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This submission is a reappraisal of emotional labor as it has been framed in LIS. The article gathered and characterized very recent LIS publications on emotional labor. Those publications imply expectations for administrative interventions: an emotional labor movement for librarians so to speak. Moreover, that shift has generated some distance from the meaning of emotional labor in research, more strongly linking the concept to expectations of self-care, whole-self-at-work, and compensation issues which don't have obvious operational applications when made specific to libraries. The management interventions would quickly become intrusive and/or erode privacy and liberties. What follows is a contextual statement that helps explain the sociology driving at least a part of these shifts, and a series of speculations that shed light on the topic. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article examines how collective bargaining through unions and workplace codetermination through works councils relate to labor market imperfections and how labor market imperfections relate to employer wage premia. Based on representative German plant data for the years 1999–2016, the authors document that 70% of employers pay wages below the marginal revenue product of labor and 30% pay wages above that level. Findings further show that the prevalence of wage markdowns is significantly smaller when organized labor is present, and that the ratio of wages to the marginal revenue product of labor is significantly larger. Finally, the authors document a close link between labor market imperfections and mean employer wage premia, that is, wage differences between employers corrected for worker sorting. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

How do digitally enabled movements of workers reshape, replace, or reinforce the role of unions? Based on a comparative case study of the 2018 #RedForEd teachers' strikes in West Virginia, Oklahoma, and Arizona, this article argues that despite the hierarchical and bureaucratic character of statewide teachers' unions, the infrastructure they provided to organize, connect, and legitimize teachers' actions was critical for statewide strikes. Facebook provided a forum for teachers to express frustrations, scale participation, and in some cases, organize actions. However, the unions' coordinating capacities were also central. These findings show how combining the mobilizing capacities of social media with existing movement infrastructure can facilitate collective action. In contrast to predictions of digitally enabled activism ushering in an era of "organizing without organizations," these findings suggest that 21st-century labor movements must meld old and new organizational forms, and not discard the century-and-a-half accumulation of labor infrastructure won by previous generations. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The Japanese people played a much more important role in shaping events during the Allied Occupation of Japan (1945-1952) than is often recognized. This article examines the movement for democratization of the labor unions in order to demonstrate the extent to which the Japanese shaped their own destiny. Domestic politics is often overlooked due to an emphasis on the start of the Cold War in this period. Indeed, US policy is usually given the predominant role in narratives of the period and is blamed for the decline of mass movements such as the labor movement but an examination of the evidence for Supreme Commander for the Allied Powers (SCAP) involvement in the period reveals that the Occupation authorities, especially those in the General Headquarters (GHQ) of SCAP, played a much smaller role than has been alleged. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

By 1914, Friedrich Sombart was well known world-wide as a historian of modern capitalism and a knowledgeable sympathizer of the socialist labor movement. He had, however, already begun to rewrite his analysis of capitalism as a cultural critique of the modern world. The article analyses how this cultural critique lent itself to the translation into chauvinist hate speech when the First World War broke out. The resulting pamphlet on "Merchants and Heroes" was gross even by the standards of the time which helps explaining why Sombart was increasingly isolated from his colleagues most of whom were like Weber fierce nationalists themselves. The article investigates the various dimensions of this isolation and asks to what degree Sombart regained a more scholarly stance after 1918. While the final volume of his "Modern Capitalism" when it appeared in 1927 was well received even by a socialist reviewer like Rudolf Hilferding it has to be said that antisemitic and misogynist resentments characterized his postwar work throughout—a sad culmination being Sombart's reduction of Rosa Luxemburg's politics to the fourfold stigmatization of being Polish, Jewish, female and physically handicapped. In his case the First World War radicalized positions already present before and this radicalization impregnated the postwar work for good. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article focuses on the analysis of Philip Levine's poem "What Work Is" and its exploration of work, identity, and emotional labor. Topics include the speaker's struggle with defining work beyond conventional labor, the emotional labor involved in unemployment, and the call for a more inclusive understanding of solidarity in labor activism.

