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A political discourse would comprise terminology related to economic development, social welfare, national identity, international relations, and security. The purpose of this study was to determine the function of political discourse and study its role as a mass media that shapes public opinion, and to prove through discourse that political terminology plays a key role in shaping the country's image. Through a qualitative analysis of speeches, official documents, media coverage, and public statements, a dialectical approach was adopted to enhance understanding of the role of language in shaping perceptions of nations in the contemporary global context. The data mainly comprised secondary data, speeches of political leaders, official documents and media reports. Political archives, media reports and newspaper editorials also supplemented the data about Kazakhstan and its historical evolution. The research findings identified patterns, trends, and differences in the portrayal of a country's image and the strategies used to promote or defend it. It also found the nuanced interplay between political terminology, discourse, and the construction of a country's image. The findings would contribute to a deeper understanding of the role of language in shaping perceptions of nations in the contemporary global context.

As a fundamental communication tool, media has undergone transformative changes throughout history. This has a lot to do with education. Each era has been characterized by its own unique media paradigms, from the invention of the printing press in the 15th century to the emergence of radio and television in the 20th century. These paradigms not only define how information is disseminated but also shape the social and political landscapes of their respective periods. In the modern age, the emergence of digital technology and the internet has brought about a new media paradigm that deeply influences every aspect of human interaction and the fabric of society. Today, new media, characterized by its interactivity, decentralization, and unprecedented access, dominates our daily lives. The significance of new media, which affects individual behaviors and global politics, economy, and cultures, cannot be underestimated. This process is also of great importance in terms of education. In particular, media literacy education will enable the individual to personally prepare for or otherwise intervene in the positive or negative aspects of their interaction with the media. From connecting distant communities to altering the dynamics of political campaigns, the impact of new media is ubiquitous. However, along with these advantages, new challenges have also emerged. One of the most concerning aspects of this shift in media is the potential for its exploitation by malicious groups, particularly evident in the rise of "terror agencies" utilizing new media platforms. These organizations adeptly employ new media tools for propaganda, recruitment, and operations, forming a symbiotic relationship that poses significant threats to global security. This article explores how new media paradigms enable the existence of terrorist organizations, the place of education in this regard, and what this complex relationship means for our interconnected world.

Purpose: The research aimed to critically analyse the changes that have occurred in the core curricula of general education in Poland following the Russo--Ukrainian war from the perspective of the securitisation process. Methodology: The research involved analysing 366 texts spanning various genres. These texts were produced by both securitising actors and recipients of the change. The research employed content analysis and Critical Discourse Analysis, following the approaches of Ruth Wodak and Martin Reisigl. Findings: The research revealed that the securitising actors advocating for changes in the core curricula have been identified as a threat directly linked to the war in Ukraine. However, the discourse surrounding these changes also exhibited several features that indicate a hidden political dimension. Further, the analysis emphasised the use of 'ministryplaining' towards the audience involved in education, who formulate critical remarks.

The study focused on environmental security in relation to international and national aims of Education for Sustainable Development (ESD) to explore if ESD can be understood as being part of a globally implemented securitization process with national empirical studies in Sweden. The perception of environmental threats was first set with regard to international environmental agreements and, mainly, UNESCO's policy aims of ESD. Expressions, statements and undertakings related to environmental threats were examined through a content analysis of education reform policies. Results demonstrated that the implementation of ESD varied depending on the usage of educational programs and individual understanding of ESD at different societal levels. Individual initiatives among teachers played a significant role in this process. It was also shown that securitization took place both horizontally and vertically and that securitization could be re-activated at the existing societal level although the previous one had ignored the impact of environmental threats to society.

Over the years, Nigerian society has the belief that given the potency of kánàkò (collision of time and space) and egbé (teleportation), it can only be applied by men while neglecting the role of women in its application for national safety. The study examines egbé and kánako and implications for community policing and women's involvement in socio-economic sustainability in South West Nigeria. Three research questions were raised and answered to guide this study. The study adopts the qualitative research approach anchored on ethnographic research design. A purposive sampling technique was used to select 36 participants from six (6) communities in Ógun, Oyó, and Osun states. Recordings, observations, key informant interviews, and focus group discussions were used to gather qualitative data. Findings from the study revealed that egbé and kánàkò could be useful for military and paramilitary agencies if appropriately implemented to ensure community policing and national safety, amongst others. The study recommends, amongst others, that the hunters' association and government should properly sensitize women in the hunting profession on their role to enhance the preservation of these traditional means of fortifications and not become weapons that will render these fortifications irrelevant.

