Search

The article "Towards an informed democracy: a history of the Queensland Parliamentary Library" traces the establishment and evolution of the Queensland Parliamentary Library since its inception in 1860. Initially catering to a privileged leisure class, the library has transformed over time to meet the needs of Members of Parliament by providing authoritative and unbiased information. The article highlights key figures like Denis O’Donovan, who significantly expanded the collection and introduced innovative cataloging methods. Subsequent librarians like Desmond Ryan and SG Gunthorpe focused on modernizing services and adapting to technological advancements, culminating in the development of an automated retrieval system in 1976. The library's dual role in preserving heritage collections and supporting an informed democracy is emphasized, underscoring its historical significance and ongoing relevance. [Extracted from the article]

The "Changing values and the writing of history" article reviews the United States Foreign Policy History & Resource Guide, a website offering a comprehensive history of US foreign policy from the War of 1812 to the "War on Terror." The Guide features essays by multiple authors, is ad-free, and provides downloadable PDFs for offline use. While the Guide is praised for its accessibility, accuracy, and rich content, some critiques include potential bias in its recommendations and a lack of in-depth exploration of concepts like imperialism. The article also highlights the Guide's detailed analysis of the "war on terror" section, which provides a thorough and balanced account of conflicts from 2001 to 2022, incorporating diverse perspectives and voices. [Extracted from the article]

Copyright of Revista Foco (Interdisciplinary Studies Journal) is the property of Revista Foco and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This paper explores the colonial history of the theory of ‘property-owning democracy.’ Focusing on R.R. Torrens’ title registration system, the paper links property-owning democracy to nineteenth-century debates on land rights and title registration. Instituted in South Australia in 1858, Torrens’ system linked the simplification of transactions in land to visions of a property-owning society. Seeking to replace complex land laws, Torrens’ system’s emphasis on speeding up land transactions appealed both to settler society and metropole. This transformation facilitated the dispossession of Indigenous lands and intertwined property law with colonial narratives of progress, liberty, and democracy. Ultimately, Torrens’ vision identified democracy with a new property regime securing the future of property title and political rights. Through a common engagement with nineteenth-century Britain’s ‘land question,’ Torrens’ project in South Australia is linked to the development of the twentieth-century political concept of property-owning democracy. The paper makes the case that exploring land registration debates reveals the importance of secure property rights and human capital in the history of ideas of property-owning democracy. Legal and bureaucratic innovations like the property register were considered to free individuals to invest in their own economic development and create the economic conditions for democracy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article explores the influence of German neoclassicism, particularly the ideas of Johann Winckelmann, on the liturgical texts and reforms of the Roman Catholic Church. The neoclassical movement emphasized noble simplicity and organic development, providing a framework for understanding and appreciating the Latin liturgy. However, the movement also had limitations, such as cultural exclusivism and a tendency to idealize a specific historical period. The impact of neoclassicism can be seen in the General Instruction of the Roman Missal, but the article emphasizes the need for critical examination of the cultural and methodological assumptions underlying liturgical scholarship and renewal efforts. [Extracted from the article]