Everybody knows most white working people no longer vote for Democrats, but there's no agreement why. Leftists blame neoliberals for enacting policies that deregulated business instead of redistributing wealth. Conservatives and some liberals argue that the fault lies in cultural ideas and principles that progressives have compelled Democrats to embrace—from transgender rights and restrictions on gun ownership to critical race theory and a dismissal of religious faith. Others, echoing the Marxist notion of "false consciousness," accuse ordinary white people of fearing Black Americans and undocumented immigrants instead of making common cause with fellow workers of different racial or national backgrounds. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article summarizes the book "El camino obrero. Historia del sindicalismo mexicano, 1907-2017" by Saúl Escobar Toledo, highlighting the importance of unionism in Mexico and the need to understand its history in order to understand the present. It mentions the absence of the labor movement in national recovery projects and how improvements in wages and labor legislation have not been the result of pressure from organized workers. The book covers different periods in the history of the labor movement in Mexico, from 1915 to 1982, and analyzes corporatism, repression, and violence imposed on workers. It also addresses the arrival of neoliberalism, labor reforms, and union resistance. The author emphasizes the importance of building a unionism that responds to the country's needs. [Extracted from the article]

Transformations in health care and attendant social work responses have eroded a health-care social work role grounded in holism and social justice. Tracing events at the intersection of social work, the labor movement, and health-care provision, this paper examines the evolution of social work’s gravitation to micro-level practice and professionalism at the expense of macro practice, including labor organizing. It argues that engagement between health-care social work and labor unions is mutually beneficial and indispensable in preserving a role that reflects social work values in the face of massive socioeconomic inequality and health-care corporatization. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Under which conditions can combative labor in the Global South negotiate state and society relations and constrain the encroachment of their respective militaries on politics? This article argues that the domestic and international legitimacy these militaries enjoy during the transition away from authoritarianism is a key factor shaping labor movements' organizational and mobilizational capacity, labor alliances with other social classes, and labor's capacity to negotiate democratic citizenship. The argument is investigated by examining Egypt and Brazil, where labor strikes delegitimized authoritarian capitalism and inspired the rise of independent and anti-corporatist unions and federations. In Brazil, the military lost its legitimacy domestically and internationally, providing opportunities for labor's democratizing role. Conversely, the Egyptian military held power locally and internationally, thwarting prospects for independent unions to maintain their autonomy from the military and to forge alliances. The research combines historical and archival research with qualitative methods, including interviewing and fieldwork in Egypt and Brazil. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper offers a fresh and nuanced perspective by re-examining the concept of authoritarian neoliberalism in the context of the first decade of the AKP's rule in Turkey. The study addresses two main research questions: Firstly, it explores the factors that transformed the 2000s, often seen as a period of democratization, into an era of authoritarianism. Secondly, it investigates how the AKP effectively established an authoritarian neoliberal state during this time. To tackle these questions, the paper argues that the AKP's authoritarian neoliberal project rests on two key pillars. The first pillar involves creating a depoliticized technocratic state structure that allows for the implementation of policies aligning with the interests of the dominant capital faction. The second element involves weakening labor opposition, which plays a crucial role in shaping the authoritarian neoliberal state. The paper suggests that the waning influence of the labor movement played a central role in driving the shift toward authoritarianism in the 2000s, granting the government more flexibility in shaping policies. This paper enhances our understanding of the political and economic transformation in Turkey during this significant period, shedding light on the development of the authoritarian neoliberal state and its crisis after 2013. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The 1990s witnessed a shift in the makeup of Turkish industry. Many small firms rose to fortune throughout Anatolia by finding a niche in the ever-expanding global commodity chains of the era of neoliberal globalization. The union movement, though, failed to adapt to this new pattern in industrial relations. This paper analyses the social dynamics and political mechanisms of this union inertia and argues that the traditional unions that were built during the era of state-led industrialization and then import substitution developed an ingrained inability to organize in the small industrial firms typical for the nodes of global commodity chains dispersed throughout Anatolia. However, recently a new type of labour militancy has emerged, creating sporadic opportunities for the labour movement's revitalization. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Despite its political and strategic importance, the Middle East and North Africa (MENA) region has been largely absent from cross-regional comparative treatments of industrial and labor relations. This special issue builds on a rich, multidisciplinary, and methodologically diverse body of research on labor and employment in the MENA, bringing together a collection of cutting-edge work in this field. The goal is to bring the study of the MENA into conversation with international and comparative scholarship on industrial and labor relations and to encourage more systematic inclusion of the MENA in comparative work. Drawing on research on Egypt, Jordan, Morocco, Tunisia, Israel, and the Gulf states, contributors to this special issue advance comparative scholarship on migration, labor market outcomes, worker agency, and the relationship between unions and precarious workers. This introductory essay situates these contributions in the context of three bodies of research in the study of labor in the MENA: resistance and contentious activism, labor market challenges, and migration. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article discusses Maksim Kulaev’s book “Trade Unions, Workers’ Movements, and Hegemony in Contemporary Russia”, which is dedicated to the history of trade union and workers’ movements in the post-Soviet era. The author attempts not only to reconsider what has happened to trade unions over the last thirty years but also to make sense of them drawing on Antonio Gramsci’s theory, which emphasized the need for the formation of hegemony as a sociocultural framework rather than purely political framework, enabling the establishment of value foundations for the dominance of the working class and resistance to the dominant hegemony of capitalist elites.The book chapters, in which the author describes the history, discourse, and interactions of trade unions with various political forces and social movements, are undoubtedly valuable. Importantly, this analysis is built on a vast array of diverse information—observations, documents, interviews, and data by other researchers. This allowed the author to critically reassess the data obtained in the 1990s, a time when much was still unknown and unclear. Now, this work represents a significant milestone, providing a perspective on the post-Soviet development of the workers’ and trade union movements after a quarter of a century. The book is of interest to researchers studying social structures, trade union and workers’ movements, and socio-labor relations.