To establish good maritime governance, the Indonesian government must pay attention to maritime security aspects in every maritime policy and integrate maritime security education into the national education curriculum. However, implementing the World Maritime Axis concept, the Indonesian government still needs to consider the maritime security perspective as a top priority. The ultimate goal of good maritime governance development should include the strength of the Navy as the most important supporting element and the implementation of maritime security training and education for Indonesian maritime society. This study aims to analyze the efforts of the Joko Widodo (Jokowi) administration in addressing maritime security issues through the implemented maritime security training and education programs. The research method used is qualitative descriptive by using secondary data from a literature review and interpretation found in previous journal articles, with data collection techniques through literature study. The study results indicate that addressing maritime security issues requires hard and soft efforts from the government, including implementing maritime security training and education programs for Indonesian maritime society and integrating maritime security education into the national education curriculum.

Purpose: This article presents the place and the role of Sociology teaching in the current Brazilian context, marked by the rise of extreme right ideologies and practices, more specifically by its ultraliberal economic bias and moral conservatism. Design/methodology/approach: Organized in three parts, it outlines, respectively, the macro political and curricular scenario, and some of its unfolding in school practices. The main effort is to reflect on the ways in which school Sociology has been--ambiguously--understood and instrumentalized in the Brazilian context. The reflections are based, besides the literature review, on the analysis of the conjuncture and political-institutional directions, on curriculum documents and on reports of teaching experiences collected during the year 2022. Findings: We verified that the extreme right advance in the public space is due to the articulation of two factors: 1) scenario of political and economic crisis; 2) structural aspects that guarantee, in the moral field, the predominance of conservatism and, in the economic field, the prevalence of ultraliberalism. With regard to education, the extreme right has had an impact in the definition of legislation that regulates the education system and on boosting surveillance and persecution in relation to teachers who distance themselves from their political ideology. Research limitations/implications: We believe that, despite having brought some data that allow us to glimpse a certain ambiguity with regard to the teaching of sociology, which can occur either in the sense of criticizing the status quo, or in the sense of reaffirming it, we believe that a more systematic research on this is still needed.

Purpose: The Samuel Paty murder has generated a great response from the professional community and the world of education and schools in Europe and worldwide. In a unique way, civic educators expressed horror, sorrow, and solidarity with the family and with their French colleagues. The article is dedicated to Samuel Paty and the question of whether and how we as a community of international civic educators can learn from this terrible event. Design/methodology/approach: The article presents a case reconstruction using press and public documents attempting to disentangle the actors' positions, their stated intentions and contexts, and the following political intricacies of the case. Findings: The murder of Samuel Paty provoked a series of educational policy reactions that have paradoxical effects on civic education in schools, seen its intentions of political-social inclusion into a citizenship model. The case analysis documents the pitfalls of the instrumentalization of civic education for the securitization of societies.

The Fulbright Program is the United States' flagship educational exchange program. Since 1946, the program has been heralded as a program that promotes mutual understanding across cultures. However, the Fulbright Program's role as a U.S. Department of State initiative warrants further examination of how this educational exchange program functions as a foreign policy effort on behalf of the United States. This mixed methods study uses data presented in five years of data available in the Fulbright Foreign Scholarship Board's Annual Reports of the program. The study finds seven themes present in the written content of the annual report: Human rights, peace and security; access, diversity, and opportunity; collaboration and partnership; mutual financial investment; excellence as a result of Fulbright; program impact; and solving global problems.

