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In response to GIs' demands during World War II, the U.S. Army permitted widespread souvenir hunting and even looting, although these practices contravened both the Articles of War and, in some cases, international law. This article argues that although the War Department tried to reduce the number of captured guns that entered the United States, it declined to ban them because soldiers and officers disregarded regulations that deprived them of war trophies. This article proves the centrality of material rewards to soldier morale in World War II and establishes the difficulty of regulating the conduct of citizens drafted and sent to fight in foreign countries. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

It analyzes the legal differences in the regulation of national armed forces between EU member states and how these differences constitute significant obstacles to the creation of a single army of the European Union. The discussion covers historical attempts and current debates around European defense integration, highlighting the tension between national sovereignty and collective security. The article examines the role of NATO, various national interests, and the legal, political and financial challenges that prevent the creation of a cohesive EU military force. These factors contribute to further dependence on national defense structures and NATO, and not to the formation of a single European military entity The author concludes that the main reasons why the EU may not create a common army in the near future include: national sovereignty (each EU country has its own army and military policy. Many countries fear losing control over their national security and sovereignty by handing these issues at the EU level), different strategic interests (EU member states have different foreign policy and security interests, which complicates the formation of a unified approach to defense issues), NATO membership (most EU countries are also NATO members, already have a system of collective security, which has been functioning for decades, the creation of a separate EU army may cause duplication of functions and even disputes with NATO), financial costs (the creation and maintenance of an army at the EU level would require significant financial costs, which may be too burdensome for some countries, especially against the background of economic difficulties), political will (creating a joint army requires a strong political will and agreement among all EU members. At the moment there is no such unity), institutional and legal challenges (implementing new institutional structures and legal frameworks for a joint army would require considerable time and effort, which also slows down the process). These factors have proven to make the creation of an EU army a complex and possibly long-term process that may never be completed [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Background: United States military policies regarding service by transgender service members have shifted several times within the past decade. The relationships between policy changes and electronic health record documentation of gender dysphoria, a current and historic policy requisite for gender affirming care receipt, in active duty service members remain unknown. Methods: Bayesian estimator of abrupt change, seasonality, and trend models identified changepoints in the proportion of service members who had new and then historical medical record documentation consistent with gender dysphoria from January 2015 to August 2022. Changepoints were evaluated as they related to salient military policy-related events. Results: Approximately 3,853 active duty and activated National Guard or Reserve service members received a documented diagnosis corresponding to gender dysphoria from January 2015 to August 2022. Four significant changepoints were identified across both time series. Salient historical events that occurred during the changepoint periods were identified for contextualization. Conclusions: Clinical documentation of gender dysphoria oscillated with changes to policies and public statements by government leaders, which may in turn, impact military recruitment and retention. This study highlights the need for equitable policies that optimize the strength of a diverse military force. Equity-oriented monitoring is needed to continually examine the impact of military service policies on readiness and retention to support actionable, data-driven improvements to policies and their implementation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article presents a thorough examination of the European Union’s Common Security and Defense Policy (CSDP) in comparison with the educational programs offered by the European Security and Defense College (ESDC), with a specific focus on the High-Level CSDP Course. We conducted a comprehensive analysis using a meta-synthesis research approach. Our research commenced with a Systematic Literature Review and was further validated through a qualitative case study, which included interviews with the 2023 high-Level CSDP course participants. Our research findings highlight the need to prioritize emerging topics such as climate security and identify new areas in cyber and space domains to potentially expand the CSDP. We emphasized the importance of developing strategic approaches to facilitate the dissemination of comprehensive CSDP knowledge generated by the ESDC to higher education institutions. This initiative aims to equip future EU leaders with the necessary knowledge and skills to effectively engage in CSDP-related matters. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