The article "From Consent to Coercion: The Continuing Assault on Labour" is the fourth edition of a classic text in labor studies in Canada. It describes the evolution from the post-war golden period to the assault of the Canadian state against union freedoms. The book analyzes the relationship between the state and the labor movement, criticizing reformist policies and advocating for transformative unionism. It highlights the importance of unions in the democratization of capitalism and proposes an alternative vision of the economy. [Extracted from the article]

Throughout the nineteenth century, powerful railway unions in the USA and the UK cultivated an expansive system of voluntary sickness, death, unemployment, and superannuation benefits. By the early twentieth century, the movements had diverged: while the British Amalgamated Society of Railway Servants relinquished its commitment to voluntarism in favor of state healthcare and pensions, the American Railway Brotherhoods persisted along voluntarist lines, resisting social insurance in favor of exclusive schemes for their white male membership. What accounts for these diverging orientations? I highlight the importance of organizational forms as a lens for understanding comparative trade union strategy, emphasizing the role of law in designating legitimate forms of workingclass association. I demonstrate that governing elites in both countries promoted voluntarism as a benign form of working-class organization throughout much of the nineteenth century. Consequently, I argue, early American and British trade unions adopted benefits in part because they enabled them to mimic the far more respected and legitimate friendly and fraternal mutual benefit societies. Toward the end of the century, the context had changed: while alternative organizational avenues were opened for trade unions in the UK, benefits presented an ongoing organizational lifeline for American unions. In defining and redefining the boundaries of legitimate forms of workers' associations, legal decisions in both countries shaped not only trade union organizing strategies in the short run but also their positioning in broader social struggles. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article is a review of the book "Rules to Win By: Power & Participation in Union Negotiations" by Jane McAlevey and Abby Lawlor. The book explores the principles of high-participation bargaining and provides case studies of unions that have successfully engaged in this approach. McAlevey argues that properly conducted negotiations are a form of democracy building and that unions can strengthen their power and improve members' lives through this approach. The review highlights the importance of power analysis, transparent and big bargaining committees, and structured conversations in the bargaining process. The article concludes by suggesting that McAlevey's principles can be applied to other aspects of union work to build greater member engagement and a stronger union. [Extracted from the article]