The National Security Agency (NSA) awards Center of Academic Excellence (CAE) designations to institutions that commit to producing cybersecurity professionals who will work in careers that reduce vulnerabilities in our national infrastructure. A review of the curricula in the 327 institutions and their degree programs reveal that only two programs offer a required course about terrorism. Given the fluid nature of terrorism and its threat to national infrastructure, the omission is concerning. It is recommended that NSA-certified cybersecurity programs begin implementing educational content that aim to teach about this emerging crime and justice issue. One suggestion is to embrace the interdisciplinary nature of cybersecurity, as exemplified in the success of the Cybersecurity Living and Learning Community (CLLC). Designing courses that educate about the social processes that leads to the growing problem of violence and terror directed towards marginalized communities and our nation's technological infrastructure, is another.

In 1972, the United States Office of Education (USOE) released a lengthy and unprecedented report about gifted education in response to a Congressional mandate. Both Congress and the USOE lamented the inadequate state of gifted programmes in American schools and urged that gifted education should become a greater national priority. In this essay, we argue that the federal government revived human capital and national security concerns in claiming that the unfulfilled potential of gifted and talented Americans had made the United States vulnerable. Better accommodating students with high abilities therefore became a paramount political agenda item. At the same time, amid efforts to eliminate poverty and facilitate greater equality of educational opportunity, both the legislative and executive branches of the federal government strategically portrayed the gifted and talented as a neglected and historically disadvantaged group in need of assistance. In establishing a broader and multi-faceted definition of giftedness, moreover, the USOE paid particular attention to racial minorities who were also gifted as a way of making its case. Such arguments fit within the political climate of the Great Society in directing public resources to historically marginalized groups. Deviating from longstanding characterizations of the gifted as inherently white and privileged, the U.S. government in the late 1960s and early 1970s portrayed them as racially diverse, "deprived," "disadvantaged," and warranting special educational opportunities. This example of federal advocacy thus marked a notable shift in the image of the gifted student in the United States.

This article examines the intertwining and evolution of neoliberal and nationalist discourses in post-colonial Hong Kong and Macao, arguing that their combination reveals the dual layers of political rationality in the dynamics of higher education policymaking. It suggests a move towards governmentality with Chinese characteristics, marked by gradual and continuous shifts towards decolonisation and re-Sinicisation within the 'One Country, Two Systems' framework. This perspective contrasts with existing literature on Hong Kong that emphasises the maintenance of the colonial status quo and points out abrupt changes due to the 2019 protests and the 2020 National Security Law. By analysing the reconfiguration of governmentality in the higher education systems of these post-colonial Chinese societies amid changing political landscapes, the article sheds light on both the incremental changes and significant moments influencing the trajectory of higher education development in Hong Kong and Macao.

UNESCO's relatively high prestige across East Asia has spurred intensifying efforts by governments to use its imprimatur to legitimate official narratives of the past and visions of the future. This article focuses on China's use of UNESCO as an arena for competitive national 'branding' in the education field, especially relating to STEM and AI. We analyse the Chinese state's engagement with UNESCO's education work in the context of shifts in budgetary and political influence within the organisation, and of a growing 'securitisation' of education within China itself. We show how Chinese engagement with UNESCO's educational agenda reflects both domestic political considerations and the 'major country diplomacy' of Xi Jinping, as manifested in the 'Belt and Road Initiative' and intensifying strategic competition with the USA. We conclude by discussing the implications of rising Chinese influence within the organisation for UNESCO's capacity for articulating a coherent and consistently humanistic vision for education.

In this article, I argue that critical junctures -- defined as sudden turning points in the historic trajectory of countries, institutions, and other units of analysis -- provide a propitious lens to teach the war in Ukraine. By analyzing the influence of this war on energy security in Europe and the world, its impact on public opinion on NATO membership in nonaligned countries, or the war's potential to change great power politics, to name a few examples, students of political science can determine themselves, if the war amounts to a critical juncture. In doing so, they not only learn how to apply a rather complex theory to a real-world scenario, they also learn how the discipline of political science operates.

