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How and why does one become a revolutionary? And how and why do so many young bourgeois become revolutionaries? Exploring ego-documents, in particular diaries and autobiographies, this article analyses the self-portrait of the Italian revolutionary Left between the end of the nineteenth century and the First World War, and it shows how the primacy of the element of ethics and feelings was a key characteristic of the first anarchist and socialist communities. The most politically charged of these feelings was that of compassion, in an expanded concept that extends the concern for the suffering beyond purely one-to-one relationships into areas where group suffering becomes a political issue. Finally, the article explores how novels and poems helped cultivate these feelings, deeply shaping the mindset of militants. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Canadian Journal of Latin American & Caribbean Studies (Routledge) is the property of Routledge and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

AbstractWithin academic discourses of postcolonial theory, much has been written on whether and how Marxism can be drawn on to understand the ‘postcolonial world’ and, in this regard, what the relations between Eurocentrism and Marxism are. In practice, Marxism remains a core analytical framework for many emancipatory movements from the Global South, as is the case for Egyptian organisation of Revolutionary Socialists, whose popularity grew during the 2011 Egyptian Revolution. The following paper is based on anthropological research with Egyptian Revolutionary Socialists in exile and the political underground. It showcases that many academic postcolonial debates sideline the agency of Marxist social actors from the Global South, their theoretical and practical endeavours, and their own modes of knowledge production. It is through the agency of Revolutionary Socialist social actors that Marxism travels from below, is translated, (re)read, debated, and materialises itself in given contexts. I highlight how Egyptian Revolutionary Socialists utilise Marxism as a living theory in their contemporary political practice and argue that their practice in exile as fellow travellers can be understood as a reconfiguration of the concept of travelling theory into travelling theory from below. Herein the centrality of social actors’ practice in grasping theory manifests itself. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The British political theorist and architect Arthur J. Penty (1875-1937) is today remembered as the co-originator of 'post-industrialism' and as the first guild socialist. His writings evince a lifelong aversion to the evils of commercial society, as well as an intense appreciation for Medieval life. Yet Penty's conservative tendencies belie his attentiveness to what Harold Perkin would call 'professional society.' Though he abhorred capitalism, Penty believed in assigning status to workers on the basis of social function and technical expertise. Most surprisingly, given his reputation, he held that the guarantee of such status represented the first step towards a more democratic society. This essay accordingly recasts Penty as a political theorist of the professions. It does so through the analysis of not only his core interventions in political theory, but also his lesser-known trade writings. The first section focuses on Penty's early life and context. The second explains his historical understanding of architectural decline through his contrasting narratives of Classical and Gothic aesthetics. The third section outlines his theory of how to restore democratic architecture in modernity. The fourth section comments on Penty's larger significance in the history of ideas at a time of increasing populist references to 'traditional' aesthetics. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

School of Historical and Philosophical Studies, Faculty of Arts, Australia This article analyses the role of early radical and socialist texts in forming the understanding of the Paris Commune in Britain and the United States. The Commune, while a French event, came to be associated with socialists, radicals, and as a symbol of internationalism. Marx's The Civil War in France established the interpretation of the Commune that would see it become a radical shibboleth. This article analyses articles by Edward Beesly, Lissagaray's History of the Commune of 1871, E.B Bax's Short History of the Commune, and Lenin's State and Revolution to trace the influences of Marx's interpretation. This analysis includes examination of the radical publishers in both Britain and the United States to explore how these texts were edited and changed, and how they were circulated to reach the intended working-class audience. The article's core questions are where did this interpretation come from, how was it constructed, and how did it come to dominate the interpretation of the Commune. This is significant due to the Commune's pre-eminence within socialist history and how it became an example of the 'Dictatorship of the Proletariat' for many future revolutionaries. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This essay examines the various ways in which pacificists and socialists in France responded to the 'yellow peril' from the beginning of the Sino-Japanese War (1894–1895) to the end of the Russo-Japanese War (1904–1905). I identify and examine four different attitudes they developed towards the 'yellow peril'. On the one hand, some pacificists and socialists perceived it as a reality and used it as a means of exposing the problems of expansionism but differed on their views of what Asia would become for the West: whereas pacifists like Paul d'Estournelles de Constant invoked Asia as a potential existential threat, certain socialists welcomed 'yellow' workers as future comrades. On the other hand, there were people who viewed the 'yellow peril' as a myth or some sort of ideological smokescreen. Roughly speaking, they fell into two groups: socialists who treated it as a set of false ideas created to justify Tsarist imperialism, which practically led them to embrace Japanese imperialism, and revolutionary syndicalists who, opposing capitalist exploitation and expansionism in general, dismissed it as part of bourgeois ideology. Thus, I ultimately argue that the 'yellow peril' was less of an imperialist ideology consisting of negative racial stereotypes about East Asians than a versatile concept that was used against as well as for racial stereotyping and expansionism. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Drawing on Karl Marx's ecological concepts of the "metabolic rift" and the "emancipation of senses", this paper explores an alternative ecocinema that integrates the ecological with the social and the economic. Early Hollywood films, such as Sunrise: A Song of Two Humans (1927) and The Good Earth (1937), represent the metabolic rift in human relationships as a byproduct of the metabolic rift with nature created in the process of urbanization; hence, they can be regarded as precursors to an alternative ecocinema, which I refer to as "metabolic cinema". The Story of the Golden Bell (Jinling Zhuan), a comedy film produced during the Chinese Great Leap Forward in 1958, offers an intriguing case for socialist metabolic cinema as a multisensory medianature that participates in and facilitates the metabolic process between humans and nature, as well as the social metabolism among humans, despite the period's notorious ecological record. The film not only consciously moves away from the visual-centric model associated with capitalist consumerism by using the aural to rectify the once-aberrant visual but also demonstrates how romantic love, as one of the human senses, must be emancipated along with other senses through denouncing utilitarianism and commercialism and, subsequently, returning to need-based labor as the universal condition for the metabolic interaction between humans and nature. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Domestic regional policies are increasingly expected to tackle significant spatial disparities, promote territorial justice, and ensure equal opportunities, thereby supporting various aspects of sustainability. This article focuses on the case of Bulgaria, serving a dual purpose: it outlines the emergence and evolution of contemporary regional policy in the country and measures the extent and dynamics of socio-economic inequalities at different territorial levels. The conceptualization of a comprehensive regional policy framework following the socialist era was largely driven by top-down Europeanization impulses, which catalysed political debates on the transformed roles of the regions and the necessity for effective decentralisation. However, despite years of domestic regional policy implementation, socio-economic inequalities in Bulgaria remain substantial, with certain peripheral regions notably trailing behind. The comprehensive assessments conducted in this study include primarily descriptive statistics, regression and correlation analyses, time series analyses, and classification/categorization of territorial units. They indicate significant spatial heterogeneity and the prevalence of pronounced 'centre-periphery' patterns, which pose a serious threat to the long-term sustainable development of the country. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article compares and evaluates performance of two main current socialist economic-social models. One is Cuba’s central plan characterized by state large enterprises predominant over the market and private property, with mild market-oriented structural reforms that are ineffective in generating sustainable socioeconomic development. The other model is the successful Sino-Vietnamese “socialist market,” typified by small, medium, and some large private enterprises and the market, all predominant under a decentralized plan (a guideline rather than a central plan). In this the state regulates the economy and controls the largest enterprises. The article identifies the characteristics of the three countries, addresses potential barriers to comparison, and summarizes a history of the reforms and their five key economic policies in the three countries. It also assesses performance based on a selection of the twenty most relevant and comparable indicators, elaborates a composite average to rank the three countries, and discusses potential methodological issues. The conclusions summarize the results of the comparison, recommend reforms for Cuba based on successful Sino-Vietnamese policies, and outline the research agenda for the future. The article is an important contribution to the fields of comparative economics systems, socioeconomic development, methodology, and Latin American studies. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

