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Although we commonly associate a national identity with one flag—its own—some nationalists express their identities with two. In recent years Christian nationalists in the United States and South Korea have been flying the Israeli flag alongside their own. We posit that their symbolic agendas are focused more on domestic issues than foreign policy. Christian nationalists endeavor to overturn the official variants of their respective national identities which embrace pluralism and secularism. They signal their authentic nation by flying the Israeli flag alongside their own in order to convey biblicality. By symbolically setting themselves apart from their non-pious compatriots these nationalists are promoting an alternative, multi-tiered national identity which situates religious Christians at the top and all others underneath. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Journal of International Social Research is the property of Journal of International Social Research and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This article dissects the current conjuncture facing Chinese international students in the U.S. higher education, situating their experiences within the history of Asian racialization. By examining key moments of the racialization of Chinese students in the US – 1949–1959, 2006–2017, and the period following 2018 – it illuminates how the intricate interplay of domestic racial politics and geopolitics have contributed to the paradoxical portrayal of Chinese students as both desirable and disposable within American racial capitalism. As they navigate their multifaceted roles as knowledge workers and prime consumers of educational services, these students encounter the challenges of an evolving neoliberal multiculturalism and fluctuating U.S.-China relations, placing them at the center of America's ongoing political tensions. This exploration enhances our understanding of international student mobility, bridges discussions between critical race studies and geography of race, and introduces a fresh racial perspective to the field of education geography. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article discusses how the government of the Confederate States of America utilized the military detention facility Castle Thunder Prison in Richmond, Virginia, to reinforce the concepts of paternalism and gender roles and notions of masculinity, femininity, and nationalism during the U.S. Civil War. It also argues that Caste Run demonstrated an upset in the social order of the South.

The article discusses the concepts of loyalty and dissent in Rapides Parish, Louisiana, during and immediately following the U.S. Civil War, particularly following the signing of loyalty oaths by many residents of the parish in 1864. It discusses the demographic characteristics of oath-takers in Alexandria, Louisiana, the motivations of oath-takers, and the concept of Confederate nationalism. It also discusses the failure of the U.S. Republican Party to gain significant white support after the war.

Overt expressions of White nationalism and White supremacy are once again mainstream in U.S. politics. Social movements advancing racist and nativist policies often do so through the language of constitutional rights, appealing to the Founding Fathers to advance exclusionary politics. Studying the legal discourse of conservative activists reveals the ideological work of law in buttressing White proprietary claims to the nation. This article investigates the Constitution as a key text and symbol in the current struggle over the hegemony of White supremacy in the United States. Examining the interpretive work of constitutional educators and online commenters, this study performs a discursive analysis of the racial ideology embedded within a conservative constitutional discourse. Tracing this constitutional discourse across multiple platforms and political projects, I find that this constitutional discourse maintains a commitment to White supremacy while disavowing its explicit logic of racial superiority. To conclude, I suggest that rights claims function as territorial claims and can serve as vehicles for restricting, rather than expanding, state membership. As such, geographers interested in populism and nationalism should attend to the way in which rights claims are enrolled in nationalist politics. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In the United States during the late 1820s, the labor movements formed that faced public accusations of being un-American and potentially puppets of European influence. These accusations often came from politicians or organizations sympathetic to ethnic nationalism. Partially in response to these charges, labor movements began to espouse versions of Creedal Nationalism. As a country without a natural nation, the United States has maintained for over two centuries two competing narratives within political ideologies concerning who should be allowed to be members of the American Nation. This paper presents research that continues to refine the history of Creedal Nationalism in the United States, a more precise construction of nation than the more ambiguous concept of civic nationalism. Specifically, the article is part of an effort to refine the usually vague and undocumented claims that social movements beginning in the late 1820s began using Creedal Nationalism to counter ethnic nationalism, using a mistaken or intentionally distorted interpretation of the Jeffersonian Creed of "all men are created equal". While prominent uses by women's and abolitionist movements are often cited (usually the same famous examples), the evidence of the use of Creedal Nationalism in public rhetoric by early labor associations is less documented. The ideological conflict between Creedal Nationalism and ethnic nationalism remains deeply embedded in American political culture and the political party system. The origins, development, and rhetoric of the category of Creedal Nationalism remain important for the framing of models of American political development and current political conflict. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The treatment of American Indian place-names provides a window into the growth of American nationalism since 1776 and attitudes towards Indians by the new settler society. Originally ignored or erased by European colonists, Indian place-names became a subject of fascination and scholarship from the late-nineteenth century, at the same time that Indians themselves were marginalized to reservations. A large body of literature produced by non-Natives sometimes frames these place names as "romantic," and other times as distinctly unromantic. In the voluminous literature on this topic, the treatment of Indians and their place-names reflects diverse and shifting attitudes towards American Indians in United States culture, as elaborated by Philip Deloria and Robert Berkhofer. Drawing on approximately 120 texts on Indian place-names, this study uses the lens of romance, a polyvalent term with various implications, to examine how non-Native writings on these toponyms reveals attitudes towards Indians themselves and their place in the American nationalist imagination.