As an adjusted Westminster-style system with large executive room for maneuver in matters of foreign, security, and defense policies, Australia's parliament does not have a formal say in sending troops abroad despite the continental nation's constant military deployments, i.e. alongside its major ally, the United States. Past efforts from Democrats and Greens to push legislation giving parliament ex ante voting rights have been stymied by Labor-Liberal bipartisanism opposing it. However, given increasing political fragmentation and the politicization of military deployments, post-Cold War politics gives testament to dissent on the use of force, decision-making on it, and the reach of oversight between political parties. Linking the Australian case to contemporary scholarship on the party politics of security and defense policy, this article focuses on the party-political component of contestation and explores patterns of dissent and consensus on the use of force, decision-making, and oversight. Using voting, debate, interview data, and taking stock of the most recent parliamentary inquiry into war powers, the article demonstrates Australian parallels with party-political contestation in other countries. However, it also highlights that debate and agency in Australia do only follow those in other Westminster systems to some extent, while Australian parties put an even higher emphasis on decision-making efficiency in an insecure strategic environment. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This study addresses the relationship between the military and political elites in the United States, through the lens of theoretical concepts that have approached it in the post-Cold War environment. This era was marked by external pressures that pushed for greater subordination of military personnel to political authority, following the collapse of the Soviet Union, which had previously necessitated an expansion of military independence. However, soon after, counterproductive results emerged, manifesting in severe crises between the two elites as signs appeared of military personnel’s reluctance to comply with political directives and positions. The study concludes that the expansion of political interventions in American military policy was dictated by the new position the United States occupied in the new international system. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The post-Cold War tendency of abandoning conscripted for volunteer forces appears to be reversing, and many countries have recently expanded or reintroduced mandatory military service. This article offers insights into the contemporary "return" of draft models by exploring how the reactivation of (this time gender-neutral) military conscription was justified and made possible in Sweden. The study, based on a discourse analysis of political and policy documents and interviews with defense officials, shows how Sweden's new conscription was envisioned as "modernized" in its reimplementation phase; a system distinguished from the familiar republican citizen-soldier model. Instead, the article shows how conscription was reimagined when linked to characteristics of (neo)liberal government and citizenship: voluntarism, individualism, and gender equality. The study's unique contribution to knowledge is thus an improved understanding of how conscription is ascribed meaning, legitimacy, and appeal and consequently how its return and retainment is enabled, across national contexts. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Geographical phenomena have played a huge role in the strategies and even the destiny of wars throughout the history of Iran. Therefore, it is crucial to consider them in order to evaluate and analyze the military policy and behaviors of governments. Hence, the role of weather events in choosing the timing of events, the mode of organization and strategy of forces, and even the consequence of some victories, advances or, in other cases, retreats and even defeats, reveals its privilege and at the same time the necessity of paying attention to it. Against this backdrop, the present descriptive-analytical research tried to answer the fundamental question of the role weather events played in Iran's military developments in the third and fourth centuries AD. It found that weather events such as snow, cold, rain, flood, wind, and heat sometimes completely altered the balance of warfare and even altered the course and ultimate consequence of war against all odds. In addition, not only does this cause the weakening of the physical forces, the disintegration of the army, and the adverse effect on weapons, but also the psychological and propaganda pressure of these atmospheric events and the attempt to induce the superstition of connection with the sky and the unseen world, which itself weakens the morale of the enemy soldiers, cannot be ignored. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

From 1945 to 1961, the United States spent over a billion dollars attempting to develop an airplane powered by a nuclear reactor. Such an aircraft seemingly offered nearly limitless performance capabilities, especially in terms of range, but numerous technical problems existed from the outset. The plane would have required an overly-hefty radiation shield, scientific knowledge of the involved materials was insufficient, and any plane crash would create a legitimate nuclear disaster. This article examines the nuclear plane project and what it reveals about the application (or lack thereof) of scientific knowledge by policymakers charged with developing nuclear technologies. Even though scientists and engineers were clear about the attendant technical issues, policymakers focused on the potentiality of any nuclear airplane to the detriment of the project's development and its ultimate demise. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

AbstractOver the period from 2013 to 2020, the Moria camp in the island of Lesvos became synonymous with the exclusionary border control policies of the Greek state and the European Union. During the summer of 2020, most Covid-19 travel restrictions were lifted and Lesvos opened to tourists, while the Moria camp remained in lockdown. On the night of 8 September, the camp was set on fire and its residents escaped in a nearby area where they self-organized a makeshift settlement. The escape was followed by days of riots with police forces, and ended with the violent enclosure of the people in a new camp. The paper builds on critical migration scholarship and proposes the concepts of escape commons and military campization in order to conceptualize the commoning practices in moments of escape and the way they are susceptible to state migration policies which increasingly take the form of military management. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article "What does Kamala Harris stand for?" in the magazine WeltTrends deals with Kamala Harris' political positioning and her rise in the Democratic Party of the USA. Harris is discussed as a potential successor to President Joe Biden, with her political views and experiences as a senator and vice president being analyzed. The article also sheds light on Harris' background as the daughter of a Jamaican father and an Indian mother, as well as her political career from district attorney to vice president. It also delves into her foreign and military policy positions, especially in relation to China, Russia, and the Middle East. [Extracted from the article]