To what extent does educational gaming add value to more traditional instructional models in learning core concepts of national security and warfighting? This paper presents the results from a quasi-experimental, cross-sectional, and longitudinal study of students taking two standardized courses in the Joint Military Operations department at the US Naval War College. Split into wargaming and non-wargaming sections by instructor preference, subject learning is measured through self-reported and objective measures at three points: prior to the start of the content block on "Operational Art"; after the case study of the WW2 battle of Leyte Gulf but prior to any wargaming; and for subjects in wargaming course sections, after participating in the Leyte Gulf scenario of the "War at Sea" wargame. The results support the hypotheses that wargaming increases learning and alter student preferences in favor of learning through gaming but fail to find evidence that students recognize the value of the debriefing phase of educational gaming. This article adds to existing studies by focusing on an understudied practitioner population--graduate-level career military officers at a professional military education (PME) institution--and mitigating several of the methodological challenges facing many scholarly projects in the study of educational gaming in political science.

In today's global world, many people can move across borders as travelling has become much easier in many ways. However, the securitization of borders has not been relaxed, implying that multilingual police-civilian interactions are becoming more 'commonplace'. Within the framework of conversation analysis, this article presents a novel study on multilingual police border checks. These are police encounters "on the ground" (not in police custody), and as such, there are no interpreters or language experts present. Focusing on the analysis of a single-case police encounter in which participants have to rely on a second language (English) that none of them are proficient in (i.e., 'novice-novice interaction'), this article examines practices that speakers use to resolve a crime involving the illegal possession of drugs. In addition, some complementary findings from other border checks are presented. Overall, this study shows that participants attempt to achieve intersubjectivity by using interactional (and embodied) practices (e.g., word choice, repair, speech simplification) oriented toward recipient design. By doing so, participants shape the progressivity of the encounter and ultimately achieve their objectives in the interaction. As such, this article shows how a high-stake (police) multilingual situation can also be resolved in the absence of a language expert.

In this article, we explore how people in conflict-affected societies use language to navigate the affective constraints that political conflicts impose. Specifically, we consider the role of multilingualism in enabling sexual and romantic intimacy between Jewish and Palestinian Israelis in Israel/Palestine. Our data are drawn from a close examination of the speech of Fadi Daeem, one of the protagonists in the 2015 documentary "Oriented." Building on studies of (in)securitization and everyday bordering, we show how the ongoing armed conflict between Israel and Palestine serves to instantiate a regime of affective checkpoints, a space in which sexual and romantic relations between Jewish Israelis and Palestinians are discursively blocked. We describe how Fadi and his friends use strategic instances of code-switching between Arabic, Hebrew, and English to navigate this ideologically fraught terrain. Our primary goal is to demonstrate how multilingualism can be employed as a resource for managing affect and desire in a conflict-ridden context like Israel/Palestine. In doing so, we further highlight how the intimate domain of romantic desire is inevitably situated within a broader matrix of power and constraint.

Grade inflation is causing student's hard work to be undervalued. As high grades get easier and easier to achieve, the highest grades can only go up so far. The difference between excellent and decent is compressed. Everybody wins is a system that guides and shapes the mindset of most American students--except a small number of kids who lose out in their quest to distinguish themselves. It's easy to dismiss those kids, and their often-foreign-born parents, as hypercompetitive and out of step with the times. Why do they need to compare themselves to anyone else? They got good grades. So what if everyone else did, too? In order to reinvigorate the culture of meritocracy and achievement in schools the author suggests the following: (1) restore the SAT and ACT, but also expand and broaden the assessments and include data; (2) combat the idea that lower standards are an equity win; and (3) overcome the fear that competition and stress will hurt young people. To remain competitive and secure as a nation, America must expect young people to strive to reach their full potential and give them every chance to do so.

This article examined the repositioning of science and technology education for security and economic growth and development in Nigeria. The wreck on the nation's image by the incidences of insurgency has caused negative effects on the nation's security and economic development. Security issues are presently major challenges in Nigeria, especially in Northern Nigeria. Furthermore, the continuous rise in insecurity and deterioration in the economic development in Nigeria has called for concern among researchers and policymakers over the years. This article highlights the need for rebranding Nigerians through the internal process of repositioning the science and technology education system for national security and economic sustainability. Literature and other research papers using to gather information. The paper recommends that the nation adopt a proactive approach to improving the teaching and learning of science and technology education professionally and empowering youth while taking everlasting measures to curtail the issues of insurgencies in Nigeria. In other words, we need to reposition our youth's mental reasoning and economically empower them to certify the demands of the modern world. Repositioning Nigerian is one of the fruitful tools to achieve this objective, and rebranding directs the power and energy of Nigerians toward academic and productive goals.