With Ronald Reagan's ascent to power in January 1981, the conservatives were eager to promote neoliberalism to revitalize America at home and weaken the Communists and the New International Economic Order abroad. Surprisingly, the main vehicle of this ideological offensive was an agency long hated by the American conservatives, the United States Agency for International Development (USAID). Throughout the 1980s, the agency promoted neoliberal dogmas in developing countries, especially in Latin America which was considered as a testing ground for the neoliberal ideology. To achieve this goal, USAID promoted an important tenet of neoliberalism as a tool for economic development: privatization. At the same time, the agency established various collaborations with different types of actors in a "neoliberal nebula" in which it found an important place. At the end of the 1980s, the fall of the Berlin Wall and the collapse of the Eastern Bloc provided the reaganized agency its most important test: the promotion of free-market economy in the socialist countries. This article examines how USAID became part of the ideological offensive led by the Reagan administration through its transformation into a neoliberal actor seeking to promote privatization in developing countries. In the process, Latin America became a testing ground for these new policies, but also a blueprint for those that USAID would soon implement in the Eastern Bloc after the fall of the Berlin Wall. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In the second half of the 20th century, solving the housing crisis became a significant social issue and political task throughout Europe, particularly in the countries of the Eastern Bloc. Although due to its quantity, prefabricated large mass housing estates became overrepresented, dozens of smaller, experimental, and diverse mass housing forms also emerged. It is hypothesized, that these small housing estates, due to their scale and quality, are urban planning projects that were realized across political, economic, and architectural changes. To demonstrate their adaptability, this paper presents the small housing estates built in one of the capitals of the Eastern Bloc countries—Budapest—during the most turbulent one-and-a-half decades of the socialist era (1945–1960). The research consists of three main parts: (1) Hungarian politics and housing policy, (2) Budapest's urban policy, and (3) a brief presentation of the urban planning and architectural aspects of Budapest's small housing estates. The result of the research is the creation of a complete small housing estates portfolio, illustrated archive articles, archival plans, and photographs. It becomes evident that although the times from World War II to the consolidation of power saw vastly different political eras, directives, and ideals realized, along with various architectural styles and housing policies, the small housing estate as an urban planning product was able to adapt and survive. Moreover, it is a valuable architectural, housing, and urban planning imprint of the era, the only mass housing form realized in numerous examples in Budapest. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Secuencia: Revista de Historia y Ciencias Sociales is the property of Instituto de Investigaciones - Dr. Jose M. Luis Mora and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This article provides an analytical overview of welfare policymaking and provision in the twentieth century in Yugoslavia at three decisive historical junctures. Those are: the Kingdom of Yugoslavia after the First World War; the socialist state after 1945; and the rump 'Yugoslavia' after the break-up of the state in 1991. In each of these periods welfare policies were crisis-driven, a response to massive social and economic upheaval caused by war, but they were also a reflection, of course, of the political ideals and the values of the state in which they were formed. The authors argue that the Yugoslav welfare state in its various incarnations was in part a response to socio-economic crisis caused by war, in part a mediation and an adaptation of the welfare regime it replaced (rather than a complete tabula rasa), and in part an articulation of the aspirations for national politics and citizenship held by the incoming leadership of the state. This comparative study of three important moments in Yugoslavia's welfare history, then, offers an opportunity to look anew at the social history of the state itself. Study of the Yugoslav welfare model, or rather models, helps us understand the larger political transformations that were bound up in the lifespan of the South Slav state, how the state thought about and created minorities through welfare regimes, and how welfare policies withstood (or not) socio-economic crisis. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Social risk management means the identification, analysis, and mitigation of potential risks or challenges that arise within a society. It involves understanding the vulnerabilities and potential negative impacts on social well-being and implementing strategies to minimize these risks and promote resilience. The concept of socialist management can be derived from the Sea of the Holy Prophet (peace be upon him). Various incidents and actions from the life of Holy Prophet (PBUH) can be understood through this lens. During the time of the Prophet Muhammad, the Arabian society faced numerous social challenges and risks. The Prophet, through his teachings and actions, effectively managed and mitigated these risks to bring about positive social change. Here are some examples of how social risk management principles can be observed in the Seerah: Just like Bait-Ul-Uqba Uola and Saniah, Migration to Habshah, Migration from Mecca to Madina, Pact of Madina, digging of Trench, Treaty of Hudaybiyyah .Social risk Management in Pakistan like Earth quake, floods, drought or Famine, wildfire, tropical cyclone, COVID-19 pandemic, dialogue and agreement with enemies can be solved seeking gaudiness from the Seerah. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of IBEROAMERICANA. América Latina - España - Portugal is the property of Vervuert Verlag and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The article presents the discussion on growing interest in the socialist theories coming out of France. Topics include constitutional theorist and law professor Friedrich Julius Stahl entered a hall at the University of Berlin to deliver his first lecture at the prestigious institution; and explicit preference for constitutional monarchy and a growing interest in the socialist theories coming out of France.