How do US foreign military deployments impact the defense policies of host states? Dominant scholarship holds that these deployments play a pivotal role in assuring allies that their security is guaranteed, which in turn leads host countries to neglect their national defense contributions. In this research note, we examine the micro-foundations of this conventional wisdom, investigating how nuclear and conventional troop deployments impact attitudes toward defense policies in (potential) host states. We highlight that the presumed linkage between assurance and free-riding critically implies that foreign military deployments must positively affect perceptions of security among host nations. We test this core logic, alongside some alternative pathways, at the micro level through two survey experiments that randomize hypothetical withdrawals (Germany) and deployments (Czech Republic). Although we find some evidence that foreign military deployments can decrease citizens' subjective need for defense, the survey experiments also reveal that citizens hardly feel protected by these deployments. Thus, our results cast doubt on the core logic underlying the theory of free-riding in alliances. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article examines Germany's defense policy and its ability to fulfill Chancellor Olaf Scholz's promises of a new foreign policy and a stronger military. The author argues that Germany's military restraint is not primarily due to its strategic culture, but rather the structure of the international system. They suggest that Germany has strong incentives to keep its military spending moderate and rely on its allies for security. The article outlines four factors that encourage Germany to follow a buck-passing strategy: geography, military technology, alliances, and the cost of defense investment. The author concludes that Germany's goal of becoming the "guarantor of European security" is unlikely to be achieved due to these factors. [Extracted from the article]

The Department of Defense has failed to distinguish and sustain cultural education relative to foreign language and regional expertise, putting servicemembers at a competitive disadvantage in developing skills to engage other cultures. This article draws on recent retrospective publications and multidisciplinary social science perspectives but goes beyond them to argue for social science approaches to culture, department-wide efforts to revive culture education, and an improved transition of sociocultural research to practice. Policy and military practitioners will benefit from understanding how culture-general skills complement other important skills in the human domain and from implementing its recommendations. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Japan's security policy is changing rapidly, with drastic increases to its defense budget and the acquisition of counterstrike capabilities. While the deteriorating security environment undeniably motivates Japan's defense posture, the speed and extent of these recent changes still present a puzzle. Why was it under Kishida Fumio--a former leader of Kōchikai, the liberal and oft-considered pacifist faction within the Liberal Democratic Party (LDP)--that Japan achieved its watershed moment on defense? This article explains this change through the exigencies of Kishida's domestic political survival. It was through his leadership of a minority faction within the LDP, his image as a dove, and support for fiscal discipline, that Kishida managed to find the largest common denominator among competing domestic political forces. Had it not been for Kishida, the speed and degree of Japan's recent transformation in security policies would have been unlikely. In light of these findings, we conclude by considering the policy implications for understanding Japan's security posture. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Cyber security is the most studied in recent years by the association of metaheuristic techniques thanks to their ability to solve optimization problems in a limited time and NP-hard problems. The Early Warning System (EWS) can identify malicious exercises and anomalies in the CPS and provide robust network systems protection. In addition, grouping attacks in EWS is important for defining defense policies. Information security in the CPS architecture is about securing information during data aggregation, large-scale processing and sharing in the network environment, especially low-linkage open networks. Motivated by these considerations, we propose a new security approach based on the Artificial Bee Colony (ABC) metaheuristic algorithm to strengthen the security framework of the CPS architecture against the system and within CPS attacks. In this work, we propose a new Early Warning System approach based on metaheuristics. Based on two fundamental concepts of clustering, coherence and separation, an integrated index was proposed based on Davies-Bouldin (DB) and Silhouette Index (SI). An improved ABC algorithm was proposed based on these indices. After having identified two different types of an objective function, based on the above concepts, and after having tested the algorithm on DBSI, the results of the experiments found are auspicious. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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Counterterrorism (CT) policies are a primary subject in security studies. However, the consequences of their implementation on the socio-cultural milieu of the local populations are rarely explored, particularly in the context of the Global South. This study examines the effect of CT policies on the socio-cultural and socio-political transformation of Tribal Districts in Pakistan. Like many other countries, Pakistan has approached countering terrorism in the post-9/11 era through the adoption of a war model, which has led to a number of serious consequences for the local population in conflict-affected areas. The study relies on original interview data with hard-to-access informants from the Tribal Districts of Pakistan to reveal the previously underexplored impacts of CT policies and military operations. These impacts are termed "side effects" and are socially perceived as either positive or negative. This study postulates that these "side effects" of CT policies have resulted in a number of far-reaching socio-cultural and political transformation of the conflict-ridden regions of Pakistan. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Over the past three years, Australia has shifted its foreign and defense policy in the Indo-Pacific region from a liberal engagement approach to a more ambitious neorealist stance, significantly increasing its interaction with the United States. Despite these changes, Australia remains economically dependent on China. This article analyzes the evolution of Australian foreign and defense policies and forecasts future developments. It also explores the implications for Indonesia, Australia’s closest neighbor and strategic partner, and offers policy recommendations for Indonesia to manage its bilateral security relations with Australia. Using qualitative research based on a literature review, the article argues that Australia’s geostrategic circumstances and historical factors necessitate a refinement of Canberra’s foreign and defense policy. Consequently, Australia is poised to emerge as a rising power, increasingly reliant on the United States while also strengthening partnerships with Indonesia and the Association of Southeast Asian Nations as part of its broader Indo-Pacific strategy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

China’s military build-up and its wolf warrior diplomacy are reshaping Australian foreign and defense policies. In response, Australia has conceived grand strategies of balancing and engagement and embraced a new defense approach. However, this rethinking has somewhat neglected air power, focusing instead on land and naval forces. The Royal Australian Air Force is modern and well-trained but limited in scale and with sustainment concerns. These characteristics pose challenges given that the two grand strategies have different requirements and undertaking both simultaneously creates real issues. There are multiple implications for the air force’s force structure, basing, readiness, and mobilization Moreover, the new defense approach considers the possibility of major power regional conflict but fails to address that such conflict might be protracted. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article scrutinizes the expanding role of deterrence in Australian strategic thought and defense policy, particularly since 2009. It explores how Australia has transitioned from a focus on territorial defense to adopting deterrence by denial as a central element of its national defense strategy. The authors assert that although Australia has rhetorically embraced deterrence, substantial gaps remain in strategy development and force capabilities, undermining the credibility of its deterrence posture. The article argues that there is a risk in viewing planned capabilities, such as nuclear submarines, as inherently deterrent without sufficient strategic rationale. The article also examines the compatibility of Australia’s deterrence approach with the US concept of integrated deterrence. The authors conclude that while Australian and US deterrence thinking are broadly aligned, both nations must address strategic deficiencies to bolster the credibility and effectiveness of deterrence in the Indo-Pacific region. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of SIRIUS - Zeitschrift fur Strategische Analysen is the property of De Gruyter and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Policy ideas are often crafted in international fora, such as international organisations, multilateral institutions, and high-level summits. However, whether and how ideas will eventually inform policymakers at the domestic level remains an understudied subject. This paper contributes to this debate by tracing the domestic consolidation and eventual erosion of ‘Crisis Management’, a policy paradigm that emerged after the end of the Cold War and became dominant among NATO members in the 2010s. We investigate Germany and Italy as two case studies that followed two distinct trajectories. Policy elites suddenly adopted the paradigm in Italy and built a broad consensus on it. In Germany, crisis management has emerged lately and remains contested, as the territorial defense has maintained legitimacy among elites. Understanding the mechanisms underpinning such trajectories is the key to uncovering whether a consensus on a new version of territorial defense as a dominant paradigm will consolidate. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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AbstractThis paper provides an in-depth analysis of Japan’s evolving cyber defense capabilities and explores its future challenges. National security has transformed in the twenty first century, with cyberspace becoming a key conflict domain. Japan, like other nations, has adapted to these changes. In 2022, the Japanese government introduced its active cyber defense concept. The National Security Strategy of 2022 stated the government’s posture for active cyber defense, which pre-emptively neutralizes adversary computers. This marked a turning point in Japan’s security and defense. This strategic shift, which occurred notably between 2000 and 2022, exemplifies Japan’s transition in the cyber domain. The scope of protecting cyberspace has evolved from primarily safeguarding civilian infrastructure to adopting proactive measures. This evolution is analyzed in the paper, which contrasts Japan’s approach with Western nations’ military-driven cyber policies. Additionally, the multifaceted challenges and opportunities arising from this paradigm shift in cyber capability development are explored. The analysis encompasses key aspects, including the policy formation, international cooperation, budgetary allocations, and the progress of organizational structures regarding the cyber domain. Furthermore, the study explores Japan’s future trajectory in cyber defense, with a particular focus on its role within the ‘Multi-Domain Defense Force’ and the dynamics of the Japan-US alliance. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article focuses on Steven Landsburg's argument that most abortions should be unrestricted, drawing from Judith Jarvis Thomson's insights and a Rawlsian analysis. It author disagrees with Landsburg, defending the "naive Rawlsian" perspective that many abortions should be prohibited, challenging Landsburg's interpretation of Thomson and Rawls and suggesting a departure from the industry-standard approach to conflict resolution.