In the last decade, demands for greater order and the defense of traditional moral values have grown in Brazil within the scope of what authors have been calling the new Brazilian conservatism. Conservative and neoliberal leaders and religious groups stand out, acting on different fronts in politics and social relations, including education. Within this context, the article aims to map the different manifestations, actions and agents of the new Brazilian conservatism in the educational field through theoretical reflection and the construction of a conceptual map. First, we discuss different conservative currents, especially the new conservatism in the USA and its influences in Brazil. Based on Almeida (2017), we outline a conceptual map of the new conservatism in education, highlighting four lines of force: moral, economic, security-related and interactional. These lines are interconnected and are articulated according to the interests of their defenders. On the educational front, they propagate a technical, banking and authoritarian vision of education, emphasizing the role of the family and restricting teachers' work and students' autonomy. We conclude that these multiple lines of force lead to significant setbacks in the construction of plural educational proposals, affecting pedagogical practice, curricula and teacher education.

Universitas Pembangunan Nasional "Veteran" Jawa Timur (UPNVJT) is a university with state defense education's characters. In practice, those character did not cover the academic field as a whole. Through the theory of planned behavior (TPB), the research carried out the process of internalizing state defense values in thesis writing as a form of character graduates. The research was conducted using a quantitative approach involving stakeholders at UPNJT, namely LP3M and head of department. Data were analyzed using partial least squares structural equation modeling (PLS-SEM) software. The results found that two TPB variables, namely attitudes and subjective norms in the organization, had an influence on the intention in implementing state defense values. The intention in implementing state defense values will influence perceived self-efficacy of state defense values. Meanwhile, the subjective norms of the perpetrators and the perception of behavioral control in accordance with the state defense values have no influence on the intention in implementing the state defense values.

This essay compares and contrasts the educational movements of three nations--the United States, Mexico, and the Soviet Union--established according to Eurocentric cultural values. In each country, mass education was undertaken to help produce an assimilative national culture during formative periods characterized by instability. In two of these nations, the U.S. and Mexico, this foundation eventually required an accommodation to address multiculturalism. This latter-day perspective is designed to recognize, respect, and appreciate a variety of cultures. This essay examines the ways in which these two oppositional goals--monoculturalism and multiculturalism--have intersected in schools.

This paper examines how international education (IE), as an important tool of public diplomacy (PD) and soft power (SP), faces unique challenges as issues of national security (NS) become more prominent in this era of new geopolitics. It presents a model to understand the relationship between PD, SP and NS and then applies this model to a comparative study. The contrasting histories, approaches and perspectives of IE as it operates as a component of foreign policy and at the nexus of PD, SP and NS in both the U.S. and Canada are analysed. The paper concludes with three challenges faced by IE in the contemporary context: first, the diminishing role of the university as a distinct and valued non-state actor; second, the weakening of foreign policy as an outward looking, distinctly international investment; and third, the problem with choosing isolation over engagement as a strategy.

The Thousand Talents Plan was an ambitious government initiative to repatriate and/or recruit experts from the global Chinese diaspora, along with some non-Chinese experts. The plan has received much criticism from abroad, accusing it of taking advantage of the open international education sector and facilitating espionage. While the Thousand Talents Plan received the most international attention, it was just one of over 200 Chinese governmental talent recruitment plans, which we label broadly as the Thousand Talents Brand (TTB). Using bibliometric analysis from the Web of Science, we find that research connected to the TTB decreased following the recent outcry but was only roughly 1% of all Chinese research output at its peak in 2018. We also find that the research was mostly concentrated in the hard sciences, with relatively little in the social sciences. Our results show the research funded through the initiatives was most partnered with researchers from the Western powers, including connections to institutions with national security concerns. While the findings do illustrate a complex web of global research governance through international partnerships, they cannot alleviate scrutiny of the potential alignment between the TTB programs and sensitive sectors abroad.