Emerging from a confluence of events – including Black Lives Matter Movement (BLM) – racial consciousness has intensified in recent years. In the wake of a long declining labor movement, there has also been a surprising upsurge in labor militancy. Are these two currents systematically related? Situating our analysis in the sociological literature on social movement spillover, we ask if there is evidence of racial justice spillover into and stimulating workplace militancy. Employing all known strikes and worker protests during 2021 and 2022, we find: (a) racial justice demands did, indeed, appear as part of workplace militancy during this period; (b) racial justice demands were voiced in both worker protests and strikes launched most heavily by unions but also by alt-labor/SMOs and by unorganized workers; (c) weekly time-series regression models indicate that BLM demonstrations stimulated the frequency of workplace protests and strikes with racial justice demands which, in turn, stimulated wider worker militancy over other issues; and (d) interdependency analysis of worker actions reveals that unionized worker protests served as a key catalyst driving other forms of worker militancy with racial justice demands. We discuss the implications of our findings for social movement spillover theory and for moving racial justice and labor movements forward. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Scholars of Vietnam have studied different forms of labour resistance such as wildcat strikes, petitions, complaints, work stoppages, and boycotts, with which workers demand higher wages and pensions, overall better working conditions, and the implementation of workers' rights. This article pays attention to the small, yet not negligible group of dissident labour activists, who are subjected to much harsher state repression compared to labour resistance in and around the workplace. This article asks: What makes dissident labour activism a (real or perceived) threat to the state? A common and widely accepted explanation refers to the nature of the demands of dissidents, which includes independent trade unions, democratisation, and regime change. This article digs deeper and finds that dissident labour activists function as agents of an emerging epistemological third space, which permits the revitalisation of hidden knowledges about labour rights, the reclamation of the silenced idea of independent trade unions and the co-existence of critique of the status quo and imagination of an alternative future, which together threaten to endanger the Communist Party of Vietnam's political legitimacy and, by implication, capital utilisation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