The article explores the diplomatic history of the U.S. through a discussion of the career of Louisiana senator Pierre Soulé. The author reflects on the development of U.S. nationalism and political culture in the Democratic party during the antebellum era. Emphasis is given to topics such as Soulé's conflicted support for slavery, territorial expansion, and his appointment as minister to Spain under the administration of president Franklin Pierce.

This contribution is a conversation between Matthew Rowley and Abram Van Engen about the latter's recent City on a Hill: A History of American Exceptionalism (Yale University Press, 2020). They discuss the changing importance of the Pilgrims and Puritans over four centuries, looking in particular at the contested nature of American identity that was constructed on divergent national foundation narratives. The conversation spans from the Mayflower in 1620 to debates over celebrating and confronting history in the present. We also discuss changing views of history, race, immigration, nationalism, and American exceptionalism, all in the context of political and historical polarization. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

If we think of the nation as a table, perhaps a Thanksgiving one, who belongs around it? Who is the host, and who the guest? What are the criteria for inclusion, and who gets to decide? This article uses the 400th anniversary of the Mayflower and the "First Thanksgiving" to explore "many great migrations." For those migrating and for those who encounter the migrants, the movement of peoples prompts fundamental questions of identity, difference, inclusion, and belonging. Perhaps looking at history can help those in the present view the challenging questions posed by new peoples as an opportunity. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Donald Trump's embrace of Andrew Jackson as his presidential model made Jackson a centerpiece for debate as a kind of stand‐in for American history at large. The Trump camp acclaimed his aggressive nationalism and insurgent populism, while critics condemned him for exemplifying American xenophobia, bigotry, and racism. Both portraits reduced Jackson to caricature. While Trump praised him for purportedly raising tariffs and rattling sabers, critics charged him with originating Indian genocide, reducing public policy to private vendetta, and practicing unbridled personal violence. Thus, the resemblance between Jackson and Trump, touted by both sides for opposite reasons, rested on historical facts that were oversimplified and often demonstrably untrue. Politicians and pundits led in distorting the record, but scholars were acquiescent and even directly complicit in warping evidence to propound a shallow historical analogy for political effect. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Politics & Religion Journal is the property of University of Belgrade, Faculty of Political Sciences and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This study is based on an analysis of survey data from a national sample of K-12 public schools teachers (N = 5,237). The purpose of this article is to examine teachers' beliefs about nationalism and how it correlates to teachers' beliefs about religious liberty, and to what extent beliefs about nationalism are stronger than beliefs about religious liberty. To this end, we use regression analysis of survey data. This research is significant because it adds to the small but growing literature about teachers' beliefs about nationalism in the U.S. and how this impacts attitudes and practices in schools, especially toward immigrant students and more broadly about teaching controversial, political issues. Implications for teacher education are also discussed. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article argues how U.S. President Donald Trump's ‘end of globalism' increasingly appears as a U.S. self-interested strategy of ‘too little too late'. It mentions that the U.S. government woke up to an emerging Chinese internationalism and diplomacy not based on market plunder but rather on principles of socialist internationalism, highlighting the recently recalibrated Chinese-Russian relations.

The article examines U.S. nationalism in relation to the concept of nationalism advocated by the Swiss Calvinist Emer de Vattel. Topics discussed include how Vattel balanced national sovereignty and international law, the difference between Vattel's concepts of the necessary law of nations and the voluntary law of nations, and how Vattel's "The Law of Nations" influenced many statesmen of the young U.S. republic.