In 2019, the U.S. Department of Education (DED) began increasing its enforcement of the Higher Education Act, Section 117 statute, which provides instructions for institutional reporting regarding foreign and contracts. The three questions guiding this article include: What were DED's stated premises for the investigations? How was international engagement characterized in the notices? And finally, what traits, characteristics, and/or qualities were attributed to different actors? After providing an overview of Section 117, this article examines the notices of investigation issued by DED between 2019 and 2021 to better understand how the Agency discursively characterized malign and/or undue foreign influence utilizing a discourse historical analysis approach. After exploring these questions, this article then discusses the problematic assumptions revealed by four frames which emerged from the notices of investigations and concludes with a brief reflection on the continued challenges for universities and their international engagement (broadly defined) moving forward.

In recent years, news media have increased reporting about alleged foreign interference in universities worldwide. A flurry of new policies has followed. This article reviews discourse and policy on foreign interference in higher education in select countries. It identifies the alleged perpetrators and victims, the victims' concerns and responses, and the voices shaping the narrative about foreign interference. We combine the concepts of sharp power and right-wing authoritarianism to inform a discourse analysis and comparative policy analysis of a data set of 161 news articles and related media sources spanning a 30-month period of 2019-2021. Our findings highlight how government actors within the United States and Australia drive the international English-language discourse about Chinese foreign interference in a polarized media environment. We observe well-founded fears of China's exploitation of international students and research collaborations to the detriment of national security. At the same time, a resurgent worldwide authoritarian movement is also exploiting these concerns to augment longstanding assaults on higher education. Our study helps to bridge the gap between the primarily positive framing of the internationalization of higher education in scholarly discourse and the negative focus on foreign interference in higher education in the media, government, and other public discourse. It also serves as an important introduction to this phenomenon and call to action for scholars of the internationalization of higher education to conduct further research and actively engage in the broader discourse around this topic.

The research paper explores the application of Functional Systemic Linguistics (FSL) in Critical Discourse Analysis (CDA) on the news "Scenario Ferdy Sambo" in online media Kompas and Tempo. FSL is used to analyze the textual features of the news, including the choice of words, grammar, and coherence, to identify the underlying ideologies and power relations embedded in the discourse. CDA is employed to analyze the social context and discourse practices surrounding news production and consumption, including the actors involved, their interests, and the implications of the news for society. This research analyzes the news of the murder case of Brigadier J, who dragged the name of a general, Ferdy Sambo. This case is at the forefront of a problem that is rife throughout society. The internet media, particularly Tempo and Kompas, highlighted stories connected to the unearthing of CCTV that Ferdy Sambo had buried. News writing portrays thoughts and manifestations of emotion in the individuals who read it. This analysis tries to describe the structure of the text and the social context of the discourse news in Kompas and Tempo. The research technique incorporates Teun A. Van Dijk's critical discourse analysis. Data were acquired via viewing the tempo and Kompas websites. The results of the analysis demonstrate that the structure of the text is built on elements of macrostructure, superstructure, and microstructure in the form of semantic, syntactic, stylistic, and rhetorical features that underpin the overall discourse. Analysis related to the social context provides an overview of the representation of the reader/community regarding the allegations of Ferdy Sambo's involvement in the killing of Brigadier J through the CCTV found. This leads to the people's thinking/ideology that the news is according to what they need because it is plain and open. The materials supplied in the discourse provided further explanations and disrupted the basic scenario of Ferdy Sambo, who was not involved in the death of Brigadier J.