While much research examines the challenges facing labor empowerment efforts, less work considers the role marketing could play in the revitalization of labor movements. In this paper, we reframe the challenges faced by labor movements as marketing problems. We then draw from several theoretical perspectives to examine the barriers that affect public awareness of labor issues, and the public's willingness to support policies and practices beneficial to workers. The paper concludes with a research agenda to guide scholars interested in this area of research, as well as nonprofits, government agencies, advocates, and social marketers looking to encourage public support for labor movements. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Revue Internationale du Travail is the property of Wiley-Blackwell and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The works of Polanyi and Gramsci, taken together, help us to disentangle the multiple understands of and politics around social protection. Despite Gramsci's convincing analysis of hegemony as the organization of class struggle within limits of capitalism, he does not have a theory of counterhegemony. Polanyi, meanwhile, does not focus attention on the power of capitalist hegemony, yet his displacement of experience from production to exchange creates the grounds for a potential counterhegemony. The article analyzes how, despite apparent efforts to de-commodify labor and social protections, precarity has become more deeply engrained among the laboring poor. While precarity is not necessarily new to populations across the South, the way in which commodification has become hegemonic is, and the objective of the article is to better understand the role of social protection in shaping workers' experiences, and consider potential strategic directions to advance universal social protection. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Focusing on Abraham Benaroya, a prominent labor leader in southeastern Europe, this research examines his experiences during World War II, a period often neglected in prior studies. Existing scholarship has predominantly highlighted Benaroya's contributions to the Pan-Hellenic labor movement from 1909 to 1924/5, incorrectly assuming that his removal from political power signaled the end of his influence on both Jewish and non-Jewish historiography; however, his wartime writings challenge this notion, revealing a compelling story of individual and familial resistance against Nazi Germany. During the tumultuous years of 1942–1945, amidst the Nazi occupation in Greece, Benaroya's fate took a unique turn. Despite being Jewish, he avoided extermination, and as a Greek Socialist activist he escaped execution and survived internment in various German prisoner-of-war camps. By employing the biographical turn approach and exploring Benaroya's forgotten Holocaust-era letters from captivity, this study presents a narrative of Greek-Jewish individual and familial struggles, choices, and resilience. In doing so, it contributes fresh perspectives to the current bottom-up scholarship, which moves beyond the generalized narrative of Jewish passivity. Instead, the current study offers a profound discourse on the complexities of Jewish survival and resistance under the extraordinary circumstances of the Nazi regime in Occupied Greece. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article explores the labor upsurge of the early 2020s and places it in an historical context. In the early 2020s, workers across the U.S. protested, organized, and walked out, part of an upsurge that produced remarkable results. There were union victories at some of the country's best-known corporations, including Starbucks, Amazon, Google, Apple, and Trader Joe's. Between 2021 and 2023, more than 360 Starbucks stores unionized, most through independent worker action. Over 8,000 workers also organized an Amazon warehouse in Staten Island, doing so with a grassroots union and a budget of just $120,000. Across the country, the number of strikes surged, petitions for National Labor Relations Board (NLRB) elections rose sharply, and union density increased for the first time in decades. Opinion polls also showed record levels of public support for unions. Rather than seeing the upsurge as new – as media accounts stressed – the article links it to longer-term trends, particularly many decades of bargaining givebacks, increasing income inequality, and long-term union decline. Across the U.S., workers reached their breaking point, and hit back. Short-term conditions – particularly the labor shortage produced by the pandemic – were important, but the upsurge also reflected longer-term grievances that built up over decades. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper is a study of the effects on landownership distribution of the unprecedented explosion of labour militancy in the Italian countryside during the post-Great War crisis, the period known as the «Red Biennium» (1919-1920) and its aftermath up to the March on Rome. During these years land markets became suddenly liquid, generating a sort of «spontaneous land reform». The Italian case thus provides valuable insights into the effects of extreme threats to property on the operation of usually sticky land markets in a developing economy. The conventional wisdom attributes a key role in the process to «Red fear». Exploiting geographical variation in different dimensions of collective action intensity, we revisit the conventional wisdom. The frequency of agricultural strikes is indeed strongly correlated with land sales, but the scale of strike participation over the period is associated with a lower propensity to sale in Central and Northern provinces. Spatial analysis suggests a pattern of land sales compatible with contagion across locations. Thus, an increase in disruptive labour unrest may have induced some landowners to sell, as far as the threat was perceived as an individual one. Where the labour movement was able to increase the scale and scope of the threat, the entire landowning class was concerned. There, Blackshirts rather than land sales were the response to Red fear. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The text examines the evolution of the labor movement among education workers during the re-democratization of the 1980s. It discusses the educational reforms implemented under new public management, fiscal adjustment, and productive restructuring, which shifted the labor movement’s stance from confrontation to negotiation and consensus, influenced by the Third Way. During the Lula and Dilma administrations (2003-2016), there was greater openness to participation and high-level negotiations, though this reduced broad mobilizations in defense of public education. During this period, unions were divided between supporters and opponents of the government. The 2008 crisis and the June 2013 protests, along with the fiscal adjustment measures of 2014, reignited strikes and mobilizations. The counter-reforms of the Temer (2016-2018) and Bolsonaro (2019- 2020) governments repositioned the labor movement towards a convergent agenda in defense of public education. The labor movement played a crucial role in electing Lula in 2022, focusing on the revocation of counter-reforms. Finally, the text addresses recent struggles and resistance from educators and social movements against the corporate reform project in education, the current government's responses, and present challenges. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