Saliha Scheinhardt's work has been associated with self-orientalizing portrayals of Turkish women as passive victims. Focusing on the ending added to the 1991 edition of Frauen, die sterben, ohne daß sie gelebt hätten , I argue that Scheinhardt straddles realism and the influence of subjective outsider narratives associated with Literatur der Betroffenheit. Situating this analyis in the context of Cold War aesthetic debates over socialist realism, the present article supplements Jill Stockwell's study of Frauen , which shows that the work is shaped by the writings of Turkish communist poet Nâzım Hikmet, by examining similarities between the Antolian (realist) novels of Fakir Baykurt and Scheinhardt's representation of the protagonist's social status and conditions of labor as a migrant woman. In conclusion, I suggest that Frauen models a mode of feminist thought beyond discourses that oppose migrant rights to women's rights without discounting the oppression both groups face. (DL) [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Wang Hui 汪暉, the prominent figure of China's New Left, once refined the concept of the "equality of things" as interpreted in Zhang Taiyan's 章太炎 (18691936) Interpreting the Qiwulun 齊物論釋. Wang's refinement involved a high level of theoretical expansion, and he endowed this concept with important socialist principles. This study seeks to relativize Wang Hui's materialist philosophical interpretation of Interpreting the Qiwulun through an analysis of Zhuangzi's and Zhang Taiyan's explanation of substance-function theory (tiyong lun 體用論), their conceptions of language and their theories of self-cultivation. This study also reveals how Guo Xiang's 郭象 (c. 252-312) traditional interpretation of classicism laid the groundwork for Wang Hui's materialism. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

After thirty years of uninterrupted rule, the Democratic Party of Socialists of Montenegro (DPS) lost the elections in 2020. This paper explores four competing, yet not mutually exclusive, hypotheses that examine the factors contributing to the fall of the DPS. These factors include the conflict between the DPS and the Serbian Orthodox Church, a perception of the country moving in the right direction, the deceleration of the EU integration process, and the declining authority of DPS party leader Milo Djukanović. Bivariate statistics, trend analysis, and regression analysis have been used as methods to test specific hypotheses. Through statistical analysis, it becomes evident that these factors are interconnected and hold significance. However, it can be argued that the negative trends in the country’s direction and the decline in the authority of the party leader were more significant factors compared to the EU support or the conflict with the Serbian Orthodox Church. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In the 1950s, a commitment to democratic socialism connected networks of intellectuals, activists and political operators in both Europe and Asia. Many of these were women, who built informal and intimate networks of solidarity that underpinned the movement. The rich set of correspondence between European and Asian socialist women speaks to their role as connectors of global and local civil society within international socialist circuits. It also indicates the importance of friendship, mobility and hospitality as a crucial factor in sustaining such networks, as well as building the trust that facilitated the exchange of subversive information. While Asia was seen as the great hope of international socialism in the 1950s, by the middle of the 1960s, many of its socialist parties had imploded, pointing to the limits of international socialism for Asian women amidst global anti-communism and the rise of authoritarian states. Transnational socialist networks nonetheless helped further both European and Asian women's campaigns for gender equality, development and democratic socialism in decolonizing Asia, adding vital new dimensions to the history of internationalism. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This essay presents the concept of 're-enchantment' as a useful heuristic tool to identify, analyse, and explain new forms of religious change in contemporary Central-Eastern and Eastern Europe. It seeks to understand new religious and 'spiritual' configurations in an area and in a period known as 'post-socialist'. It also attempts to map out the historical conditions structuring both patterns of religious change and scholarly output on the subject, which continue to be particular and at times unique in this region. In so doing, this essay also raises questions about the persistence of the East/West divide, problematising it and seeking to go beyond this binary. Some of the new religious phenomena studied in this essay as well as in the entire thematic issue seem to emerge independently from the once typical state-church dynamics and seem to be more related to the both specific local and general global trends. We argue that the concept of 're-enchantment' and a typology of the re-enchanted practices it encompasses allows to account for, analyse, and understand these dynamics and transformations. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article explores the role of The Maritime Labor Herald (1921-1926) in the development of socialist feminism in Canada, focusing on its "Women's Column" as a significant but overlooked part of this history. It examines how the Herald, published in Glace Bay, Nova Scotia, provided a platform for socialist and feminist writers. It highlights the contributions of women like Rose Henderson, Lucy Woodsworth, and Becky Buhay, who used the column to address women's roles in industrial capitalism.