In this era of pandemics, asylum seekers, and conflict between super powers, social sciences are a critical subject that can help develop young people who can not only recognise racial and social discrimination but also injustices at a regional, national, and global scale. Mainstream subjects, such as sociology, routinely support learning in the social sciences area. As a science/biology teacher, I wanted to find out whether biosecurity science could be used to support learning in the social sciences area. My interest in biosecurity stems from personal and professional experiences in New Zealand. Further, in my own pedagogical experience, teaching science/biology in schools, I found young people (15-18 years) were unfamiliar with the concept of biosecurity in New Zealand. Considering my experiences, I set out to conduct research to look at the efficacy of using biosecurity in teaching and learning. This paper reports on the experience of one Year 13 social science teacher who used biosecurity content to teach in the social sciences learning area. Classroom observations and individual teacher interviews were used to gather data. The results show that biosecurity content engaged Year 13 social sciences students in the classroom and that the teacher used transformational learning theory to engage his students into undertaking social action related to biosecurity. Given the importance of biosecurity to New Zealand, this paper shows that social sciences as a learning area could support teaching and learning about biosecurity.

One of the aims of educational institutions in Turkey is to adopt an understanding of nationalism based on Atatürk's views by students. Atatürk's understanding of nationalism was founded on the unity of culture. It rejects racism. It emphasizes cultural unity rather than blood ties or religious unity. However, various forms of nationalism in Turkey can find supporters. For this reason, it is important to examine how secondary school students understand nationalism and with which concepts they explain it. Qualitative research method was used in this research, which aims to examine how students conceptualize and understand nationalism. Since it is important for the students to express themselves naturally, they were asked to write an essay on nationalism. Student writings were analyzed by content analysis. According to the results obtained within the scope of the study, the students mostly used the expressions "to love homeland and nation" and "to protect homeland and nation" when explaining the concept of nationalism. As the age and grade levels of the students increase, the number of concepts related to nationalism used by students increases. Nationalism is understood differently by male and female students. While female students emphasize the concepts of love and work, male students emphasize the concepts of protecting and independence. Considering the place where the students live, the meaning attributed to the concept of nationalism varies. While the students living in the city center used the concept of love more, the students living in the town focused on the concept of protecting. The most important finding obtained within the scope of the study is that the participants did not base their nationalism on blood ties or religious unity. Students did not use non-inclusive expressions while describing nationalism. For this reason, it was understood that the participants had thoughts compatible with Atatürk's understanding of nationalism.

The attacks of September 11, 2001, put terrorism at the forefront of the American political landscape. Donald Trump played into these fears of terrorism through his political rhetoric during his presidency, particularly targeting international students as "threats" to the nation. However, we argue that the labeling of international students as security threats was not started after 9/11 nor invented by Trump. Through historical records and accounts across decades of policies related to this issue, we seek to answer two questions: How has the U.S. government monitored visa policies and programs for international students? How have U.S. national policies evolved to view international students as national security threats? We found that mistrust of this population has been embedded throughout U.S. immigration history and that federal tracking policies emerged incrementally from long-held security concerns. The essay closes with a discussion on why the entire population of international students should not be scapegoated due to these fears.

In this paper, we investigate the pressures placed upon English teaching by neo-nationalist politics, particularly as it overlays existing neoliberal constraints. We focus on the experiences and perspectives of Brazilian teachers who are committed to critical language education even as it carries increasing risks to themselves. Interviews with five teachers are used to illustrate the ways in which their work is regulated through a form of power working through fear and threat of violence that has been termed (in)securitization (Rampton et al., 2022). By identifying the metapragmatic strategies adopted by teachers faced with hostile neo-nationalist (in)securitization, including through what we are terming border talk, teachers and other agents in other settings are in a better position to strengthen critical language teaching and, as a consequence, fight for a more democratic future.

The Prevent Duty requires universities in the United Kingdom to identify and report students who might be seen as 'vulnerable' to radicalisation. Since its introduction in 2015, the duty has been subject to increasing empirical research in the education sector. However, there has been limited research that specifically explores Muslim students' perceptions of Prevent in British universities. This paper directly addresses this gap in research by drawing upon the qualitative experiences of 25 university students who self-identified as 'British Muslims'. Individual, semi-structured interviews were transcribed and analysed using Thematic Analysis. The findings demonstrate the securitisation of higher education and 'policing' of Muslim students. The paper draws on Pantazis and Pemberton's use of the 'new suspect community' thesis in order to examine participants' views and experiences. When analysing the data, three particular themes are especially prominent: as a tool of 'surveillance', Prevent hampers freedom of speech, threatens student activism and forces Muslim students to hide their Muslim identity to avoid being labelled as 'radical' or 'vulnerable' to terrorism. It will be concluded that the 'surveillance' function of Prevent is problematic on the grounds that it renders universities 'modern-day panopticons'.