This essay traces the expression of censorious affects toward Spain's emeritus King Juan Carlos I in two films produced in the aftermath of the Great Recession (2007–2009). Centring on Santiago Sierra and Jorge Galindo's Los encargados (2012) and El Rey (Alberto San Juan & Valentín Álvarez, 2018), I argue that cinematic forms of complaint provide an ideal vehicle for contesting the future of the Bourbon monarchy. In the context of the (post-)crisis, both take aim at the Crown, using complaint as a genre to debate social attachments and interrogate narratives linked to the history of democracy in contemporary Spain. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Biography is one of the most potent arts of democracy because it links the individual to the body politic and to history. It stands in parallel with independent long-form journalism. Whereas independent journalism is under threat, biography is currently one of the most popular and productive genres of publishing, breaking down the stratification of readership associated with almost every other category of writing. In the academy, the status of biography has transformed over the last few decades, with historians embracing the genre, literary studies scholars experimenting with form, and a wealth of new infrastructure embedding biographical inquiry in Australia. The biographical turn in Australia has brought the two disciplines of history and literary studies closer together and enriched their scholarship. David Marr's Patrick White, Fiona Capp's My Blood's Country, Mark McKenna's Return to Uluru and Alexis Wright's Tracker are just some examples of the field over the last 30 years. This article considers the principles underpinning contemporary biography and its practice. It reflects on the particular challenges of writing about living subjects, negotiating intimacy and privacy, and the uses of empathic listening in biographical interviews. It also explores the value of collective biography as a genre of current significance. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article examines the place of the United Diet in Prussia of 1847 in the history of Prussian-German democracy, which should also be seen in the context of the "spirit of religion". In doing so, the article will show that the United Landtag resulted on the one hand from the religious monarchical understanding of the state, and on the other hand from the shift in focus of the Prussian old conservatives from church to state politics. The focus is on the party-building processes of the liberal opposition and the conservative defenders of the monarchical system, showing that for the latter the importance of the United Landtag lies primarily as a space of experience for the revolutionary and "reactionary" period that followed in 1848. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The Prussian General Synod of 1846 has been understood as the ecclesiastical precursor of the Vereinigte Landtag of 1847. This essay argues that the General Synod was rather convened by the king on the model of the "Vereinigte Ausschüsse " of 1842. To the extent granted to them by the rules of procedure, the synodals adopted democratic ideas and practices within the limits of their "Ständebewußtsein", widely viewed them critically in the church, and vehemently rejected them in the political context. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The Charles Brockden Brown Society held its Fourteenth Biennial Conference at the University of Nottingham in the UK in September 2023. The conference focused on the theme of "Crime, Justice, and Cultures of Transgression in Early America" and featured presentations from scholars around the world. Topics discussed included the role of transgression in promoting natural human rights reform during the American Revolution, the rhetoric of imprisonment in captivity narratives, the concept of metaphysics in Brown's novels, and the portrayal of spies and espionage in Anglo-American writing. The conference also included discussions on disability, race, gender, and the portrayal of enslaved peoples in literature. Additionally, a sneak preview of the film adaptation of Brown's novel "Wieland or the Transformation" was shown. The conference provided an opportunity for scholars to explore the development of American democratic republican forms of government and social protest. [Extracted from the article]

Copyright of Historische Zeitschrift is the property of De Gruyter and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This study examines how the role of religion in a democratic environment is related to the history of democracy itself, especially in the country of Nigeria in 2023. Religious leaders often mobilize their congregations or allow politicians to use their podiums to mobilize support during elections. The findings of this study imply that religious leaders have now become active political actors in Nigeria, a country divided along ethnic and religious lines. The mobilization of voters based on ethnic and religious sentiments will have a negative impact on the development of democracy in the country, in the sense that leaders are chosen not based on the leadership qualities they possess or based on their competence, but rather based on primordial sentiments. This research uses explanatory research to explain and examine how religious leaders influence the results of several elections in Nigeria, especially the 2023 elections. This research uses secondary data from the Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC), an election management body in Nigeria. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Gustav Mayer, a German-Jewish historian, is known for his pioneering work on German social democracy and his biography of Friedrich Engels. Born into a Jewish family in Prenzlau, Mayer faced challenges due to his religious background. He worked as a journalist before becoming a private scholar and publishing several books on the history of the socialist labor movement in Germany. Mayer faced discrimination and rejection during his career, including being expelled from his university post by the Nazi regime. He eventually found refuge in England with the support of individuals and continued his academic work. Mayer's life is explored in a biography by Gottfried Niedhart, which provides valuable insights into the history of the German historical profession and German-Jewish history. [Extracted from the article]