Some of the strongest predictors of voting for Donald Trump in the 2016 presidential election were Christian nationalism and antipathy toward Muslims and immigrants. We examine the interrelated influence of these three factors on Americans' intentions to vote for Trump in 2020. Consistent with previous research, Christian nationalism and Islamophobia remained strong and significant predictors of intention to vote for Trump; however, the effect of xenophobia was stronger. Further, xenophobia and Islamophobia significantly and substantially mediated the effects of Christian nationalism. Consequently, though Christian nationalism remains theoretically and empirically distinct as a cultural framework, its influence on intending to vote for Trump in 2020 is intimately connected to fears about ethnoracial outsiders. In the penultimate year before Trump's reelection campaign, the strongest predictors of supporting Trump, in order of magnitude, were political party, xenophobia, identifying as African American (negative), political ideology, Christian nationalism, and Islamophobia. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Donald Trump is one of many leaders who have come to power in recent years championing right-wing nationalisms often called populist. He has done so by advancing an "America First" vision of U.S. history, identity, and purpose that many find compelling. Liberals and progressives in America and elsewhere have failed to counter with politically resonant narratives of national identity that champion greater and more egalitarian inclusiveness. This article offers three criteria for devising such narratives: resonance, respectfulness, and reticulation. It also contends that America's democratic traditions, its constitutional traditions aimed at achieving a more perfect union without effacing legitimate diversity, and its quest to realize the goals of the Declaration of Independence over time all provide rich resources for stories of American peoplehood that can meet these criteria and, perhaps, defeat narrower nationalist visions. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The label of the 'Jacksonian' has served to add a sense of definition and historical precedent to a seemingly anomalous presidency. Comparisons between Donald Trump and President Andrew Jackson (the progenitor for the Jacksonian creed) have hinged on the perception that the Jacksonian philosophy purveys belief in majoritarian nationalism, diplomatic realism and the preeminence of America's white male labouring class. Commentators as diverse as New York Times journalists and International Relations theorists have applied such readings. Through investigating the changing paradigms of the Jacksonian, from its incipience in the 1820s to its ascription in Trump's populism, this article underlines how its shibboleths have gradually shifted towards becoming part of a 'minoritarian' phenomenon. Trump's victory in the 2016 presidential election, which was achieved in spite of his loss of the popular vote and failure to win former Republican states such as Virginia, indicated that the Jacksonian resurgence perceived in this contest was heavily dependent on the economic decline of the industrial Midwest. This contrasts with the cooption of the Jacksonian under FDR and Ronald Reagan, whose first terms resulted from comprehensive national landslides. Because of this lack of broader support, Trump's affinity with a decreasing population of white male non-college educated voters forms the existential driver of his presidency. Conveying a reversal of Andrew Jackson's majoritarianism, my research highlights that Jacksonian survival now hinges on consolidating the kind of minoritarian influence implied by the results of the 2016 presidential election. This analysis, along with my historiography of the Jacksonian, establishes the changes undergone by this significant American ideology. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The study of American nationalism is a tricky adventure, first because of its deepseated inconsistency as a self-reliant ideology, and second, because of dispersed and random absorptions of its designations by various and often competing factions and policies. In the first case, it has been said that nationalism could stand as a clarifying description of other self-contained ideologies (e.g., national liberalism); on the other hand, due to its pervasively undetermined ideological contours, any investigation of nationalism results in irresolute paradoxes and baffling contradictions. Still, despite such hindrance, the ideological framing of nationalism might be achieved considering certain valuable traits which hint at its commonsensical profile. In keeping with historical, political and cultural development of nationalism in the United States, one could grasp its certain specific marks as an ideology in the concepts of identity and character, American Creed, Manifest Destiny, assimilationism, American System, messianism. The present study modestly attempts to cope with all the aforementioned traits of American nationalism in order to configure its plausible ideography. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Since the inception of the United States, many of those who have spoken for and to the nation have struggled to define and defend a coherent American nationalism. This article proposes that one of the reasons for this lies in the fault lines inherent in the invented traditions that underpin American, as many other nationalisms. Determined by warfare and by the desire for land, and frequently defined in racial terms, they have undermined more than they have stabilized the nationalist structures they seek to support through what they have excluded from the national imaginary. In common with other settler nations, in fact arguably with most Western nations, America's nationalist narratives struggle to serve as cohesive foundation myths. They represent the lasting legacies of national trauma derived from the nation's violent colonial past and the severing of the imperial bond in the eighteenth century, chattel slavery, and the civil war it caused, and westward expansion and the imperative toward hemispheric control. Through the mapping of a topography of national trauma predicated on these national traditions and located within the tensions arising from warfare, land, and race, scholars can better comprehend the still frequently acrimonious debates over American nationalism that persist today. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