The discussion regarding the responsibility of municipalities in dealing with public security has always led to divergent opinions. However, with the publication of Law No. 13,675/2018, which created the Unified Public Security System and included municipalities in the process of creating security policies, brought new responsibilities to the municipal executive branch. Given this context, this research aimed to analyze the potential of the Municipal Public Administration of Estância/SE in complying with the National Public Security and Social Defense Policy, established by Law No. 13,675/18. The methodology adopted an descriptive research, based on a case study in the Municipality of Estância/SE, outlined by bibliographic and documentary research, based on a qualitative approach. The results showed that the Municipality of Estância/SE has sought to comply with the national public security policy, in addition to having other means of obtaining financial resources to exercise security in the municipality. However, there was a need to accelerate the process of constructing the policy and creating some instruments, such as the observatory and public security council, considering that they are essential attributes for the application for resources from the National Public Security Fund. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The war in Ukraine is the first conventional war to ever take place in an entirely connected information ecology. The internet has not been switched off. Mundane smart devices are ubiquitous. Soldiers and ordinary civilians are participating in the conflict in ways that have never previously been possible. This stretches participation beyond the information domain and the kinds of connectivity that shaped conflicts in places like Syria, Tigray and Mali. Now the smartphone is routinely being used by soldiers and civilians alike to geolocate enemy columns, control drones to range find for artillery, and produce and broadcast the damage assessment for online audiences to watch. Surveillance technology already makes it possible to track individual smartphone users. In times of peace these forms of surveillance are curtailed. During a conventional war, however, private organizations and governments have reason to circumvent peacetime legal conventions. The result is that mundane connected technology forms part of an extended chain of sensors that feeds data and information to those involved in information warfare and targeting activities. In effect, the smartphone has collapsed the means to fight and represent war into the functionality of one device. This article maps the policy and military implications of these developments in relation to participation, the conduct of war and the law of armed conflict. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article, which sets the stage for the present thematic issue of the journal, examines the evolving use of the terms pacing threat and pacing challenge in the context of US defense strategy, particularly in relation to China. It traces the origins of these phrases, noting that they have been used interchangeably and without a clear, codified definition. The authors provide working definitions for these terms, suggesting that a pacing challenge refers to an adversary that poses a long-term risk to US influence and power, while a pacing threat denotes a more immediate and consequential military threat. The article also discusses the concept of an acute threat, which is applied to more urgent and severe threats, such as Russia's invasion of Ukraine. The article argues that clearly defining these terms is crucial for informing defense planning and policy. It concludes by highlighting the need for the United States to address China's growing military, political, and economic capabilities, which constitute a significant pacing challenge, while also being prepared to counter any acute threats that may arise. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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While increased strategic competition poses a challenge to the global governance agenda writ large, the concomitant increased demand for security is in principle a boon to international security governance's prime exemplar, NATO. Adding insights from international policy diffusion to the agenda of strategic competition, this article proposes that NATO supports the alliance's primary, external function of deterrence and defense by providing strategic epistemic capital to its members through meditative and inquisitive forms of governance. These ensure that member nations keep abreast of the evolving best practice of defense and military affairs, and underpin overall convergence of defense policies and military practices, from consensus-based strategic wayfinding to tactical interoperability on the battlefield. Crucially, the alliance is also a brokerage of strategic sensemaking. Seeing NATO through the prism of an international organization like the Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development thus deepens our understanding of how the alliance functions as well as of its resilience. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]