It’s my first week as a graduate student, and I sit in the office of the director of graduate studies, telling her that I’m pregnant. I’m twelve weeks along, my odds of miscarriage are decreasing, and I will likely have a baby in my second semester of my master’s program in literature. The director is sympathetic. She tells me a baby and coursework will be hard to balance and that I don’t have to take any classes next semester if I don’t want to—I shouldn’t overburden myself. She asks me if I’ve thought about taking a semester off for my health. I tell her that I can’t afford it. My stipend isn’t a lot of money, but without it, my husband and I can’t make our bills, and I can’t just find another job. No one is going to hire a pregnant person knowing they’re going to give birth in a couple of months and then quit to go back to grad school shortly after. So, I need my stipend. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In 2020 and 2021, Commonwealth Heritage Group was contracted by Chicago Neighborhood Initiatives to monitor construction at the historic Main Factory Complex of the Pullman National Monument. Construction activities were related to site development for historical interpretation and a public museum in coordination with the Illinois Department of Natural Resources and the National Park Service to document any significant resources related to the Pullman period (1880–1897). A landscaping wall associated with Lake Vista, the South Erecting Shop foundation, and the Workers' Gate foundation were encountered during construction and determined to contribute to the significance of the site. The Workers' Gate and gatehouse is one of the most recognized locations at the Main Factory Complex and is symbolic of the American labor movement. The archaeological remnants of the Workers' Gate and gatehouse indicate that George Pullman constructed it and posted a watchman to assert more control over his workers during a time of escalating labor tensions. Cultural materials associated with the Workers' Gate foundation and other site locales provide insight into the consumer choices made by the Pullman workers and illustrate some of the ways Pullman workers and residents resisted company control. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Anuario Colombiano de Historia Social y de la Cultura is the property of Universidad Nacional de Colombia, Facultad de Ciencias Humanas, Departamento de Historia and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Journal History of Latin American Education / Revista Historia de la Educación Latinoamericana is the property of Universidad Pedagogica y Tecnologica de Colombia and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

In this article, I explore how granting customers this kind of direct power over gig workers' performance evaluations shapes the worker-customer interaction. I describe this system as a distinctive version of the customer-employer-worker service triangle, in which employers "launder control through customers." To understand this phenomenon, I attended driver meetings, interviewed 55 drivers across the United States, and surveyed 486 drivers. [Extracted from the article]

The COVID-19 pandemic accelerated three trends that were already transforming economic development theory and practice. A backlash to economic restructuring and inequality, driven by globalization and technology, is now manifesting in reshoring and union movements. The resurgence of small and midsized cities, originally driven by increasing housing costs in coastal cities, has been reinforced by a rise in remote work. The uncertainty of today's complex economy is exacerbating long-term challenges of tracking economic change, making “shoot anything that flies” more important than ever. These trends highlight the need to focus economic development on building and supporting the workforce.