#WalkAway signifies walking away from the Democratic Party. The movement was launched in June 2018 by Brandon Straka, when he uploaded what became the prototypical video of an individual telling his or her story about walking away. During 130 days, 150 erstwhile Democrats provided video testimonials at Straka's official YouTube channel. Of the 150 erstwhile Democrats, 23% report catching a lot of grief, plus another 16% report catching some grief, for questioning or deviating from leftist opinions. Most importantly, 70% suggest a civility gap between the left and non-left. These are lower bounds, since the testimonials are spontaneous monologues, not replies to questions. Many other observed features are reported, to deepen our thinking about ideological migration. However, filters involved in the sample must be borne in mind. A linked Excel file contains complete data. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This essay concerns the political and social psychological roots of the White American electorate's decision to elect Donald J. Trump as the 45th president of the United States in 2016. The author explains how the Trump presidency is an iconoclastic reaction by the White American electorate to the country's first African American president, Barack Hussein Obama, and situates the Trump presidency as a White nationalist project dedicated to ensuring that the United States remains a Herrenvolk democratic society in which race is the dividing line between equality and racial subordination. Based on this reasoning, the author contends that scholars of color are 'free' to unapologetically pursue race-centered research and scholarly studies committed to the dismantling of White supremacy. The essay concludes with a discussion of why scholars of color and social justice activists must adopt what historians refer to as the longue durée in the quest to end White supremacy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The policies and discourses of the Trump administration reflect such extreme examples of inhumane policies and racializing logic that they are easy to identify and call out. In this essay, I focus instead on the less obvious and more everyday processes of racialization and anti-immigrant sentiment that are taken up by various actors in schools. I consider how tropes and stories generated by nationalist policies and discourses around the world seep into teachers' commonsense understandings about who immigrant students are and what they require to be successful. In doing so, I draw on Michael Agar's (1986) notion of the ethnographic "breakdown" to explore individual breakdown moments in my own research in a Danish public school and teaching in a US school of teacher education as a useful mechanism for discerning how policies and discourses shape everyday exclusions in schools. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Doug Jager, a band student of Native-American ancestry, complained about the Christian prayers at his Georgia public school's football games. Rather than address his concerns, the school lectured him on Christianity and proposed an alternative that appeared neutral yet would result in the continuation of the Christian prayers. In striking down the school's proposal, Judge Frank M. Johnson Jr. understood some of the ramifications of state-sponsored Christianity. Despite Supreme Court rulings limiting Christian invocations at public-school events, government-sponsored Christian prayers a nd Christian symbols remain plentiful in the United States. This proliferation of government-sponsored Christianity around the country both reflects and strengthens Christian nationalism. Christian nationalism m aintains that the United States is and should be a Christian nation, and Christian nationalism's defining characteristic is the belief that religious identity and national identity overlap completely. Christian nationalism necessarily implies a hierarchy based on religion, with Christian insiders who are true Americans and non-Christian outsiders who are not. Moreover, studies show that those with strong identification with Christian nationalism have more hostile attitudes towards out-groups, religious and otherwise. That hostility paves the way for hostile public policy. Consequently, Christian nationalism does not simply lead to symbolic exclusion from the community and nation; it may lead to actual exclusion. Thus, as the sociological evidence establishes, the potential harms of government-sponsored Christianity are not just offense but also discriminatory attitudes and discriminatory policies. The insight embedded in Establishment Clause doctrine that the government should notfavor one religion over others is validated by contemporary social science. Asaresult, instead of eviscerating separation of church and state, the Establishment Clause ought to be recognised as more important than ever. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Construction of refugees in news has been extensively researched. Less researched is the link between refugees and the construction of the receiving country's national identity. This discourse analysis of letters to the editor in Australia, Canada, and the United States found wide variance in the way refugees and refugee policy were linked to the construction of national identity. Letters were selected if they referred to the respective national anniversary and fell within a few news cycles of the respective national holidays. These tight criteria yielded a sample manifesting multiple discourses including the nation as protector, the nation as normative leader, the nation among nations, and the nation as a site of individual identity construction. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In How Change Happens, Cass Sunstein explores the mechanisms through which social change can occur, the triggers that can cause it, and the pitfalls along the road to change. For Sunstein, small influences, which arise through what he has called "nudges," can have large impacts, particularly where they indicate that support for existing norms has fallen. When this occurs, it can reveal hidden preferences that might have existed all along, but individuals were discouraged from making them public because of the existence of those norms. Once support for an existing norm begins to disappear, it can create a tipping point and then a "norm cascade when support for a new norm takes hold securely in society. In recent years, several works have appeared that have attempted to explain the sources of social change by looking at examples of successful campaigns and trying to divine the sources of such successes. Sunstein offers a different perspective. He provides more of a theoretical view on the sources ofsocial change, not just identifying the levers that can bring it about, but also some guidance on how to utilize them. It is a welcome addition to the scholarship on social change and stands as an elegant and insightful complement to some of the other recent and more inductive scholarship on the subject. As a way to test Sunstein's theory of social change, this Review asks whether that theory can help explain recent developments, namely, the victory of the marriage equality campaign and the rise of a new and emboldened white nationalism in the wake of the election of Donald Trump to the U.S. presidency. As a review of these phenomena shows, Sunstein's theory of change helps to provide insights into how such change came about, but it also raises more questions. Indeed, questions still linger, like when is a nudge enough, can we identify what will make something "tip"? Nevertheless, Sunstein offers deep insights into the inner workings of social change and how norm entrepreneurs can understand not just how change happens but also how to bring it about. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Research shows that white Americans who subscribe to "Christian nationalism" – an ideology that fuses Christianity with civic life – tend to draw more rigid racial boundaries. Such research, however, has focused on overt forms of racial prejudices. None have considered how Christian nationalism may influence whites' covert expressions of racism which are often more relevant for the reproduction of inequality. This study addresses this gap by examining Christian nationalism's influence on whites' relative support for government spending that is racially-coded, using data from a nationally random sample. Multivariate analyses demonstrate that whites who more strongly adhere to Christian nationalism are less supportive of welfare spending and more supportive of border spending and spending to reduce crime relative to more racially-neutral government expenses. Findings suggest that resurgent Christian nationalism associated with Trumpism not only reinforces overt expressions of racism, but also undergirds more covert, "colorblind" expressions shaping the policy opinions of white Americans. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