Chemicals used in academic teaching laboratories, research institutions, and industrial facilities are mostly dual-use chemicals. They provide many desired benefits but at the same time may cause adverse effects to human health and environments. In the case of Somalia, there are gaps in terms of chemical security (CS) awareness and implementations, and this has resulted in terrorist attack involving dual-use chemicals. To fill this gap, over the past 5 years, the Somali Chemical Society has conducted CS training for CS practitioners from both academia and industry. These training sessions have uncovered a lack of basic knowledge among chemical practitioners about chemical safety and security. The aim of this study was to assess the safety and security systems in Somalia. The research method was an investigative survey to explore information related to the chemical safety and security systems in Somalia. The study was conducted with 20 universities in the country to evaluate their understanding of chemical safety and security. The questionnaire was answered by chemistry lecturers, university students, laboratory managers, and government lab personnel. One hundred and ten participants were selected through cluster sampling. Data were collected through a closed ended questionnaire. The reliability of the study resulted Cronbach's Alpha coefficient of 0.933. A noteworthy finding indicated that the chemical safety and security status in Somalia was inadequate, and coordinated efforts by all stakeholders including Government, university leaders, and scientists from different disciplines are urgently needed for effective reforming of chemical safety and security in Somalia.

This article traces the evolution of the concepts of radicalization and deradicalization, specifically as they pertain to the social category of youth. It aims to locate and understand the concept of 'resiliency' as a deradicalization method and map out resiliency agendas in relation to the settlement of refugee youth. This article sets out to understand the relationship between deradicalization narratives and refugee youth resettlement programs within a broader historical and contemporary socio-political context.

Nearly 20 years after the September 11, 2001 terrorist attacks on New York, Washington D.C., and Shanksville, PA there is a yearly ritual in a majority of US Schools. On the anniversary each year, teachers and students across the US learn about the attacks and memorialize the events. In many classrooms this is done through witnessing the events much like in 2001 for most of the world -- through watching news or documentary footage of the events. In this article I use Hall's concepts of encoding and decoding as well and socio-cultural theories to read these media representations both in the context of 2001 and again 20 years later to understand how these events are placed into broader narratives of US history. Many teachers today focus on the shock and horror of the events, an approach I argue is problematic as the affective response is emphasized over the historical context and consequences. Instead of using these media to foster collective memory, they could instead be viewed as primary sources to inquire into the historical context of the events and response in the form of the Global War on Terror. This approach would allow students to better understand the events leading to the attacks and the impact that the resulting responses by the US and other Western nations have had on their lives and the lives of others around the globe (e.g., Islamaphobia). After 20 years of conflict after these attacks it is time to both remember the victims of 9/11 as well as understand why it happened and the global toll of the response.

The current study inquires about the cadets' practical training in their primary positions as interpreters/translators. The research is focused on efficient on-the-job training and its organizational procedures for the competence and competency-based approaches. The aim of the practical training of the cadets who study by Philology specialty is to apply English as a foreign language in service situations concerning language immersion and translating issues in the law-enforcement sphere. Needs analysis conducted by the Foreign Languages Department instructors testified to the great significance of the on-the-job training. The Academy's graduates were interviewed to specify the duties and skills required for their job performance and reveal the gaps in the academic study of the cadets by Philology specialty. For this reason, practical training in linguistics was developed to bring theory and practice together, to improve and foreground the theoretical knowledge through true-to-life task completion. Competencies analysis was made concerning higher education standards by specialty 035 Philology for the first (Bachelor's) level of higher education established by the Ministry of Education and Science of Ukraine, and the relevant ones were selected. Twenty-two cadets of the Academy have undergone practical training in their would-be primary positions. It is expected that the cadets will be provided with relevant experience in the position of an interpreter/translator of the Division of International Cooperation and Border Representative Work and get essential links to the content of the future service. The consequent research will concern the practical training results verification based on their defense presentation assessment.