prevailed during the French Revolution. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Owing to medical historian Erwin H. Ackerknecht's (1906–1988) pioneering study "Medicine at the Paris Hospital, 1794–1848" (1967), the year 1794 is seen as the decisive separation date on which the development and reorganization of the Parisian clinical school—as a broad movement and a system of medical education and clinical practice—distanced it from the traditions of the 18th century. This precise dating is based on the "Rapport et projet de décret sur l'établissement d'une École centrale de Santé à Paris" (1794) by the French clinician and naturalist Antoine-François Fourcroy (1755–1809), which appeared five years after the French Revolution. Fourcroy was asked by the Conseil d'État to submit a detailed report in which he was obliged to comment on the existing health situation and the state of medical care and research. His report thereby ventured so far as to request the continued dissolution of all medical faculties in France, as these institutions were seen as counter-revolutionary hotbeds in the wider educational landscape of the Grande Nation. Fourcroy's recommendations were implemented a short time later; he had recommended that medical training should be established again in the traditional locations of Paris, Montpellier, and Strasbourg in France yet in the different settings of so-called health schools, Écoles de Santé. In this article, I look at the corresponding training and care structures after the French Revolution, as well as some of the specific reasons which led to the complete suspension of teaching in academic medicine at the time. In the more recent research literature, Ackerknecht's view has undergone some modifications, whereby the fixation on the date 1794 has been challenged since the French traditions of the royalistic period have hardly been considered. Furthermore, it has been argued that the reorganization of medicine during the time of the Empire remained largely based on knowledge structures derived from the previous 18th century. In order to keep the complex scientific, institutional, and socio-economic conditions of the context of Parisian Academic Medicine aligned, I first explore some developments up to the time of the French Revolution (1789), before assessing the implications of the reform of knowledge structures and curricular programs instigated since the 1790s, as these remain relevant to medical history in the 19th century. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Written from the perspective of a social historian trained in the French tradition, this article investigates how the study of nineteenth‐century Irish migrations to Britain contributes to the study of the nature of "religious archives." In France, the writing of social history during the twentieth century was heavily influenced by sociologists and their view that religious facts were cultural and social phenomena. This outtake was also encouraged by the classification of ecclesiastical archives which were transferred to State repositories and organised according to lay and secular categories after the French Revolution. This article explores nineteenth‐century Roman Catholic schooling in Scotland as a case study. Since 1918, Scottish Catholic school records have been transferred to public repositories and categorised in "secular" fashion. Investigating the case of religious schools means looking for secular matters in ecclesiastical school records and clerical notes (the diaries of Father Michael Condon, d. 1902, are an exceptional source on that matter). In the end, this article argues that there can be no strict separation in the historical exploration of the past between the use of "religious" and "secular" archives. Ecclesiastical preoccupations never excluded worldly concerns, and down‐to‐earth considerations were an integral part of parish and school lives. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This study examines the first-hand sources of Kemalism to understand how and to what extent the French Revolution inspired the Kemalist elite and influenced Kemalism during the early republican period. In the literature, there is a general perception that the French Revolution and Jacobinism were highly influential on the Kemalists, but this perception mainly depends on broad interpretations without systematic empirical research. This study shows that there was really an influence, but not necessarily on the secular/Westernist reforms as proposed in the literature. Moreover, the alleged impact of Jacobinism on Kemalism was limited to only a few regime elites. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article presents perspectives on the causes and consequences of the French Revolution. It shares the argument of Robert H. Blackman that the political outcomes of 1789 were a victory for a moderate majority of commoner deputies. It outlines circumstances and convictions that explain the April 1793-July 1794 Terror and discusses the repercussions of the Revolution for French citizens, institutional and public life, the bourgeoisie and peasantry, and social interactions and family relations.