This paper explores conflicts in contemporary Chile between local communities and economic elites over water resources usage, developing a frameworkthat seeks to bridge the gap between the literature on social movements and the scholarly work on business politics. It examines two similar cases. The first case deals with the conflict between large avocado producers and the rural community of Petorca, Central Chile, which has meant water deprivation for the aggrieved community. In the second case, the local community of Aysén, in Chilean Patagonia, successfully challenged business interests by halting a mega-hydroelectric project. We found that local communities can prevail when at least three conditions are met. First, the formation of a broad contingent coalition. Second, the elaboration of collective action frames to mobilise new constituencies. Third, the capacity to forge alliances with elite actors, which enhances the movement’s potential to engage in collective action. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The fourth international Marxist feminist conference was the most international and best attended with around 700 participants, including Silvia Federici, Nancy Fraser, Tithi Bhattacharya, Lorena Cabnal, Ochy Curiel, Ana Cecilia Dinerstein, Elsa Dorlin, Jules Falquet, and Frigga Haug. The main themes of the panels established continuity with the previous conferences, from debates on intersectionality which overlap in various fields with practical and theoretical issues such as value, the state, law, care, production, and social reproduction to those that were closely linked to the thinking of new organizations and repertoires of struggle. This Special Issue is based on the plenary titled: the Thirteen Theses of Marxist Feminism. Frigga Haug, the author of The Thirteen Theses, considers all of them in her opening interview. The most widely debated theses by the Special Issue contributors are Theses I, II, and III on relations of production and the production of the means of life followed by theses from V to VIII which deal with intersectionality and how to study race, class and gender, the role of labor movement in the process of emancipation, and the issue of primary and secondary contradictions which is closely related to the development of an effective political emancipatory subject. The Special Issue closes with an interview with the philosopher Nancy Fraser on the three faces of labor. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The surge in late-nineteenth century American divorce rates, particularly among the working class, has since then perplexed scholars. This study argues that understanding this phenomenon requires a multifaceted approach, considering both the urban context and various intersecting factors such as gender, ethnicity, class, and race. By focusing on the 1881 divorce trial of Paul and Johanne Geleff in Chicago, this article explores the influence of new social environments on the adoption of a burgeoning divorce culture, beyond transnationally transmitted values. Utilizing both qualitative and quantitative data, the analysis examines the intersectionality of social categories, arguing that urban living conditions, combined with class and racial, gender, and ethnic dynamics, contributed to the high divorce rates in urban America. By situating the Geleff divorce within the broader context of Scandinavian American historiography and labor movements, this article provides a nuanced understanding of the socio-economic and cultural factors driving late-nineteenth-century divorces. Ultimately, it demonstrates that the rise in divorces was a complex social phenomenon influenced by an interplay of diverse factors in both private and public spheres. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The Government of India organized over ten thousand student labor camps for the purposes of village development between 1954 and 1965. This camp movement functions as a key to the novel idealizations of youth in the postcolonial world and the shifting development agendas of independent India. The image of the toiling and vigorous camper committed to serving the newly created nation-state came to be constructed as India's model citizen-to-be, and this figure embodies the emergent forms of postcolonial nationalist politics and ideologies of the 1950s and 1960s. This youthful labor force was depicted in the developmentalist imagination of India as literally building and metaphorically embodying the nation-state and its ideologies of physical fitness, secularism, anti-casteism, and national discipline. This article will argue that camp life negotiated a hierarchy of citizens that made the educated youth the agent of development and the villager the object of development. The running of these camps by volunteer movements such as the National Cadet Corps, the Bharat Scouts and Guides, and the Bharat Sevak Samaj brings to light how the developmental apparatus in India worked or did not work in practice for the students and the poorer classes. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article explores the connection between queer advocacy and the labor movement in the United States. It highlights the efforts of queer Starbucks baristas who organized to address low wages and workplace discrimination. The article argues that unions can be more effective than civil rights laws or corporations in delivering LGBTQ+ protections and benefits. It also discusses the historical ties between queer workers and the labor movement, as well as the role of unions in combating anti-LGBTQ+ agendas. Additionally, the article examines how conflicts over anti-discrimination laws in certain towns were influenced by socioeconomic factors and conservative politicians. It concludes by emphasizing the need for a queer working-class politics that addresses the shared interests of LGBTQ+ and all other workers. [Extracted from the article]

This article discusses the impact of queer activism on the labor movement, particularly in relation to LGBTQ+ workers. It highlights the challenges faced by queer workers, such as low wages, harassment, and difficulty addressing grievances, and how they are turning to unions for support. The article emphasizes the importance of intersectionality and the specific challenges faced by queer workers of color and trans workers. It also addresses the impact of difficult working conditions on LGBTQ+ individuals, including their likelihood of turning to informal economies. The Covid-19 pandemic has further exacerbated economic disparities for LGBTQ+ workers. The article concludes by noting recent advancements in workplace anti-discrimination legislation in the United States and the support of labor organizations for these rights. However, there is concern that these rights could be undermined by employers' religious freedom, and anti-LGBTQ+ organizations have successfully passed laws that roll back queer rights. Queer self-organizing networks within labor have emerged, advocating for anti-harassment and anti-discrimination policies and greater recognition of queer issues within unions. Building alliances and coalitions between organized labor and LGBTQ+ justice movements is seen as crucial for achieving economic and sexual justice. [Extracted from the article]

Copyright of Historia Regional is the property of Historia Regional and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The Paris Commune led to annual celebrations from the labor movement across the globe. This article focuses on those in Britain and the United States from 1871 to the end of the century, exploring how the event's interpretation and function within a community has fluctuated over this period. It discusses the internationalism present in demonstrations as people shed their national identity and joined an internationalist community in celebration each year. It analyzes how the labor movement in each country responded to perceived threats from outside their community in the wake of the Haymarket Affair. It also demonstrates that the Commune was a palimpsest, an event that could be reinterpreted each year to express whatever ideals the movement needed. It was a call to reform and revolution, to hope and despair, and to past and future. The article's analysis of British and American Commune celebrations reveals a rich and evolving community that emphasized internationalism and oppression during a turbulent period. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]