The article explores writings by socialist beacon Raymond Williams that are resources for hope for a socialist future. Williams fought fascism in World War II and wrote the books "Culture and Society: 1780-1950," which aimed at a radical yet humanistic social theory, and "Border Country" which told the story of the 1926 general strike. He attacked every effort to define culture as a minority-elite concern, urged a deepening of democratic practice and argued for a democratic ethics based on egalitarianism. He wrote books around the themes of political radicalism, industrialization, anti-reductive materialism, nation and state, such as "The Country and the City," "People of the Black Mountains," "Second Generation," "The Long Revolution," "Marxism and Literature" and "The Fight for Manod."

This article offers a theorization of socialist upward mobility stories, a heterogenous genre that aimed to capture the experience of class advancement in state socialism, on the example of the Polish People's Republic. Socialist upward mobility stories developed over time in response to the evolving class politics of the state and transforming class relations, and influenced the ways in which class was thought and lived. The genre was characterized by four recurring motifs: the collective character of socialist upward mobility, the state's role as benefactor, the diffusion of upward mobility, and a heightened emotionality. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Housing estates were constructed by public authorities and private investors long before the era of large prefab housing estates. Their dwellings, like almost all flats, became privatised after 1989 in the postsocialist cities, thus they appeared in the housing market. The aim of this paper is to analyse their market position and to explore how their physical characteristics and residential environment influence the dwelling prices. It also examines the impact of the renovation of buildings with a special attention to its housing policy background. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Cuadernos de Historia Contemporanea is the property of Universidad Complutense de Madrid and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

As one of the Republics of socialist Yugoslavia, Montenegro has sought to establish close cooperation with Italy since the mid-1960s. As part of this policy, Montenegro paid close attention to the region of Apulia, geographically closest to Montenegro. The beginning of the cooperation was the establishment of the ferry line Antivari -- Bari in 1965. In 1966 relations were established between Titograd (Podgorica), the capital of Montenegro, and Bari, the capital of Apulia. The first official delegation from Montenegro visited Apulia in 1973 and in the same year an Apulian delegation visited Montenegro. That year, the fairs of Montenegro and Apulia founded the company «Centrojug-Italia». After the signing of the Osimo Agreements between Italy and Yugoslavia in 1975, which regulated the relationship between the two countries, the cooperation between Montenegro and Apulia developed further. A delegation of the Montenegrin Government paid an official visit to Apulia in 1977, while a delegation from Apulia visited Montenegro in 1980. One of the most significant results of these agreements was the establishment of a joint company «Levant-Co» in Bari in 1978. This article presents in detail the meetings of representatives from Montenegro and Apulia, their agreements and concrete examples of cooperation from 1973 to 1980. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article explores a specific historical graffiti-scape in the Northern Adriatic borderland, composed of antifascist, (pro) communist and pro-Yugoslav political inscriptions and symbols created during World War II and the immediate postwar period by antifascist and communist activists. Produced in a turbulent historical period that radically reshaped the broader region, these graffiti ‘survived’ and endured almost 80 years, transcending their original political function and historical context of production, as well as the postwar Yugoslav and socialist future that their messages articulated, imagined and projected in the landscape. Today, these historical notes and fragments, scattered across present-day Croatian, Slovenian and Italian territories, represent a singular and significant, but largely unrecognized and overlooked archive that transmits a set of political imaginations, ideological discourses, linguistic nuances and historical experiences that depict a complex