This paper revisits Burns's reactions to the French Revolution and its implications for British domestic reform through review of three crucial contexts which shaped his responses: the character and trajectory of Scottish reform politics in the early 1790s; loyalist volunteering in the mid-1790s; and the town of Dumfries where Burns came to live in late 1791. It re-examines and sheds new light on the tricky political balancing act in which Burns was compelled to engage in order to keep his post in the Excise service and avert potential local hostility to someone who clearly privately stood well outside the prevailing political consensus in Dumfries after late 1792. Closer attention to these contexts and the character of political rhetoric and discourses in the 1790s brings into sharper focus Burns's likely political views at this moment. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this essay on Elster's (2020) book, I expose my concerns about the ability of behavioral tools to correctly address the transition phase between the absolutist regime and the democratic institutions inherited from the French Revolution. Rehabilitating the forgotten analyses of contemporary political philosophers Quinet, de Sade, and Leroux, I defend the view that a correct understanding of the French Revolution's essence lies in its political philosophical dimension, not in the supposed psychological traits of its actors. I suggest a renewed way to apprehend and model revolutions, combining three levels of analysis: political philosophy, macroeconomic dynamics, and complexity economics. (JEL D72, D74, N13, N43, Z13) [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article investigates the relationship between the coalitional structure of revolutionary movements and revolutionary outcomes. Noting the chimerical nature of revolutionary coalitions, it introduces readers to the concept of 'movement split': the moment in a revolutionary process when, once a regime is overthrown, the revolutionary coalition fractures into 'radicals', who seek further, social revolution; and 'conservatives' who are satisfied with a limited, political revolution. By means of a comparative historical analysis of the 1789 French Revolution and 2011 Egyptian Revolution, it analyses the role of coalition structure in determining revolutionary outcomes after movement split. In both cases, the distribution of mobilizing capacity between radicals and conservatives was the key factor determining whether each revolutionary movement came to pursue a 'political' or 'social' revolutionary' program. Where conservatives retained control over mobilization, advancement of the revolutionary process ended once political revolution was achieved, while when radicals retained control, a process of social revolution was undertaken. Thus, when seeking to anticipate the trajectory of change an emergent revolutionary movement is liable to undertake, it is fruitful to examine whether it is radicals or conservatives who control its principal mobilizing structures. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Genuine revolutions often use violence not only against their enemies but also against their friends. This paper argues that using violence against the proponents of a revolution functions as a way to boost collective action. A weakest-link punishment against the revolutionaries contributing the least to the revolutionary cause can be a way to solve Tullock's paradox of revolutions. Further implications are developed. First, we show that those benefiting the most from the revolution and facing the lowest cost of punishing will self-select into the group using punishment to boost contributions to the revolutionary cause. Second, we explain that weakest-link punishment can be over-provided when its provision is decentralized, in which case centralizing punishment may be an efficient response. We use the French Revolution as a case study to illustrate our theory. While the proximate cause of the Terror during the French Revolution was to avoid free-riding, its underlying cause may not have been the "blank-slate" mindset of the revolutionaries but the reactionary and inflexible nature of the Ancien Régime's institutions. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Between 1797 and 1798, Germaine de Staël argued that France needed a reformation to end the Revolution, proposing the adoption Protestantism as a religion of state. This proposal has been explained away as an obvious and uninteresting consequence of her Calvinist upbringing. While obviously relevant, Staël’s religious background is not a sufficient explanation for a proposal that would have upended the constitutional principles of the Directorial republic as well as centuries of tradition in France. I argue instead that Staël’s proposal is better understood in framework of the Directory’s plans to breach the state’s neutrality in religious matters, established in the 1795 Constitution, in order to promote love of the republic via a new religion, theophilanthropy. Thus, Staël identified a political opportunity for constitutional change in matters of religion and sought to steer the course towards an existing religion that, as she argued, had all the benefits that the Directory saw in theophilanthropy, but none of the pitfalls, especially the theophilanthropists’ association with the Terror. This re-interpretation of Staël’s proposal, made in Circonstances actuelles, has implications for our broader understanding of this work, hailed as her ‘most substantial contribution to political and constitutional theory’, and the Thermidorian republic. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Napoleon Bonaparte was the Emperor of France, consolidating and initiating numerous reforms of the French Revolution. Regarded by many historians as the greatest military leader of the modern era, he conquered a significant portion of European territory while also focusing on modernizing the nation he led. In this multi-part structured material, we will attempt to provide concise biographies of notable personalities in the French medical world who distinguished themselves during the Napoleonic era, emphasizing not only in the fields of pharmacy and chemistry but also in botany and physics. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article discusses the relation between colonialism and the sovereignty of peoples through a dialogue between Hegel and the thought of the French Revolution. These two sides are relevant to each other not only because of their historical proximity, but also because of the connections that can be established when we approach the topic of colonialism through these two manifestations. Hegel is explicit that his philosophy of history and his philosophy of right are supposed to be philosophies of freedom. Yet despite the importance that he lends to freedom, Hegel also explicitly defends, in the very same text, colonial domination when he deals with the relation between peoples. A similar problem had arisen in the course of the French Revolution. Following the declarations of war, France is confronted on various occasions with the question of how to deal with other peoples and countries. With the foundation of the Republic in 1792, the relation with other peoples becomes central in the revolutionary debates. The topic of colonialism is part of the constituting debates, and not only because of the uprisings in then Saint Domingue leading to the Haitian Revolution. This article is a part of a larger research project that attempts to reassess the relations between Hegel and the French Revolution, and deals with the question of how we can re-read Hegel's interpretation of the French Revolution based on the evolving historiography of the Revolution. After an introduction of both sides of this dialogue, the paper discusses how Hegel's political philosophy can be applied to understand the debates about the emancipation of colonies that take place during the French Revolution. The next part further analyses some issues, such as the notion of sovereignty and, in the concluding remarks, I summarize my discussion and point to some avenues for further research. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Theory is the use of abstraction in the pursuit of understanding. In the human sciences, theory is a talmudic process of reading and conceptual dispute that carries the colligation of evidentiary signs (minimal interpretation) towards riskier, but more insightful and widely relevant, interpretations of the meanings, causes, and significance of human events (maximal interpretation). Yet, in making possible such maximal interpretations of society, politics, literature, and so forth, theory also introduces the possibility of overinterpreting evidence. Judgments that overinterpretation has occurred are made collectively within communities of inquiry. After developing Umberto Eco's theory of overinterpretation as part of a hermeneutic-semiotic account of theory in the human sciences, this paper conducts a case study of the rise and partial fall of the Marxist interpretation of the French Revolution. This reveals aspects of the process whereby patterns of maximal interpretation, carried through several academic generations, allow the development and refinement of knowledge and insight about an object of inquiry, on the one hand, and yet are subject to judgment as overinterpreted, on the other. Much more than a matter of falsification and/or the politics of intellectuals, the decline of the Marxist interpretation of the French Revolution involved a complex series of judgments about the degree to which an abstract theoretical terminology could continue to produce new and deeper understandings. In conclusion, the paper suggests that the talmudic aspect of social theory has affinities with the universal human capacity for thinking. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Pravnik is the property of Czech Academy of Sciences, Institute of State & Law and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

During the French Revolution, obstetrics underwent substantial transformations in practice, teaching, and the physical spaces where it was conducted. The revolutionary authorities implemented reforms in French medical institutions that promoted an instrument-centred style and the dissemination of novel surgical techniques in obstetrics. The selection of professors for the obstetrics chair at the newly established École de santé and the appointment of chiefs for the new maternity ward in Paris favoured proponents of a mechanistic approach to labour assistance. This essay explores the theoretical principles and societal pressures that guided these transformative reforms and the remarkable changes they introduced in healthcare and in the practise of medicine and surgery. Furthermore, it examines the consolidation of new epistemological, ethical, and professional boundaries within the context of late eighteenth-century French obstetrics. A critical section of this study focuses on the debate ignited by the contemporaries who voiced concerns that the rise of surgical interventions on pregnant women's bodies might result in unwarranted violence, in a diminishing of midwives’ roles, and in a departure from the tradition of natural childbirth. These controversies among obstetricians highlight significant contradictions within the Revolutionary medical reforms. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Through a case study of the Danish and German translations of the American revolutionary Joel Barlow's 'Advice to the Privileged Orders of Europe' (1792), this article explores the role of translations and the example of the American Revolution in forming ideas of republicanism in the Age of Revolutions. While it is today a little-known text, the article shows that Barlow's Advice had a significant impact on the formation of revolutionary ideology in the Northern Germany and Denmark. The article furthermore argues that contrary to what historians have hitherto believed, republicanism did make its way into Denmark in the period. Here, the article shows, it influenced the political ideas of key intellectuals such as Christen Henriksen Pram, August Hennings, and C.U.D. von Eggers. Because censorship made it difficult to express republican ideas, studying translations may give us a fuller and more precise picture of political ideas in the Age of Revolutions including in places like Denmark. The article thus argues that Barlow and his text was part of a broader ‘republic of translations,’ which was transformed in the wake of the American and French Revolutions and through which spread republicanism across the world, including Northern Europe. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Napoleon Bonaparte was the Emperor of France, consolidating and initiating numerous reforms of the French Revolution. Regarded by many historians as the greatest military leader of the modern era, he conquered a significant portion of European territory while also focusing on modernizing the nation he led. In this multi-part structured material, we will attempt to provide concise biographies of notable personalities in the French medical world who distinguished themselves during the Napoleonic era, emphasizing not only in the fields of pharmacy and chemistry but also in botany and physics. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The success of the Concordat of 1801 in establishing a modus vivendi between post-revolutionary France and the Catholic Church ought not be taken for granted. It owes in significant degree to the design and application of Napoleon's advisor on religious affairs, Jean-Etienne Marie Portalis. The Concordat is appreciated for having set the stage for the ultramontane Catholicism of nineteenth-century France, but as legislator and administrator, Portalis was looking back to the legal traditions of the liberties of the Gallican Church and the supremacy of the sovereign. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Goethe's first drama written in the wake of the French Revolution, Der Groß-Cophta, has garnered little favor from audiences and scholars since its first publication. This essay argues that Goethe's comedy inverts fundamental dramaturgical conventions of tragedy, revealing a social and political world in collapse. It shows that patterns of literary figuration first articulated in Der Groß-Cophta extend across several of Goethe's literary engagements with revolutionary tumult. Confidence men and narratives of lost innocence emerge as crucial elements in Goethe's diagnosis of the disintegration of ethical life responsible for the demise of the ancien régime. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The 19th century is characterized as a period marked by the proliferation of nationalist movements in the Balkans. A significant number of studies on Albanian nationalism conducted by Albanian historians argue that Ottoman rule was an important factor in the increase of Albanian nationalism in Kosovo. Concurrently, there exist scholarly perspectives linking the genesis of the Albanian nationalist movement to global dynamics. Following the aftermath of the First World War, the international milieu alongside the expansionist endeavors of Western powers served to amplify Albanian national consciousness. This phenomenon found resonance in Kosovo as well. Economic volatility and prevailing social disparities in the region exacerbated discontent among the populace, fostering insurgencies. Beyond economic imperatives, the exigency for instituting a democratic parliamentary framework emerged. Consequently, the groundwork for the Albanian parliamentary system was laid during this epoch. Some sources attribute Albanian nationalism to the tenets of the 1789 French Revolution, setting it apart from other Balkan nations. Nationalism persists as a prevalent discourse, particularly in the Balkan region. This study aims to probe into the historical antecedents that propelled the evolution of Albanian nationalism in Kosovo post-1979, along with evaluating the contemporary regional landscape. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Acta Historica Tallinnensia is the property of Teaduste Akadeemia Kirjastus and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Journal of Babylon Center for Humanities Studies is the property of Republic of Iraq Ministry of Higher Education & Scientific Research (MOHESR) and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The article focuses on the comprehensive history of the guillotine during the French Revolution, examining its role as both a symbol of progress and a representation of terror. Topics include the evolution of public perceptions of the guillotine, its use as a tool of exceptional justice in revolutionary France, and its impact on the social, political, and emotional landscape of the era.

The article focuses on the involvement of women in labor conflicts in Paris during the French Revolution, highlighting their often overlooked roles and the political dimensions of their struggles. Topics include the insurrection at a municipal sack repair workshop in 1794, the mobilization of female spinners at the Jacobins' filature from December 1793 to mid-1794, and the broader social and political context affecting these labor disputes.

Copyright of Annales Historiques de la Révolution Française is the property of Librairie Armand Colin and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Annales Historiques de la Révolution Française is the property of Librairie Armand Colin and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Annales Historiques de la Révolution Française is the property of Librairie Armand Colin and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The article focuses on the evolving historical exploration of labor and politics from 1789 to 1815, emphasizing how these themes have gained prominence over time. Topics include the historical treatment of labor during the French Revolution, the interaction between labor issues and political developments, and recent scholarly efforts to integrate labor history with broader political contexts.

In the article the essence of standards of justice in the modern world-system is outlined in a general way. It is shown that these standards emerged in the European capitalist world-economy in consequence of the French Revolution. Standards of justice are interpreted as ideological semantic constructions that have been institutionalized simultaneously with establishment, first, of the ideology of liberalism as the geo-culture of the modern world-system and, second, of model of liberal state. Standards of justice are considered within theoretical theses and methodological guiding lines of I. Wallerstein's theory of the modern world-system. However, some theoretical theses of J. Alexander's civil society theory are also used to supplement and concretize considered in the article problems with some new arguments. For instance, Alexander's conceptual toolkit helped to distinguish discursive and institutional standards of justice. Reasons and peculiarities of establishment of standards of justice are considered and role these standards played in the providing of development of the modern world-system is shown. In particular, it is elucidated that owing to these standards elites of the core countries of the modern world-system managed to redirect the rebellion energy of the lower strata from anti-systemic revolutions to struggle for inclusion to liberal state. This helped to calm the lower strata down and to guard structures of the modern world-system against essential damages. Standards of justice contributed to legitimation of social order of the modern world-system. Full integration of the lower strata to newly created national societies reinforced social solidarity, and this strengthened the core states even more. It is shown that for today in particular countries of periphery and semi-periphery trends of revision of current standards of justice and their replacement by alternative semantic constructions become visible. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Pasado y Memoria. Revista de Historia Contemporánea is the property of Pasado y Memoria and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)