The article discusses the name change of the journal "Twentieth Century British History" to "Modern British History" and the reasons behind this change. The journal aims to broaden its scope beyond the 1990s and reflect its openness to work on the recent past. It also explores the challenges of defining "modernity" and "Britishness" in the field of modern British history, emphasizing the need to consider transnational contexts and expand methodologies and approaches. The article further examines the impact of digitization on historical research, highlighting both the opportunities and limitations it presents. It also addresses the importance of embracing digital methodologies and acknowledges the impact of working conditions and inequalities in higher education on the field of history. The issue of the journal includes various commentaries, roundtables, and reflections on the field, as well as showcasing the journal's initiatives and award-winning articles. The authors express gratitude to contributors and emphasize the significance of peer review in sustaining the vitality and robustness of the field. [Extracted from the article]

The book "Venezuela - Dimensions of a Crisis: A Perspective on Democratic Backsliding" edited by Miguel Angel Latouche, Wolfgang Muno, and Alexandra Gericke provides a multidimensional analysis of the crisis in Venezuela. The book is divided into three sections, covering theoretical perspectives, domestic factors, and international interactions. It explores the rise of Chavismo and the decline of liberal democracy in Venezuela, examining ideological factors, the role of political parties, and the impact on public administration and the military. The book also discusses the international dimension of the crisis, including the positions of the European Union and the United States, as well as the relationship with neighboring Colombia. While the book does not extensively explore the role of China and Russia, it offers valuable insights into the limits of democracy in Venezuela. [Extracted from the article]

The Journal of the Faculty of Arts of the University of Porto has released issue 14 of the IV Series, with the theme "Education and Democracy: histories and memories of the last 50 years". The thematic dossier includes studies on the relationship between education and democracy in different political and social contexts, addressing topics such as the conquest of democracy in Portugal, debates and struggles for democracy and freedom, public education policies, pedagogical innovation, and international cooperation. The studies also explore the history of education in different periods and contexts, such as the experience of History teachers in Espírito Santo, pedagogical coordination during the military dictatorship in Bahia, the struggle for the right to education in Baixada Fluminense, among others. The objective is to rescue memory and reflect on the importance of education for democracy. [Extracted from the article]

The European Union is a unique political and legal construct. The role it plays in developing and safeguarding the fundamental values and principles underpinning democracy and the rule of law is immense for every Member State. Unfortunately, the challenges it has had to face in recent years have multiplied and intensified: from the Covid-19 pandemic to economic crises, migration, EU-scepticism, and the war in Ukraine. The European decision-makers have had to respond quickly to all these crises with concrete and viable solutions. At the end of the upcoming election, we will see whether they succeeded or not in dealing with all the crises. The 2024 European elections will be opening a new page in the history of the European democracy. They elections will be a test, both for those who will stand as candidates and for the European citizens who will vote. For the Union and its citizens, „the achievement of peace", which is one of the key objectives in Robert Schuman's Declaration2, remains to be fulfilled. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article is a book review of "Die Zukunft mit China denken" (Thinking the Future with China), an anthology edited by Daniel Fuchs, Sascha Klotzbücher, Andrea Riemenschnitter, Lena Springer, and Felix Wemheuer. The book explores different Chinese visions of the future and the role of China as a world power. It includes contributions on political futurology, economic development strategies, labor struggles, environmental policy, literature, and the reflection of Sinology. The book provides a multidisciplinary perspective and is recommended for experts and interested readers. Another book mentioned in the article is "Imperial Gateway: Colonial Taiwan and Japan's Expansion in South China and Southeast Asia, 1895-1945" by Seiji Shirane, which examines the history of the Government-General of Taiwan and its concept of "gateway imperialism." The book challenges the notion that Taiwan was marginal to Japan's foreign policies and highlights its role as a center for Japan's southern military advance. [Extracted from the article]