An essay is presented which discusses academic accomplishments and legacy of historian David F. Schmitz particularly his significant contributions to U.S. foreign relations historiography. Topics explored include his designation as Robert Allen Skotheim Chair of History at Whitman College in Washington, the history courses he taught which range from 20th century U.S. history to American nationalism, and the arguments he raised in his book "The United States and Fascist Italy, 1922-1940."

The article presents a discussion of American nationalism, adapted from remarks delivered at the July 2019 National Conservatism conference held in Washington, D.C. Topics explored include factors why American nationalism may be regarded as liberal nationalism, highlights of the July 1858 speech delivered by then American statesman Abraham Lincoln about the U.S. Declaration of Independence, and outlook for nationalism and the political situation in the U.S.

Scholarship on US foreign policy regularly claims that US democracy promotion policy is informed by a coherent and harmonious set of basic premises. In this article, I first examine the validity of this claim for US post–Cold War administrations. I find operational in US foreign policy rhetoric three stable premises: that democracy is a universal(ly aspired to) principle, that external democracy promoters are legitimately involving themselves in another country's political affairs, and that this policy endeavor is in the best interest of all involved stakeholders. Following theoretical expectations that culture and cultural aspects are relatively stable and adaptable entities and promote stability in behavior, I then pursue the question of how these premises have fared in an environment particularly challenging to their validity, namely in the case of US democracy promotion in Egypt. I show how, even in light of contradictory evidence, the basic premises remain resilient and function as a discursive structure that enables and constrains policy options. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

American civil religion places the U.S. Constitution on a pedestal. Although this veneration is well-documented, it is unclear where it originates and why other constitutions do not attract the same reverence. We develop a measure of constitutional respect and conduct a randomized survey experiment testing whether new information can change respondents' evaluations of their state or national constitutions. We find that people do respond to new information about state constitutions, but not to information about the national document, suggesting that Americans view the U.S. Constitution with the sort of veneration and reverence James Madison advocated, while viewing their state constitutions through a more Jeffersonian lens of legitimacy, one that favors continually revising these constitutions to meet the living generation's needs. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article explores what the author describes as romantic transnationalism in the U.S. Noted is the early 21st-century conflict between two sects: those who find meaning in nations and national identity and those who believe in a global community. The American Revolution is discussed as is nationalism in the U.S. The books "Independence Lost: Lives on the Edge of the American Revolution," by Kathleen Duval, and "American Revolutions: A Continental History, 1750-1804," by Alan Taylor are compared and contrasted in detail.