and multifaceted picture of the 1940s context in the borderland. The aim of the article is to, first, introduce and (re)contextualize the historical material with an examination of the main features of the documented World War II graffiti corpus and, second, to analyze the graffiti’s contents and meanings in order to highlight their historical, archival, cultural and memorial significance as unfiltered and authentic texts that constitute a particular and unexplored layer of the borderland’s memory landscape and (auto)biography [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Comparativ: Leipziger Beiträge zur Universalgeschichte und Vergleichenden Gesellschaftsforschung is the property of Leipziger Universitaetsverlag GmbH and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Comparativ: Leipziger Beiträge zur Universalgeschichte und Vergleichenden Gesellschaftsforschung is the property of Leipziger Universitaetsverlag GmbH and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Comparativ: Leipziger Beiträge zur Universalgeschichte und Vergleichenden Gesellschaftsforschung is the property of Leipziger Universitaetsverlag GmbH and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This article examines the protracted and controversial process of government formation in Montenegro in the aftermath of the presidential (19.03–02.04.2023) and early parliamentary elections (11.06.2023), although their results had already indicated who won, who lost. The problems revealed during the negotiations between the candidates for participation in power, which clearly characterize the mores of the subjects of the political scene of the country and the prospects of the new cabinet, are analyzed. Its structure and program are considered. The balance of power in the parliament is correlated with the sentiments of citizens revealed by polls. The forecast of Montenegro’s foreign policy orientation under the new government and the likelihood of its early admission to the EU are given. It was stated that normalization of relations with Serbia is possible, but in any case, no change in the general anti-Russian vector of foreign policy should be expected.

Television studies in Poland has not yet been recognized as an academic discipline in its own right. Despite this obvious omission in the institutional division of academic fields, Polish researchers have been studying television: its texts, audiences and history. This aerial review aims to present the main intellectual traditions that influenced academic writing of Polish scholars on the topic of television, both domestic and imported. This focus on research conducted by Polish scholars, and written mainly in Polish, allows for an examination of the body of work that is otherwise inaccessible to Anglo-American researchers due to the language barrier. Local academic debates are presented in a way that reflects the main disciplinary criteria of Anglo-American television studies, allowing for a clear organization of what is a substantial amount of literature. Additionally, this review aims to give a sense of what it is like to study television in an environment where TV criticism and analysis are not granted the status of an academic discipline. The consideration of the broader context for Polish studies on television allows for a thorough understanding of this academic field, its focus, main methodologies, challenges and its way forward. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article aims to analyse the physical practising of gender by women in Polish nationalist organisations to reflect on what vision of the nation is reproduced by these embodied gender practices. Using information obtained from interviews and observations, I seek an answer to how the physical gender practices correspond to the logic of the gendered presence of women as members of a national community (Anthias & Yuval-Davis, 1989). One of the main conclusions of the analysis is that the physical body and the gender practices involved in it are a significant stronghold of reproducing the roles that the nation imposes on women. This is related to justifying cultural differences by referring to the biological differences between genders. What is particularly interesting, however, is the fact that the body and its physical capabilities provide space for gender transgressions beyond established norms. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The emergence of the ghetto as an urban social formation is regularly conveyed as a specific neoliberal capitalist product. Based on interviews with inhabitants and policymakers and archival data covering more than two decades, this article brings another dimension to the debates on ghetto formation. It traces the urban spatial politics of managing and containing Roma communities in the Romanian NW city of Baia Mare from the late 1970s until 1989. To this aim, it uncovers the debates and decisions regarding the last stages of socialist urban systematization focused on Hatvan, a Roma neighbourhood, and the subsequent relocation projects. Initially, the socialist administration aimed to assimilate the Roma population into the working class. However, a peculiar segregationist policy followed the failed experiment of expropriation and rehousing into low-quality apartments. In the early 1980s, authorities relocated most Roma in the newly built Vasile Alecsandri district to four new specifically designed apartment buildings nearby. The four blocks on Arieșului Street lacked central heating to prevent the accumulation of arrears – a materialization of the decade-long austerity policies. Other urban Roma were funnelled there as well, thus revealing the racialization policies assembled at the local level.. Just before 1990, Arieșului was abandoned, and many people decided to relocate in what became Craica, a ghetto that is still in existence today. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Opening its general meeting on 27 December 1966, the state-sponsored National Union of Tanganyika Workers, known as NUTA, proposed a combative response to a presidential commission's investigation into mismanagement in the union. The union's general secretary also issued an azimio (resolution) that prefigured much of the socialist rhetoric and policy prescriptions that appeared a month later in Tanzanian president Julius Nyerere's Azimio la Arusha (Arusha Declaration) that refined his policy of African Socialism or Ujamaa. Although the NUTA azimio circulated widely and was submitted to the Arusha party meeting, it was excluded from both the record of that meeting and NUTA's own file of related material. This elision happened before its main author, NUTA general secretary Michael Kamaliza, was convicted of treason two years later. The suppression of NUTA's azimio offers a point of entry to investigate the diffuse agency of political rhetoric and the history of Nyerere's influential speech. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article explores the photo-textual form of Franco Fortini's Asia Maggiore. Viaggio nella Cina, the travel account published in 1956 following the writer's trip to socialist China in 1955. I will discuss the interaction between the photographs taken by the author during the journey and the text. The issue of the literary genre will also be examined, investigating the nature of the travel journal as a combination of both a descriptive account and an autobiographical diary. I will then discuss how this photo-textual blend functions both theoretically – by analysing the nature of the photographic medium in relation with the text – and practically – by providing examples of the ekphrastic interaction of the two media in Fortini's icastic depiction of colours and crowds. The allegorical value of the account of socialist China is then brought into question, with particular focus on the use of comparison as an argumentative strategy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Militärgeschichtliche Zeitschrift is the property of De Gruyter and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This essay is a rewriting of Walter Benjamin's "The Work of Art in the Age of Its Technological Reproducibility," a classic text in critical theory and media studies. Appropriating Benjamin's sentence, paragraph, and essay structures, the essay presents a series of theoretical reflections on the status of art during the current age of transmedia production. The essay seeks to contribute to a theory of contemporary art that moves beyond capitalist, and increasingly fascist, ideologies. As in Benjamin's essay, this work is an effort to think dialectically about the contradictions that structure our contemporary moment, and therefore to formulate a socialist aesthetics. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Drawing on the educational role ascribed to work in children's upbringing, the article analyzes children's work and its many ambiguities as presented in children's magazine Pionirski list [Pioneers magazine ] in socialist Yugoslavia. The magazine featured content for children, about children, as well as contributions produced by children themselves, telling how they experienced different forms of work in their everyday lives. Most notably, Pionirski list addressed children as self-managing pioneers actively participating in shaping social reality, and at the same time it was only yet building and reproducing a construct of the child as a self-managing pioneer and future self-managing worker in line with Yugoslavia's third way of socialism. Although Yugoslavia was consolidating schooling as the child's main obligation and breaking with exploitative child labor, it promoted a social organization centered on productive and socially useful work that included children as well. It built on Marxist notions of self-determined work, yet the understanding of work as inseparable from life also related to the ethos of the agricultural society's domestic economy. After breaking with the USSR, Yugoslavia embraced worker self-management as a so-called third way to socialism. All these various aspects of work fed into the educational value ascribed to work in childhood and placed it in a mutually constructive relationship with play and leisure rather than as their opposite. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]