Copyright of Sociologia, Problemas e Práticas is the property of Centro de Investigacao e Estudos de Sociologia and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Westfälische Forschungen is the property of Aschendorff Verlag GmbH & Co. KG and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Debates on the proportionality of political representation surfaced repeatedly, and in similar forms, from the English to the American and French Revolutions. They contributed to shaping those revolutions' outcomes and, through them, to the emergence of modern democracy – especially so as they were linked up with voting rights: demands to make seats in assemblies more numerically proportionate to electorates – in other words, to weigh all votes equally – implied the equal weight of individual votes and thus also entailed calls for more equal standards regarding the right to vote. This did not yet signify voting rights for all: only specific categories of individuals – as a rule, male and propertied – were considered, even by the most 'enlightened' writers, to be politically entitled. Nevertheless, it was only one step from here to envisage voting rights for all individuals – or at least, for the time being, for all male individuals – as can also be seen in all three revolutions. If claims for more proportional and equal representation showed their full impact only on the American and French Revolutions, finally, this was due to the intervening emergence of statistics (or 'political arithmetic') as a tool of reflection and debate that gave numbers and calculations increasing persuasive power. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

However, because democratic universality remained a moral claim within traditional International Law of equally sovereign states, they were not able to institutionalize democracy appropriately I within i the respectively single national state until 1945. Therefore, democracy does not work as long as it is democracy in one country alone - and each country, nation, national state is alone within old International Law of equally sovereign states (as God was before creation). Already in response to the loss of agency in the age of finance-driven global capitalism with "market-embedded states" ([23]), the state itself has become a tightly interconnected organization within a global network of segmentally differentiated state and non-state political organizations, causing major problems for democracy ([20]). However, it fails methodologically in its application to the Russian war of aggression against Ukraine because this war is not just a war between two national states but a war within a highly complex and legally I institutionalized i world society in which all wars have become world wars. [Extracted from the article]

2 Danielle Allen, I Our Declaration: A Reading of the Declaration of Independence in Defense of Equality i (New York: Liveright Publishing, 2014), 31. 3 Danielle Allen, I Difference Without Domination i : I Pursuing Justice in Diverse Democracies i (Chicago, IL: University of Chicago Press, 2020), 42. 4 Allen, I Our Declaration i , 23. 5 Danielle Allen. In this century we must commit ourselves to the democratic wholeness that Allen has described throughout her oeuvre - even when we do not see it from the same political-ideological vantage - or we will lose democracy itself to history, and I think that's the very stark and grave choice that is before us. Keywords: democracy; inequality; organizing; pragmatism; structural change; political change EN democracy inequality organizing pragmatism structural change political change 851 856 6 10/03/23 20231001 NES 231001 I have known Danielle Allen since I was a graduate student at the University of Chicago. [Extracted from the article]

The article discusses the decline in popularity of John Rawls' political philosophy and the need for a renewed and updated version of Rawlsianism. The authors of the book "Legitimation by Constitution," Frank Michelman and Alessandro Ferrara, argue that Rawls' work was successful in establishing a nonideal conception of normativity, but it needs to be modified to address the challenges of the present moment. They propose expanding on Rawls' principle of liberal legitimacy to accommodate hyperpluralism and emphasize the importance of democratic constituent power in establishing democratic legitimacy. The book offers intriguing ideas for refurbishing Rawlsianism and stimulating further discussion on political philosophy. [Extracted from the article]

The article provides information on the 58th Annual Commonwealth Parliamentary Association Canadian Regional Conference held in 2022, in Prince Edward Island, Canada. It mentions that despite being a small jurisdiction, PEI successfully hosted one of the first in-person parliamentary conferences in Canada following the COVID-19 pandemic, showcasing the island's commitment to parliamentary service and hospitality.

Long-established liberal democracies with histories of settler colonialism—from the United States and Canada to Australia and Scandinavia—are beginning to explore their histories of violence and dispossession. This, in many ways, is long overdue, but the desire to come to terms with past injustices should not obscure the challenges that still stand in the way of any reasonable effort to do so. We argue that transitional justice can be applied to colonial history in liberal democracies, but there are major conceptual and practical obstacles that need to be overcome if this is to happen in meaningful ways. We explore three of these obstacles here that are particularly significant: the doctrine of intertemporal law, the unequal power balance between the Global North and the Global South, and national identity. If these are to be overcome, it is important to tie historical to present injustices and to incorporate, beyond violations of physical rights, violations of economic and social rights that are particularly relevant for understanding continuities between past and ongoing violations. These rights are commonly neglected even by states that recognize a broad set of liberal rights and have the capacity to ensure that they are realized, and represent a promising avenue for pursuing a truly inclusive, equitable, and universal understanding of justice. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Araucaria is the property of Araucaria-Revista Iberoamericana de Filosofia, Politica y Humanidades and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Teoría & Derecho. Revista de Pensamiento Jurídico is the property of Editorial Tirant Lo Blanch SL and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Vierteljahrshefte für Zeitgeschichte is the property of De Gruyter and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This document provides a comprehensive list of scholarly events, books, and papers in Hungarian legal history in 2022. The articles cover a wide range of topics, including the Golden Bull, criminal law, military jurisdiction, and the history of legal institutions. The publications offer valuable insights into the development of legal systems and the impact of historical events on legal practices in Hungary and beyond. Researchers interested in studying Hungarian law and its historical development will find this document to be a valuable resource. [Extracted from the article]

Ian O'Flynn is a political theorist with more than twenty years of experience in the field of deliberative democracy. This duality, O'Flynn explains, implies that the key discussions regarding deliberative democracy should be rooted in the meaning and value of democracy, but simultaneously should explore empirical concerns relating to deliberative practice. O'Flynn notes that while the normative legitimation of democracies (the key concern of deliberative democracy) can be seen as enormously powerful, it is at the same time extremely vague. [Extracted from the article]

This article offers a genealogy of Álvaro Vieira Pinto's philosophy of development and argues that populism and democracy can interact in complementary or antithetical terms. A contextualized reading of Vieira Pinto's work indicates that populism strengthens democracy when it resists neocolonialism and expands popular participation. However, populism goes against democracy if it adopts an exclusionary conception of the people that denies pluralism. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The 2014 Scottish independence referendum settled little in terms of Scotland's constitutional future. The after‐effects of what was the largest exercise in democracy in Scottish history certainly increased Scotland's devolved authority but, following withdrawal from the EU and with continuing differences and disagreements between the Westminster and Scottish governments, there have been increasing demands for a second referendum. One aspect of these conversations has been about the voting rights of Scots living outside Scotland, whose relationship with the nation would certainly be impacted by any successful vote for Scottish independence. And yet, they have had no voice in that decision and despite calls for their inclusion in any future vote, such inclusion remains unlikely. This article examines the reasons why such inclusion would be challenging and then considers what the Scottish diaspora think about Scottish independence and voting rights, by considering qualitative responses to a survey of members of the Scottish diaspora. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This research was carried out on the establishment, development, intellectual line, declaration and especially the program of The Turkish National Society, which was established during the armistice period. No comprehensive scientific studies have been conducted on The Turkish National Society until today. This society was established on November 23, 1918, after the signing of the Armistice of Mudros on October 30, 1918, and emerged under the leadership of the educational intellectuals of the period. The founders of the society are Halil Nimetullah (Öztürk), Mehmet Sadi, Halit Fahri (Ozansoy), Servet, Hıfzı Tevfik (Gönensay) and Rıza İzzet. These educator intellectuals defended the idea of Turkish nationalism in an intellectual sense. Two main factors are effective in the emergence of The Turkish National Society. The first of these is to defend this feature of the Turkish nation, which has civilized qualifications, against the entire civilized world with its evidence and documents. The second important factor is to re-establish solidarity in the country by gathering the society, which was on the verge of disintegration after the armistice, around the idea of Turkish nationalism. When The Turkish National Society was founded, it published a society program consisting of twenty-four articles. Since all the founders of the society were educators, one of the important issues focused on is the issue of education and training. Accordingly, the society aims to spread its educational activities throughout the country and to increase the quality of education as much as possible. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]